Suchergebnisse

Les descendants des immigrés sont devenus aujourd'hui français pour la plupart, alors que le regard posé sur eux n'a pas varié, entraînant leur éviction vers les banlieues, et la précarisation de leur situation. Pour ne pas avoir admis que c'est le regard colonial dévalorisant, porté durant des dizaines d'années sur les populations immigrées fragilisées, qui persiste, la société se retrouve dans une impasse, à la merci de tous les pompiers pyromanes.

Résumé L'article traite des discours politiques contemporains sur la colonisation en Afrique et sur l'historiographie qui les informe. Deux métaphores étroitement liées jouent un rôle central dans l'analyse : la dette, souvent décrite comme une « dette de sang » et la « facture », qu'on oppose ici au diagnostic d'une « fracture » sociale coloniale. En partant d'une question d'une simplicité trompeuse – la controverse autour de la dette de sang et des pensions payées aux anciens combattants africains de l'armée coloniale française – on étudiera le rôle donné à l'histoire coloniale dans les discours politiques contemporains en Côte d'Ivoire et en France, avant de revenir sur la pratique de l'écriture de l'histoire, à partir du cas du Mali contemporain. Les évocations du passé colonial – qui variant de la réconciliation à la recolonisation, et de la « fracture » à la « facture » – ont acquis une efficacité nouvelle dans le présent postcolonial parce qu'elles résonnent avec des angoisses vives autour du politique, de la communauté et de la souveraineté.

To attack the rules is to outmaneuver the friends and foes at the lower level of the game of policies and alliances. The rules are at the higher level of the context of that game, the historical and cultural context of warring Viet Nam. What makes Viet Nam unique is its social organization based on a loosely knitted network of villages through deep and strong relations capable of repelling intruders and invading neighbors, both moving and still like the moon underneath. Here, the chinese civilization has made a new nation assimilating the model and resisting the domination. Elsewhere, the be same chinese civilisation has made another chinese provinces.
History of Viet Nam is written by an advancing front of modest and primitive villages from a delta to the next, from the gulf of Tonkin to the gulf of Siam, « vietnamizing » the nature and the peoples on its passage by the plow and the sword. South Viet Nam was cambodian land a century ago and the french colonial administration put an end to the siamese-vietnamese « condominium » over Cambodia after a short 0 to 0 fight between Siam and Viet Nam, the first claiming its western part of the vietnamese colony de facto and de jure. Cambodia was then ruled by a vietnamese general governor assisted by two lieutenant governors. The present vietnamese occupation of Cambodia, in this perspective, may be both a « prelude » to the continuation of this advancing front of villages, the confrontation between Viet Nam and Thailand (fancy and hegemonostic name for Siam since 1939) for the leadership of South East Asia and a « fugue » for warring Viet Nam to solve its political and economical problems, a country and people forged in war and for war during these four decades. The vietnamese claim of the Mekong river as a link may be translated in german word as « Anschluss » or reunification.

Most economic studies that have been done on Palestine are committed, whether explicitly or not, to overcome the ubiquity of the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis. Indeed, this is in line with standard economic thinking which places the market at the center of its interests, and overlooks "facts of power" in social relations. Yet, at the same time, they manage to show that politics is an obstacle to the flow of the economy, and therefore, express their wish that the latter becomes an alternative to the former. These works are dominant; they contribute to policy-making and guide the spending of international financial aid to Palestinians.By contrast, I consider the pauperization of Palestinian society a result of the colonial policy of dispossession. The consequences of this policy are manifest in the economic dependency of Palestinians, hence the loss of political autonomy. Indeed, since the British Mandate of Palestine, Zionist colonization of the country came at the expense of the Palestinian Arab presence. In Israel, after 1948, and in the newly occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, after 67, this process of dispossession went hand in hand with an economic integration that has continued until this day.In parallel, the peace process that had begun in Oslo in 1993 contributed to the modeling of a subjugated area integrated into neoliberal globalization under US hegemony. Thus, the transfer of funds established by international financial aid, the exhortation made by the international community to the Palestinians to participate in the economic growth and development, as well as the integration of the Palestinian economy in the Israeli economy and in globalization, should be considered highly political strategies to eliminate ostensibly relations of power, and therefore, invite Palestinians to accept their subjugation. In that sense, economics as well as politics, appear to be "war by other means". ; La majorité des travaux en économie sur la Palestine semblent déterminés par le projet, explicite ou non, de ...

Most economic studies that have been done on Palestine are committed, whether explicitly or not, to overcome the ubiquity of the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis. Indeed, this is in line with standard economic thinking which places the market at the center of its interests, and overlooks "facts of power" in social relations. Yet, at the same time, they manage to show that politics is an obstacle to the flow of the economy, and therefore, express their wish that the latter becomes an alternative to the former. These works are dominant; they contribute to policy-making and guide the spending of international financial aid to Palestinians.By contrast, I consider the pauperization of Palestinian society a result of the colonial policy of dispossession. The consequences of this policy are manifest in the economic dependency of Palestinians, hence the loss of political autonomy. Indeed, since the British Mandate of Palestine, Zionist colonization of the country came at the expense of the Palestinian Arab presence. In Israel, after 1948, and in the newly occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, after 67, this process of dispossession went hand in hand with an economic integration that has continued until this day.In parallel, the peace process that had begun in Oslo in 1993 contributed to the modeling of a subjugated area integrated into neoliberal globalization under US hegemony. Thus, the transfer of funds established by international financial aid, the exhortation made by the international community to the Palestinians to participate in the economic growth and development, as well as the integration of the Palestinian economy in the Israeli economy and in globalization, should be considered highly political strategies to eliminate ostensibly relations of power, and therefore, invite Palestinians to accept their subjugation. In that sense, economics as well as politics, appear to be "war by other means". ; La majorité des travaux en économie sur la Palestine semblent déterminés par le projet, explicite ou non, de ...

"Farouchement partisans" de la création d'un musée de l'histoire de l'immigration en France, Nicolas Bancel et Pascal Blanchard exposent ici les motifs qui les opposent à sa localisation au sein du palais de la Porte Dorée. Ils montrent comment l'ouverture de la CNHI s'inscrirait dans un contexte général d'élaboration d'une "politique de la mémoire" qui ferait passer à la trappe la dimension coloniale ou qui, à tout le moins, en édulcorerait la portée.

International audience ; Following the colonies' independence, the French school syllabi were not reformed in the sense of greater openness to other civilisations: on the contrary, after a brief attempt at a break-away in the 1960s, they currently present a form of regression whose processes are highly reminiscent of those colonial materials. This is shown in the analysis of 24 schoolbooks in history-and-geography preparing for the Baccalaureat exam and used between 1945 and 1998 and in the syllabi of the same period. Following the colonialist approach based on the concept of a unique civilisation and essentially describing the political and economic fields through a strict hierarchy (more or less "civilised" or "primitive"), a new openness to other civilisations was introduced with the "Braudel syllabus" in 1957. The concept of diversity of civilisations thereafter allows the tackling of the political and economic, as well as social and cultural fields from the perspectives of plurality and specificity. The withdrawal of this syllabus marks the beginning, in schoolbooks, of the era of economism, when the concept of under-development often restricts the analysis to the economic sphere and re-introduces a strict hierarchy with a unique model (more or less economically "developed" or politically "mature"). The article emphasises the discursive and iconographic processes through which educational tools activate some of the norms recognized at their time. ; Après les indépendances des colonies, les contenus scolaires français n'ont pas évolué durablement dans le sens d'une plus grande ouverture aux autres civilisations : au contraire, après une brève tentative de rupture dans les années 60, ils se caractérisent par une forme de repli dont les procédés rappellent ceux de l'époque coloniale. C'est ce que montre l'analyse de 24 manuels d'histoire et de géographie de classe terminale de 1945 à 1998 et des programmes de la période. À l'approche colonialiste fondée sur le concept de civilisation unique et décrivant essentiellement les domaines politiques et économiques au travers d'une hiérarchisation stricte de l'« évolué » au « primitif », a succédé une ouverture sans précédent aux autres civilisations avec l'introduction du « programme Braudel » en 1957. Le concept de diversité des civilisations permet alors d'aborder les domaines politique, économique, mais aussi social et culturel sous l'angle de la pluralité et de la spécificité. Le retrait de ce programme marque le début, dans les manuels, de l'ère de l'économisme, où le concept de sous-développement réduit souvent l'analyse au domaine économique et réintroduit une hiérarchisation stricte face à un modèle unique : plus ou moins « développé » économiquement et « mature » politiquement. L'article insiste sur les procédés discursifs et iconographiques au travers desquels les outils pédagogiques activent certaines des normes reconnues à leur époque.

International audience ; Following the colonies' independence, the French school syllabi were not reformed in the sense of greater openness to other civilisations: on the contrary, after a brief attempt at a break-away in the 1960s, they currently present a form of regression whose processes are highly reminiscent of those colonial materials. This is shown in the analysis of 24 schoolbooks in history-and-geography preparing for the Baccalaureat exam and used between 1945 and 1998 and in the syllabi of the same period. Following the colonialist approach based on the concept of a unique civilisation and essentially describing the political and economic fields through a strict hierarchy (more or less "civilised" or "primitive"), a new openness to other civilisations was introduced with the "Braudel syllabus" in 1957. The concept of diversity of civilisations thereafter allows the tackling of the political and economic, as well as social and cultural fields from the perspectives of plurality and specificity. The withdrawal of this syllabus marks the beginning, in schoolbooks, of the era of economism, when the concept of under-development often restricts the analysis to the economic sphere and re-introduces a strict hierarchy with a unique model (more or less economically "developed" or politically "mature"). The article emphasises the discursive and iconographic processes through which educational tools activate some of the norms recognized at their time. ; Après les indépendances des colonies, les contenus scolaires français n'ont pas évolué durablement dans le sens d'une plus grande ouverture aux autres civilisations : au contraire, après une brève tentative de rupture dans les années 60, ils se caractérisent par une forme de repli dont les procédés rappellent ceux de l'époque coloniale. C'est ce que montre l'analyse de 24 manuels d'histoire et de géographie de classe terminale de 1945 à 1998 et des programmes de la période. À l'approche colonialiste fondée sur le concept de civilisation unique et décrivant ...