Suchergebnisse

The work took a hard and critical look on the impact of colonialism and its concomitant ally, imperialism on the African state. The analysis revealed that the present primary role of African states in the international world economy as the dominant sources of raw materials and major consumers of manufactured products are the results of long years of colonial dominance, exploitation and imperialism. Consequently, on attainment of independence by most African states from their colonial overlords, it was extremely very difficult to disentangle from the colonial perfected role for the state because of the systematic disarticulation in the indigenous economy and the intrinsic tying of same with the external economy of the colonizers. The work also made a startling stark revelation by discovering through analysis that the deep-seated corruption in most African states and the selfish behaviour of some of the political leaders to sit tight in office even when they have obviously outlived their usefulness in the eyes of their people, are attributable to the effects of colonialism and imperialism. The work concludes and recommends that for African states to overcome their present social, economic, political, health, education woes, etc., there is the urgent need for the people and the leadership to create their own indigenous identity, culture, technology, economy, education, religion, craft, etc. that would be interwoven in good governance. Key words: Colonialism; Good governance; Impact; African states and Europe

The controversy around Bruce Gilley's article The Case for Colonialism has drawn global attention to a stream of revisionist claims and visions on the history of colonialism that has emerged in academia and in the media in recent years. Authors such as Nigel Biggar in the UK, Niall Ferguson in the USA, and Pieter Emmer in the Netherlands, have all published similarly revisionist claims about colonialism, arguing that postcolonial guilt and political correctness blind the majority of their colleagues to the positive side of the colonial project. Their argument chimes with wider societal trends, transforming the revisionist defenders of empire into heroes of a reinvigorated nationalist right within and beyond academia. The public influence attained by these approaches to colonialism requires historians to expose the deep methodological flaws, misreading of historical facts, and misrepresentations of prior scholarship that characterize the writings of this emerging revisionist trend. It is for this reason that the Editorial Committee of the International Review of Social History (IRSH) has decided to devote its first ever Virtual Special Issue to labour history's case against colonialism. This article, also an introduction to the Virtual Special Issue, sifts through the logical implications of the claims made by Gilley and like-minded scholars, providing both a contextualization and a rebuttal of their arguments. After assessing the long absence of colonial labour relations from the field of interest of labour historians and the pages of the IRSH itself, this article shows the centrality of a critique of colonialism to labour history's global turn in the 1990s. Using a selection of articles on colonial labour history from the IRSH's own archive, the article not only reconstructs labour history's case against colonialism, but also shows why labour history's critical insights into the nature of colonialism should be deepened and extended, not discarded.

Ethnopornography collects essays that both develop and critique the concept that gives the book its name. Ethnopornography, a term first coined by British anthropologist Walter Roth in the late nineteenth century, refers to the often eroticized observation—for supposedly scientific or academic purposes—of those deemed "other" by the observer. In Roth's case, he was concerned that the descriptions and images he recorded of the bodily and sexual practices of the Aboriginal people he studied were inappropriate for lay readers who might find them vulgar—or worse, titillating. The editors of this collection focus on what it is that creates the slippage between the pornographic and the scientific. In particular, they attend to the importance of race within the colonially created and maintained worlds of both research—ethnography in particular—and pornography.

Adam Smith has recently been celebrated as a precocious theorist of commercialcosmopolitanism who decried the injustice of imperial conquest and extraction. This paperfocuses on Smith's endorsement of settler colonialism in North America and argues thatSmith's newfound cosmopolitanism is overstretched. Smith welcomed settler colonies as theembodiment of the "natural progress of opulence" and spared them from his invective againstother imperial practices like chattel slavery and trade monopolies. Smith's embrace of settlercolonies, however, involved him in an ideological conundrum insofar as the prosperity ofoverseas settlements rested on imperial expansion and seizure of land from Native Americans.I contend that Smith muffled this disturbing link through a number of rhetorical strategies,evoking a vision of colonization without imperialism. Smith's favorable treatment of settlercolonialism, I conclude, belongs to a longer genealogy of representing capitalism as anessentially liberal economic system in the face of its decidedly illiberal history. Investigatingthis genealogy necessitates breaking with the currently dominant conventions of studying thehistory of political thought and placing intellectual history in conversation with social theoryand political economy.

This essay explores the role of narratives in the field of the Irish abortion debate. In specific, it explores the different types of narratives that both the pro-choice and pro-life groups manipulate in order to draw support from The Irish populace. The author explains that the pro-choice groups employ political-legal narratives To argue for the right to abortion whereas historical narratives and anti-British sentiments are more commonly found within pro-life narratives. However, the true purpose of the pro-life narratives is to prevent the secularization and liberalization of Ireland's laws, thereby maintaining the patriarchy at the top of the social hierarchy. However, with the 2018 referendum on the constitutional ban on abortion resulting in a liberalization of Ireland's abortion laws, the lack of success on The pro-life end is revealed, and a possible wave of liberalization may follow to permanently shift the social hierarchy.

published_or_final_version ; Literary and Cultural Studies ; Master ; Master of Arts

British colonialism remains a significant event till date in the pages of world history, more so in the histories if its ex-colonies. Colonialism was not just military and political. It was first of all cultural. Manipulation of minds and knowledge was a major and primary strategy in the power of the British Empire that managed to rule over, and exploit more than half of the world. The post-independence scenario has given rise to the school of Post colonialism whose agenda is to talk back/write back to the Empire. Post colonialism aims at questioning, subverting and rereading the colonial discourses and forms of knowledge, Western constructs, stereotypes about the East and breaking down of hierarchies. But this attempt at cultural and cerebral independence has proved to be a really challenging and almost impossible task to be achieved. Post colonialism and its ideas have not remained static towards its approach to and production of knowledge. It has evolved and changed. Old ideas have been challenged and replaced by new ones. However, Postcolonialism in its pursuit of authentic presentations and representations of the endless micro-narratives of 'the other' has at times been caught committing the same appropriations and misinterpretations against which it fights. The effects of colonialism have sipped in so deep into the histories and knowledge of its colonies that a proper decolonisation of the mind has turned hard to achieve. This paper attempts to point out some such lingering effects of colonialism that have remained as gaps in Post colonialism's efforts at decolonising the mind.

As the term diaspora can also be used to think through the intrusion of the colonialism, Michelle de Kretser's The Hamilton Case is divided into three parts due to the characters' attitudes towards the West. Sam's positive reflection on colonialism is revealed in his hope to move to the West and struggle to embrace his dream of western metropolis by complying with the British criteria. Jaya's resistant stance motivates him to initiate the country's political independence and ethnic strife to combat colonialism. Shiva resists colonialism in Sri Lanka, but he caters to the taste of local readers by making use of exoticism after his migration to the West.

Amid and unpredictable change globally, indigenous peoples are frequently referred to as prime examples of resilience. The peoples' proven track record of persevering and ability to adapt have attracted attention worldwide. Previously deemed in need of 'development', the peoples are being called upon to provide what is now an invaluable contribution. Resilience holds out a promise of a (better) future for us all, and for the peoples suggests a greater role in impacting the future. This article dissects the promise of change engendered through the call for indigenous resilience. By drawing on critical discussions on adaptation, indigeneity and contemporary colonialism, it offers an account of the ways in which resilience cements time-tried expectations that indigenous peoples always adapt. Even though the international community would have us believe that colonial practices are a thing of the past, this article argues that the global call for indigenous resilience signals a resurgence of those practices.

Late Western colonialism often relied on the practice of imitating indigenous forms of rule in order to maintain power; conversely, indigenous polities could imitate Western sociopolitical forms to their own benefit. Drawing on historical ethnographic studies of colonialism in Asia and Africa, States of Imitation examines how the colonial state attempted to administer, control, and integrate its indigenous subjects through mimetic governmentality, as well the ways indigenous states adopted these imitative practices to establish reciprocal ties with, or to resist the presence of, the colonial state. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The educational legacy of colonialism in Nigeria is a contested and controversial subject. What do those who lived through the colonial period remember? And what do they think is both positive and negative about education in that period? To allow their voices to be heard, 20 interviews with educationalists, teachers, lecturers and students involved in colonial education were undertaken in Nigeria and the UK. Many of those interviewed are famous and influential figures both in Nigeria and internationally. Their attitude to the legacy of colonialism is not what Western writers and academics may think. As Nobel Prize winner, Wole Soyinka, said in an interview for this thesis, although we must condemn colonialism: "One can't throw away the baby with the bath water. When we needed education, they brought education. It does not matter how, but education was brought." There were many aspects of the colonial legacy that those who lived through the period thought benefitted education in Nigeria. The 'colonial masters' recognised that all human culture was important, and in the part of Nigeria that formed the focus of this research, all schooling for the first four years was in the local language, Yoruba. The colonialists passionately believed that both men and women should be educated. They enhanced local education by, for example, developing a local counting system as the basis for mathematics. They brought with them the English language, a legacy that has given Nigeria access to a wider range of knowledge and facilitated membership within international communities. Colonial education was an imposition that people wanted; however, there were many limitations to the education offered. When the colonialists established secondary schools, the purpose was not merely to educate people but to train them to be civil servants who would serve the colonial government. The voices from the post-colonial period, discussed and questioned here, say the unsayable: there was a positive legacy of colonialism. ; N/A

At its inception, the idea of civilization was imbued with a sense of progress, peace, and optimism. The historical record, however, belies much of this sense of optimism. Somewhat paradoxically, civilization has come to be closely associated with conflict and conquest. In the two-hundred-and-sixty years since the term was coined, many things have been done in the name of civilization; sadly, among them are such grave matters as war, conquest, and colonialism.

As accelerated climate change can offer easier access to the Arctic resource riches, many countries, including the non-Arctic states, are now considering the Arctic as a viable future source of enormous energy supplies and valuable minerals. This chapter explores the current conversations on Arctic energy futures through the lens of resource colonialism. Focusing on the intertwined politics and economics of Arctic energy, it shows how ongoing Arctic developments have been shaped by expectations, decisions and events taking place outside the Arctic region. It is argued that a contradictory relationship between energy and environment accompanying the persistent interest in Arctic resource wealth marks a shift in the international political economy of energy from 'old' to 'new' carbon governance. ; Peer reviewed

The Deatnu River, located in Northern Scandinavia in the heart of Sápmi, is often regarded as one of the finest salmon rivers in Europe. In the 1751 Strömstad Peace Accord, the Deatnu river was made into an international boundary, becoming one of the oldest political borders in Europe. Since 1873, salmon fishing in the Deatnu River has been regulated by bilateral agreements negotiated between Norway and Finland. The most recent agreement was reached in 2017, in spite of a very strong, uniform opposition of the local population, Sámi and non–Sámi alike. This article considers the nature, effects and objectives of the 2017 Deatnu Agreement in the context of an international boundary. I suggest that the 2017 Deatnu Agreement is a figurative wall erected by the states of Norway and Finland in the context of the post–Westphalian order. The 'post–Westphalian order' is characterized by the erection of walls to define nation–state boundaries. Drawing on Elizabeth Strakosch' analysis of policy as a key strategy of settle colonialism and Lorenzo Veracini's concept of transfer, the article considers how this figurative wall is intended to target the Sámi people and how it is an emblem of Nordic settler colonialism.

Broadly taking up themes of violence and colonialism, this paper was first presented as a roundtable at the Decolonizing Cascadias?: 2013 Critical Geographies Mini Conference at the University of British Columbia. Framed as a roundtable conversation among the three authors, the paper critically examines the material and ideological relations through which certain types of violence are made invisible in the context of ongoing colonialism in white settler society. In dialogue across their various academic, activist and personal experiences, the authors argue for a critical decolonizing geography of violence that examines how spaces and subjects are constructed relationally through social, material and legal processes of racial violence and its gendered and sexualized politics. How do certain forms of violence come to be naturalized within civilizing and modernizing discourse, such that the violence of development or colonialism come to be erased? How do some lives become constructed as inherently violent in order to deny the violence against them? Disrupting and examining the settler colonial thinking and practices that persist within diverse social movements and academic disciplines, including geography, the dialogue explores who has the authority to name what forms of violence are seen as legitimate. As activist-scholars engaged in knowledge production and legitimization, the authors are interested in envisioning new possibilities for how they understand violence and resistance, particularly by centering Indigenous ontologies and by naming lived realities which are not accounted for in dominant discourses of violence and colonialism. ; Arts, Faculty of ; Non UBC ; Geography, Department of ; Reviewed ; Faculty ; Postdoctoral