Irish journalism developed during the 19th century at a time of tremendous change. While journalists were involved in the debates about nationalism, both as commentators and in many cases activists, they also developed a journalism practice that corresponded to the professional norms of journalists in Britain and the United States. It would appear that the middle-class nature of Irish journalists meant there was a dual pressure towards professionalising journalism and fighting for legislative independence. Both factors came together in the development of a public sphere, where professional journalists were involved in creating public opinion.
Colonialism is one of the most emotion ally charged concepts in contemporary language. It is perceived in radically different ways by the colonizers and the colonized. Francisco de Gomara (1552), Adam Smith (1776) and Karl Marx (1848) described the discovery of the Americas and the sea route to India as the two most important events recorded in the history of humankind.1 Four hundred years later, K. M. Panikkar in his famous book Asia and Western Dominance characterized the 'Vasco da Gama era' as the beginning of the political domination of Asia by Europe.2 In 1992, on the occasion of the 500th anniversary of the "discovery" of America by Columbus, there was large scale condemnation of it as an invasion, colonization, legalised occupation, genocide, economic exploitation, eco logical destruction, institutional racism and moral decadence.3 On the same tone ran the voices of protest this year, on the occasion of the 500th anniversary of the arrival of Vasco da Gama in India. The Government of India announced that no official commemoration of the event would take place, and social activists planned protest actions against the event which they saw as the beginning of the colonization of the country.4 There are others, however, who warn against historical amnesia and want us to look at history more realistically. According to the famous ecclesiastical historian A. M. Mundadan, to picture the arrival of Vasco da Gama only as a black memory will be historically unjustifiable.
Lamberg-Karlovsky, C. C. "Politics and Archaeology : Colonialism, Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Archaeology, Part 1," The Review of Archaeology 18 (1997): 1-4, continué "Politics and Archaeology Colonialism, Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Archaeology, Part 2," The Review of Archaeology 19 (1998): 35-46.
British colonial power decisively established itself on the Indian subcontinent between 1770and 1830. This period and the century following it have become the subjects of muchcreative and insightful research on medical history: the use of medical institutions andpersonnel as tools for political leverage and power; Anglicist/Orientalist debatessurrounding medical education in Calcutta; the birth of so-called Tropical Medicine. Despitemuch propaganda to the contrary, European medicine did not offer its services in a vacuum.Long-established and sophisticated medical systems already existed in India, developing innew and interesting ways in the period just before the mid-eighteenth century.
The aim of the article is to discuss the distinction between the East and the West or Orient and Occident and the importance of geographical demarcations for the civilizational analysis. The author notes the cultural grounds of the distinction and questions its uses to understand and the democratic modes of life on the hand and despotic on the other. The author develops the analysis of the liberalizing and constraining aspects of modes of life by discussing the role of the everyday discourse, imagination, mass media, arts and aesthetic taste in the formation of the stratified societal relations. ; Civilizacijos tyrinėtojų šiandien sutartinai pripažįstama, kad dvipusio geografinio skirstymo (Rytai/Vakarai, Orientas/Okcidentas) pagrindas yra veikiau kultūros, bet ne geografiniai veiksniai. Straipsnyje bandoma atsakyti į svarbų civilizacijos analizės klausimą: kiek iš nuolatinio Rytų ir Vakarų gretinimo galima daryti išvadų apie universaliuosius despotizmo ir demokratijos modelius, kuriuose savitai atsiskleidžia istoriškai sudėtinga galios įteisinimo istorija, derinanti du prieštaringus - laisvės ir suvaržymų - pradus. Pateikiami argumentai, susiję su ideologiniais "reikšmių racionalizavimo" veiksniais, kurie rodo kasdienio diskurso ir vaizduotės, žiniasklaidos, populiariųjų menų ir estetinių skonių svarbą formuojantis reikšmingoms socialinėms padėtims šiuolaikinėse visuomenėse.
The relationship between the federal and territorial governments in Canada has been described as colonial because important decisions affecting the territories can be, and have been, imposed upon them by the federal government. In the 1980s, the federal government utilized its power to unilaterally impose constitutional changes which were perceived by Northerners as being contrary to their interests. This Yukon case study exemplifies that colonial relationship in the context of language rights. ; On a décrit la relation entre les gouvernements fédéral et territoriaux au Canada comme coloniale parce que les décisions importantes affectant les territoires peuvent être - et ont été - imposées à ces derniers par le gouvernement fédéral. Au cours des années 1980, le gouvernement fédéral a utilisé son pouvoir pour imposer de façon unilatérale des changements constitutionnels qui ont été perçus par les habitants du Grand Nord comme contraires à leurs intérêts. Cette étude de cas au Yukon illustre cette relation coloniale dans le contexte des droits linguistiques.
In the first part of this paper selected narratives of early exploration of Northwest Amazonia are analysed with the intention to reveal the values that colonisers and scientist hold at the moment of encountering indigenous peoples. It is argued that these values were transformed and adapted for the development of Economic Botany. The discussion continues on questioning: 'Were ethnosciences shaped by imperialistic motives?', 'Has the ethnology of Northwest Amazonia contributed to intercultural dialogue or has it all been part of a colonialist project of Northwest Amazon?'. In the second part of the paper a narrative is presented. The narrative describes a process through which the values of liberal democracy were to be imprinted in indigenous peoples' organisations of the Colombian Amazonia during the 1990s. Leví-Strauss' perspective of intervention: "the society we belong to is the only society we are in a position to transform without risk of destroying it" (Levi-Strauss1973: 392) its taken to develop a critical appraisal of the process described. The paper finalises with a call for ethnoscientists to consider 'fair play' rather than 'objectivity' when attempting research in Northwest Amazonia. It is concluded that Amazonia and its indigenous population would gain much if each political actor (including scientists) would express their own subjectivity clearly and without hesitation.
This dissertation develops from the contention that a significant body of the literary activity of white South Africans since the 1970s can be characterised as a form of modernism. This characterisation devolves less upon the formal attributes of a body of literary writing than upon the particular position it occupies In the cultural sphere during this period . That position is one of political and cultural marginality. White writing is distanced from both the official culture of the state and an emergent populist culture associated with the urban social collectivities that begin to play an increasingly important role in the political life of South African society during the 1970s. In an introductory section, a comparison is drawn between the responses to social marginality within South African white writing and the reconsiderations of the political mission of literature by Jean-Paul Sartre and Roland Barthes, formulated in post - War France. The first chapter sets out a brief description of the cri sis that besets the South African social formation during the 1970s. The racial logic upon which the South African economy and social order is subtended comes under attack from two related sources. The first is the growing economic and political instability of the racial-capitalist system, while the second is renewed resistance to the manifest racially-ordered inequalities sponsored by that system. As discussed in the second chapter, this gathering crisis of their society impells white writers and intellectuals to question and revise long-held paradigms of thought and practices of representation, drawing on the resources of comparable revisions of established paradigms taking place in western thought. Equally, these writers and intellectuals become concerned with the critical re-examination of established accounts of the ethical vocation and social function of intellectual and literary work. But white writers and intellectuals were, in the polarised political conditions of the 1970s, unable to find a home in emergent internal opposition organisations predicated, for the most part, on versions of an anti- colonial nationalism. In the third chapter, consideration is given to the critique that begins to circulate in the period, of the associations of the South African literary and literary-critical establishment with the interests of white hegemony. This critique leads white writers such as Nadine Gordimer and JM Coetzee to reject a literary tradition found to be rooted in a colonial past and embodying colonial assumptions that are no longer tenable. This rejection of their cultural patrimony leads white writers to seek new ways of imagining the relationship between their writing and their society, as well as new forms capable of representing that altered relationship. At the same time however, this critical reflection upon the coloniality of established literary practices and forms, distances white writing from the populist and realist concerns of writers associated with emergent oppositional cultural formations . Developments during the 1970s serve to make the cultural sphere an important zone of political contestation. In the fourth chapter some of the tactics and manoeuvres in this contest are disc us sed. White writers adopt a modernist defence of their relative isolation from political actuality and their failure to conform to the requirements of a socially-committed literature. The development of a body of committed literature by black writers is discussed. However, the formal inconsistency of this literature ' s relationship to " realism" indicates that in the South African situation, "realism" and "modernism" are less a matter of the formal characteristics of a given body of literary work than a description of the differentiations in the audience, social function and ambitions of white and black writing. The dissertation is therefore aimed at pro vi ding an account of the historical ground that gives rise to this racial division of literature and literary activity in South Africa. Such an account serves to historicise and contextualise the various positions on commitment, artistic responsibility, the politicisation of art and the question of the capacity of cultural organisations to prescribe the form or content of artistic production, which are the subject of controversy in present-day South Africa.
Writers on colonial education have generally assumed that colonial curricula were tools of metropolitan political and cultural 'hegemony'. In particular, it is alleged that colonial history curricula neglected or ignored the histories of indigenous populations. Through analysing the case of Chinese History in Hong Kong, this article demonstrates that these assumptions are highly misleading. Far from exercising 'hegemonical' authority over the school curriculum, the colonial government was to a large extent the prisoner of its local collaborators. For reasons of political as well as educational expediency, in the post-war years the government initiated a conservative Chinese History curriculum to be taught alongside the separate subject of 'History'. Subsequently, a strong Chinese History subject community evolved, who by appealing to nationalist sentiment were able to resist successfully the calls for reform. As a result, efforts by both the colonial and post-colonial administrations to resolve the anomaly of having two history subjects have proved fruitless. ; postprint
This paper discusses whether the Western democracy promotion project of exporting civil society to the Balkans is a form of colonialism. In particular, it deals with they system of project life, and project culture which has structured Western development interventions. Examples come from the author's own work as consultant in Bosnia, Albania and Romania in the field of civil society/NGO development
In both African and Asian colonies until the late 19th century, colonial medicine operated pragmatically to meet the medical needs first of colonial officers and troops, immigrant settlers, and laborers responsible for economic development, then of indigenous populations when their ill health threatened the well-being of the expatriate population. Since the turn of the century, however, the consequences of colonial expansion and development for indigenous people's health had become increasingly apparent, and disease control and public health programs were expanded in this light. These programs increased government surveillance of populations at both community and household levels. As a consequence, colonial states extended institutional oversight and induced dependency through public health measures. Drawing on my own work on colonial Malaya, I illustrate developments in public health and their links to the moral logic of colonialism and its complementarity to the political economy.
Metadata only record ; In analyzing the obstacles to democratization in post-independence Africa, Mahmood Mamdani offers a bold, insightful account of colonialism's legacy--a bifurcated power that mediated racial domination through tribally organized local authorities, reproducing racial identity in citizens and ethnic identity in subjects. Many writers have understood colonial rule as either direct (French) or indirect (British), with a third variant--apartheid--as exceptional. This benign terminology, Mamdani shows, masks the fact that these were actually variants of despotism. While direct rule denied rights to subjects on racial grounds, indirect rule incorporated them into a customary mode of rule, with state-appointed Native Authorities defining custom. By tapping authoritarian possibilities in culture, and by giving culture an authoritarian bent, indirect rule (decentralized despotism) set the pace for Africa; the French followed suit by changing from direct to indirect administration, while apartheid emerged relatively later. Apartheid, Mamdani shows, was actually the generic form of the colonial state in Africa. Through case studies of rural (Uganda) and urban (South Africa) resistance movements, we learn how these institutional features fragment resistance and how states tend to play off reform in one sector against repression in the other. Reforming a power that institutionally enforces tension between town and country, and between ethnicities, is the key challenge for anyone interested in democratic reform in Africa.
Key moments in the evolution of adult education in Hong Kong are explored: these shed light on the relationship between adult education, economic development, and democratisation under late colonialsim.
La discussion sur la colonisation portugaise contemporaine se situe nécessairement au carrefour de deux débats: un premier, relatif à la nature du système politique en vigueur en métropole de 1930-33 à 1974 (la "Situation" ou Estado Novo); un second, sur la profondeur des caractéristiques particulières de la colonisation, du Congrès de Berlin (1884-85) à 1974, c'est-à-dire d'un phénomène sur lequel 'Estado Novo a pesé d'un poids considérable mais qui lui est antérieur. Pour résumer (trop) rapidement la question, on pourrait la forrnuler en deux temps: si la rnétropole a connu un régirne "fasciste", les colonies ont-elles été "colonial-fascistes"? si la métropole ne peut être caractérisée de la sorte, est-ce également pour cela que l'empire n'a pas revêtu la forme d'un "colonial-fascisme"? Le débat est en réalité beaucoup plus vaste. II s'agit, pour appréhender les réalités du complexe Portugal/Empire au XXe siècle, de savoir si nous avons besoín de concepts particuliers soulignant l' "exception" lusitanienne ou si, à l'inverse, cette histoire n'est compréhnsible qu' en recourant aux concepts généraux de l'histoire des imperialisms européenns de ce siècle.
For many outsiders, the accelerating failure of governments in western Melanesia in the last decade has been difficult to understand. At independence, though their resources ranged from the rich diversity in Papua New Guinea to the less abundant, but still substantial in Solomon Islands, it seemed that with goodwill and some temporary assistance from developed nations in the region their future would be assured. Yet since independence, overall Melanesian living standards and personal security have declined; and more and more aid is being requested from donors. This essay seeks to answer the questions, "What went wrong in Solomon Islands? Why was the government overthrown in mid 2000? Why did civil war erupt mainly between Guadalcanal and Malaitan people?" The answers are to be found partly in recent regional and global factors that have impacted this state since independence, such as the Bougainville conflict, the fall in commodity prices in the 1980s, and the burgeoning of Neo-Classical economics in the West. More significant, however, are the deeper structures and patterns of the more distant past. This essay will first examine the nature of traditional Solomons' societies and how these operated at the local level, the significance of local identity, and other enduring Melanesian values that continue to influence politics. The nature of Christianity and colonialism will next be considered because these have also left their mark, often changing the balance of population-resource ratios, encouraging greater mobility and raising expectations that have fostered dependence on global economic linkages. Regional expressions of social, economic and political ways and means emerged both before and after the Second World War, but these indigenous protest movements largely collapsed in the face of the colonial government's opposition. This essay argues that independent governments have not fulfilled the aspirations they represented. Though Christianity in its various forms has become more naturalised, the political structures bequeathed by the British are foreign additions that have not sat well on the Melanesian foundation. Yet Solomon Islander politicians in the years since independence have done no more than tinker with them, because they have given such men a degree of personal power in the disposal of resources. The incongruities and failure of these structures to deliver good governance peaked in 2000, with conflict between the Guadalcanal and Malaitan militias. These incongruities remain still, in spite of some propping up of the semblance of government by interested outside nations and donor bodies. ; AusAID
