Suchergebnisse

Der moderne europäische Kolonialismus hat die Ordnung der Welt tiefgreifend und dauerhaft verändert. Dies gilt für politische und wirtschaftliche, vor allem aber auch für "mentale" Strukturen. Eine kritische Auseinandersetzung mit der kolonialen Vergangenheit und ein Gedenken der Opfer sind in den ehemals kolonisierenden Gesellschaften dabei bisher weitgehend ausgeblieben. Dieser Befund trifft in unterschiedlichem Ausmaß auf Deutschland und die Niederlande zu, wie die Beiträge des Sammelbandes zeigen. Die Autorinnen und Autoren reflektieren den gegenwärtigen Stand der nachkolonialen Erinnerungskulturen in der Pädagogik, in literarischen Werken und im öffentlichen Gedenken. Neue Herausforderungen an ein bislang national geprägtes kollektives Gedächtnis ergeben sich durch die zunehmende Pluralisierung der beiden Einwanderungsgesellschaften. Schließlich wird nach der Zukunft von Erinnerung in einer sich entwickelnden Weltgesellschaft gefragt. Mit Beiträgen von Micha Brumlik, Kathrin Gawarecki, Matthias Heyl, Nicole Jansen, Anne Kerber, Reinhart Kössler, Rudolf Leiprecht, Helma Lutz, Gert Oostinde, Pamela Pattynama, Frank van Vree, Hasko Zimmer.

Der moderne europäische Kolonialismus hat die Ordnung der Welt tiefgreifend und dauerhaft verändert. Dies gilt für politische und wirtschaftliche, vor allem aber auch für "mentale" Strukturen. Eine kritische Auseinandersetzung mit der kolonialen Vergangenheit und ein Gedenken der Opfer sind in den ehemals kolonisierenden Gesellschaften dabei bisher weitgehend ausgeblieben. Dieser Befund trifft in unterschiedlichem Ausmaß auf Deutschland und die Niederlande zu, wie die Beiträge des Sammelbandes zeigen. Die Autorinnen und Autoren reflektieren den gegenwärtigen Stand der nachkolonialen Erinnerungskulturen in der Pädagogik, in literarischen Werken und im öffentlichen Gedenken. Neue Herausforderungen an ein bislang national geprägtes kollektives Gedächtnis ergeben sich durch die zunehmende Pluralisierung der beiden Einwanderungsgesellschaften. Schließlich wird nach der Zukunft von Erinnerung in einer sich entwickelnden Weltgesellschaft gefragt. Mit Beiträgen von Micha Brumlik, Kathrin Gawarecki, Matthias Heyl, Nicole Jansen, Anne Kerber, Reinhart Kössler, Rudolf Leiprecht, Helma Lutz, Gert Oostinde, Pamela Pattynama, Frank van Vree, Hasko Zimmer.

A review essay on a book by Antoine Glaser & Stephen Smith, Comment la France a perdu l'Afrique ([How France Lost Africa] Paris: Calmann-Levy, 2005).

The author lives in a very liberal society but also sees the darker sides of this. Other cultures who have not grown up with our democratic idea of cosmopolitanism should not be accused of not wanting to accept our "western" values with much enthusiasm. They are used to their own laws & rights. He criticizes David Held (2003) of trying to apply his principles of the cosmopolitan order on people of Asian or Middle Eastern origin. There is no world culture & therefore we should keep our liberal ideas of cosmopolitanism to the area of the world from whence they originated. Cosmopolitanism can be seen as a threat in the rest of the world & become colonialism in many countries that do not seek our values & institutions. Do we need to give up cosmopolitanism? Not in the least. Through cultural & political exchange of ideas between nations & cultures so much more can be achieved. Hence an understanding between nations & mutual respect can develop. References. S. Block

This paper examines the transition from colonial "native policy" to a program of deliberate genocide, directed against the Ovaherero & Witbooi peoples, in German Southwest Africa. The German assault during & after the 1904 war was the first genocide of the 20th century, & was unusual among colonial powers at that time. The legal definition of genocide does not present an interpretive barrier, since the decision to exterminate the Ovaherero was intentional & approved at the highest levels of the German government. This points back to the "Sonderweg" thesis: was German colonialism not, after all, exceptionally exterminationist? The paper then asks about the reasons for this escalation of violence. The first necessary (but not sufficient) condition was the extant body of ethnographic representations of Ovaherero. In contrast to precolonial images of other German colonized subject populations (including the Witbooi), this discursive formation was extremely homogenous & relentlessly demonizing. The second factor relates to the structure of the colonial state field. The symbolic class conflict between the main fractions of the German elite -- nobility, economic bourgeoisie & educated middle class -- Bildungsburgertum -- was transposed to the German colonies. The struggle between the middle class colonial Governor Theodor Leutwein & the man sent to replace him in the 1904 war, General Lothar von Trotha, assumed the epic proportions of the metropolitan Wilhelmine battle between bourgeoisie & aristocracy. Both parties were driven to more extreme positions, representative of their respective social classes' symbolically dominant stances within the colonial field. Leutwein became more "humane" & anti-genocidal, while von Trotha identified paradoxically with an imago of the barbaric & "indescribably cruel" Ovaherero. 119 References. Adapted from the source document.

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: [The WAEMU and the Franc CFA-Zone: A new culture of co-operation in Francophone Africa?] - The CFA-zone is basically composed of two sub-zones, characterised by significant structural economic and political differences within and between its member countries: the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU/UEMOA) and the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (EMCCA / CEMAC). The growing structural divergences between UEMOA and CEMAC have been intensified by the recent development of world oil markets, booming production in Equatorial Guinea and the arrival of Chad in the club of oil producers. Nevertheless the CFA-zone in general, and the UEMOA in particular, have been considered as model case for economic and monetary integration in Africa. Yet, neither of these sub-zones meets the classical criteria of the Optimum Currency Area (OCA). In contrast, they show a low degree of diversification of production and exports, low factor mobility (except of labour in some countries) and price and wage flexibility, different levels of infrastructure and of inflation, low intra-regional trade and a strong exposure to asymmetrical external shocks (e.g. violent political conflicts, different terms of trade development for oil- and agricultural exports). The rules of the informal sector, are more important in structuring the CFA-zone than the institutions and policies of the formal economic sector, including its monetary institutions. For decades, prices of French imports were overpriced, due to protection by tied aid and other political and cultural non-tariff barriers. The cost of this rent-seeking was carried not only by the French Treasury, who guarantees the peg, but by the French and EU-taxpayers, who financed budgetary bail-outs and development aid, and finally by the poorer member countries and social strata (cf. the free-rider thesis). Finally, this article analyses the aims and structures of the WAEMU and its future development prospects. --- RÉSUMÉ: [ L' ...

The historical trajectory of the region of white farm settlement in Namibia underscores the dynamic nature of both territorial definitions & ethnic identifications. This article explores some of these dynamics, by sketching the situation from pre-colonial times up to the mid & late 19th century, in order to delineate the consequences of colonial encroachment, genocide & white settlement under German & later South African rule. One outcome of these historical events has been the pegging of identity to territory, a process which is closely connected to the continued resilience of traditional communities. Unfortunately this dynamic form of ethnic identification has ill-fit the past & present guises of the Namibian modern state, ranging from colonial, Apartheid & independent formations, & its propensity to rationalize social relations. Thus territorial politics have come to present a persistent dilemma in post-Apartheid, post-colonial Namibia, & beyond. References. Adapted from the source document.

Gewürdigt wird das Lebenswerk des Missionars und Völkerkundlers Stephan Lehner (1877-1943), der heute noch von den Menschen am Huongolf in Neuguinea als »Kulturbringer« in Ehren gehalten wird. Besonderen Wert legt der Autor, ein Nachfahre Lehners, auf die anschauliche Dokumentation der ethnologischen Arbeiten und Sammlungen Lehners. So lässt dieser reich bebilderte Band zugleich ein lebendiges Bild der melanesischen Kultur in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts entstehen.

Gewürdigt wird das Lebenswerk des Missionars und Völkerkundlers Stephan Lehner (1877-1943), der heute noch von den Menschen am Huongolf in Neuguinea als "Kulturbringer" in Ehren gehalten wird. Besonderen Wert legt der Autor, ein Nachfahre Lehners, auf die anschauliche Dokumentation der ethnologischen Arbeiten und Sammlungen Lehners. So lässt dieser reich bebilderte Band zugleich ein lebendiges Bild der melanesischen Kultur in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts entstehen.

By the end of the 19th century, British imperial medical officers and Christian medical missionaries began to introduce Western medicine to Tibet, Sikkim and Bhutan. Their Footprints Remain uses archival sources, personal letters, diaries, and oral sources in order to tell the fascinating story of how this once-new medical system became imbedded in the Himalayas. Of interest to anyone with an interest in medical history and anthropology, as well as the Himalayan world, this volume not only identifies the individuals involved and describes how they helped to spread this form of imperialist medicine, but also discusses its reception by a local people whose own medical practices were based on an entirely different understanding of the world.