Suchergebnisse

Description of "tribal done" within the Mauritanian regions ; Description du "fait tribal " au sein des régions mauritaniennes

Description of "tribal done" within the Mauritanian regions ; Description du "fait tribal " au sein des régions mauritaniennes

Description of "tribal done" within the Mauritanian regions ; Description du "fait tribal " au sein des régions mauritaniennes

Description of "tribal done" within the Mauritanian regions ; Description du "fait tribal " au sein des régions mauritaniennes

In this essay, I begin by distinguishing Pynchon's fictional character of William Slothrop from his real-life counterpart: Thomas Pynchon's colonial ancestor William Pynchon. By pointing out the similarities and also the differences between the historical Pynchon and the literary creation of his eleventh-generation descendant I am able to highlight recurring themes and images in the text of Gravity's Rainbow and to suggest how these inherited points of interest have been developed in subsequent works, such as Mason & Dixon. I begin, then, with a brief chronological account of the life of William Pynchon. Aspects of his life, such as his heretical ideas expressed in The Meritorious Price of Our Redemption (1650) and his involvement with controversial debates such as the Remonstrants' Petition, signal his status as model for the dissenting Puritan William Slothrop. However, this is a very partial representation of William Pynchon whose activities as a statesman, entrepreneur, frontiersman, and politician illuminate elements of Gravity's Rainbow not usually associated with the character of William Slothrop. These elements include: the family as empire; the critique of capitalism; the politics of colonialism; the construction of nation states and the determination of political boundaries; the psychology of power and the suppression of dissent. Gravity's Rainbow is one place where Thomas Pynchon explores many of the implications of his ancestor's colonial adventure: in his representation of relationships between colonizers and their colonized; in his investigations into the psychology of capitalism and its relationship with Protestant/Puritan theology; in his depiction of "Them" and the political manipulations of sovereign nation-states "They" achieve to further their own ambitions; and in his literary portrait of the Slothrop family which bears so many key similarities to the historical Pynchon family. My aim is to offer an historical analogue to the classic interpretations of Gravity's Rainbow and indeed the ...

Colonialism brought Africa a process of state formation upon which post-independence rulers have further built. Such modern government needs modern types of legitimisation; one cannot have it both ways. In trying to explain what this means we will take Lincoln's definition as a starting point. Government of the people means not only self-determination but representation, government for the people may be seen as accountability while government by the people signifies participation. The three concepts are interrelated, as we shall see, and are all necessary aspects of the use of power. Thus, democracy means that power is representative, controllable and should also be participatory.

Includes bibliographical references. ; African-American legal history / Malik Simba -- The religious roots of Black political ideology / Charles P. Henry -- The question of economic incentives as the historical catalyst to Black migration activity / Donald L. Yates -- Economic power of Afro-Americans in labor unions / Wallace L. Gatewood -- Black counterstream migration into the South, 1965-1978 / Marcus E. Jones -- A critical de-mystification of Reaganomics / Wylie S. Rogers -- Soweto [i.e. Soweco] to Soweto : colonialism from the United States Republic of South Africa / Howard O. Lindsey -- Where do we go from here / Vernell I. Scott -- Substantivist theory of development / Jordan Gebre-Mehdin. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The language of Chinese secret societies ('triads') in Hong Kong can be studied by relating triad language to anti-languages, to taboo language, and to the status of the vernacular in sociolinguistic theory. Also examined here are the laws in Hong Kong concerning triad language, and the attitudes of government agencies charged with policing the media. One striking feature of the Hong Kong situation is that the use of triad jargon can in some circumstances constitute a serious criminal offense. However, triad language also appears to be a source of innovation, through the popular media, into mainstream Hong Kong Cantonese. Research on triad language is relevant to the relationship between colonialism and language control. ; published_or_final_version

International audience ; Modern economists quickly relegate the issue of international conflict to the realm of political science, despite the increased use of economic weapons. War then becomes a random external shock that the economic variables used cannot predict. The basic assumption is that the market economy and capitalism normally lead to peace. Most economists since the beginning of the 19th century have considered that the progress of economic knowledge necessarily leads to peace. However, the permanence of wars questions and highlights the powerlessness of the market economy to maintain international peace. Capitalism has come to terms with colonialism, imperialism, slavery, while advocating free trade and industry. Heterodox economists question the future role of a capitalism with little concern for the environment, the climate and the growing inequalities between countries and people. ; Les économistes modernes rangent rapidement la question des conflits internationaux dans les réflexions de sciences politiques, malgré l'usage accru des armes économiques. La guerre devient alors un choc externe aléatoire que les variables économiques utilisées ne peuvent prévoir. L'hypothèse de base est de considérer que l'économie de marché et le capitalisme conduisent normalement à la paix. La plupart des économistes depuis le début du XIXe siècle considèrent que le progrès de la connaissance économique conduire nécessairement à la paix. Or, la permanence des guerres interrogent et mettent en évidence l'impuissance de l'économie de marché à maintenir la paix internationale. Les économistes hétérodoxes contestent le rôle futur d'un capitalisme inégalitaire et peu soucieux de l'environnement, du climat et des inégalités croissantes entre les pays et les hommes. Le capitalisme s'est arrangé avec le colonialisme, l'impérialisme, l'esclavage, alors qu'il prône la liberté du commerce et de l'industrie.

International audience ; Modern economists quickly relegate the issue of international conflict to the realm of political science, despite the increased use of economic weapons. War then becomes a random external shock that the economic variables used cannot predict. The basic assumption is that the market economy and capitalism normally lead to peace. Most economists since the beginning of the 19th century have considered that the progress of economic knowledge necessarily leads to peace. However, the permanence of wars questions and highlights the powerlessness of the market economy to maintain international peace. Capitalism has come to terms with colonialism, imperialism, slavery, while advocating free trade and industry. Heterodox economists question the future role of a capitalism with little concern for the environment, the climate and the growing inequalities between countries and people. ; Les économistes modernes rangent rapidement la question des conflits internationaux dans les réflexions de sciences politiques, malgré l'usage accru des armes économiques. La guerre devient alors un choc externe aléatoire que les variables économiques utilisées ne peuvent prévoir. L'hypothèse de base est de considérer que l'économie de marché et le capitalisme conduisent normalement à la paix. La plupart des économistes depuis le début du XIXe siècle considèrent que le progrès de la connaissance économique conduire nécessairement à la paix. Or, la permanence des guerres interrogent et mettent en évidence l'impuissance de l'économie de marché à maintenir la paix internationale. Les économistes hétérodoxes contestent le rôle futur d'un capitalisme inégalitaire et peu soucieux de l'environnement, du climat et des inégalités croissantes entre les pays et les hommes. Le capitalisme s'est arrangé avec le colonialisme, l'impérialisme, l'esclavage, alors qu'il prône la liberté du commerce et de l'industrie.

International audience ; Modern economists quickly relegate the issue of international conflict to the realm of political science, despite the increased use of economic weapons. War then becomes a random external shock that the economic variables used cannot predict. The basic assumption is that the market economy and capitalism normally lead to peace. Most economists since the beginning of the 19th century have considered that the progress of economic knowledge necessarily leads to peace. However, the permanence of wars questions and highlights the powerlessness of the market economy to maintain international peace. Capitalism has come to terms with colonialism, imperialism, slavery, while advocating free trade and industry. Heterodox economists question the future role of a capitalism with little concern for the environment, the climate and the growing inequalities between countries and people. ; Les économistes modernes rangent rapidement la question des conflits internationaux dans les réflexions de sciences politiques, malgré l'usage accru des armes économiques. La guerre devient alors un choc externe aléatoire que les variables économiques utilisées ne peuvent prévoir. L'hypothèse de base est de considérer que l'économie de marché et le capitalisme conduisent normalement à la paix. La plupart des économistes depuis le début du XIXe siècle considèrent que le progrès de la connaissance économique conduire nécessairement à la paix. Or, la permanence des guerres interrogent et mettent en évidence l'impuissance de l'économie de marché à maintenir la paix internationale. Les économistes hétérodoxes contestent le rôle futur d'un capitalisme inégalitaire et peu soucieux de l'environnement, du climat et des inégalités croissantes entre les pays et les hommes. Le capitalisme s'est arrangé avec le colonialisme, l'impérialisme, l'esclavage, alors qu'il prône la liberté du commerce et de l'industrie.

Review of: Blood on their Banner: Nationalist Struggles in the South Pacific, by David Robie. London, Zed Books, 1989; Sydney: Pluto Press, 1990; Manila: Malaya Books, 1991. Events in recent years in the South Pacific have dispelled hitherto widely held perceptions of the region as a peacefully modernising backwater of traditional societies. In particular, the 1987 coups in Fiji galvanised the attention of politicians and academics. But in truth, this was just one of a series of crises besetting South Pacific island states. David Robie'sBlood on their Bannergoes beyond the many accounts focusing on the Fiji coups to link together a range of events under the rubric of responses to colonialism and the emergence of Pacific nationalism. His credentials for doing this are excellent.

In the newly independent states of Asia, Africa and Latin America political elites play a very cnicial role in nation-building. The role of the elites in nation building in Pakistan during 1947- 1971 period is analysed. In the newly independent states of Asia, Africa and Latin America political elites play a very crucial role in nation-building. Rupert Emerson rightly pointed out that "many of the new states of Asia and Africa are not yet nations in being but only nations in hope. Nationalism in these countries came as a movement against western colonialism rather than a movement for a positive, coherent national identityl". In their move towards independence the national political elites had to struggle for a long time for achieving freedom from foreign control and domination.

This analysis of the two novels highlights Marguerite Duras' equivocal stance with regard to colonial Indochina where she grew up at the beginning of the century. As The Lover rewrites The Sea Wall in the autobiographical mode, the emphasis shifts from an explicit denunciation of colonialism and an implicit subversion of the Lotilian novel, to a parody of exotic themes and narratives. However, by focusing on the two young protagonists' construction of themselves as femmes fatales and prostitutes, this discussion reveals that the politics of gender and race remain at odds in Duras' fictional autobiographies. The cultural other (qua a passive indigenous population in The Sea Wall, qua eroticized oriental[ized] bodies in The Lover) remains a measure of the protagonist's construction as a female subject; a measure, in Chandra Mohanty's words, of the "liberated" western woman's "discursive self-presentation."

International audience ; While the idea of disarmament for development is not new, economists, who have always questioned the cost of defence and its inevitable slide into war, have never favoured it. For the neoclassic analyse, the market economy leads inexorably to peace, unless political considerations are developed. For Marxists and socialists, on the other hand, capitalism carries within it conflicts, especially class or imperialist ones. In the case of colonialism or military domination over another country, war can be considered a factor of development if political independence can be recognized, even by force. The German historical school even considers war in general as a factor of economic revolution, because military needs have played a predominant role in the phenomenon of industrial concentration and economic development. Moreover, the economy can itself be a weapon. Finally, few economists have focused on disarmament for development. ; Si l'idée d'un désarmement pour le développement n'est pas nouvelle, elle n'a jamais été privilégiée par les économistes, lesquels se sont quand même toujours interrogés sur le coût de la défense et ses dérapages inévitables vers les guerres. Pour les néoclassiques, l'économie de marché conduit inexorablement à la paix, sauf si des considérations politiques sont développées. Par contre, pour les marxistes et socialistes, le capitalisme porte en lui les conflits, notamment de classe ou impérialistes. Dans le cas d'un colonialisme ou d'une domination militaire sur un autre pays, la guerre peut être considérée comme un facteur de développement si l'indépendance politique peut être reconnue, même par la force. L'école historique allemande considère même la guerre en général comme un facteur de révolution économique, car les besoins militaires ont houé un rôle prépondérant dans le phénomène de la concentration industrielle et du développement économique. En outre, l'économie peut elle-même constituer une arme. Finalement, peu d'économistes se sont penchés sur le ...