Suchergebnisse

This article aimed to describe the socio-political conditions after the Bongaya Treaty of 1667. This study employed the historical research method (library research). The researcher applied several approaches, namely the historical approach, religious approach, anthropological approach, and sociological approach. The Makassar War is a momentum for change from all aspects, not only changes from the political aspect but also the social, cultural and economic aspects that greatly tormented the people of Gowa. As a King, Sultan Hasanudin was responsible for the fate of the royal people of Gowa, which was getting sad. Sultan Hasanudin had to consider this even though he wanted to continue to fight. Sultan Hasanudin really understood the suffering of the people of the Kingdom of Gowa. Due to these considerations, the war lasted approximately four years, starting from 1666-1669 and ending with the Bungaya Treaty, which consisted of 30 articles. The treaty affected all aspects of Gowa community life, not only in terms of political factors but also the existence of Muslims. Since then, the power and influence of the Netherlands in East Indonesia began to be embedded towards serious colonialism. Sultan Hasanuddin, who dashed to defend his country until the last second has controlled the Kingdom of Gowa for 16 years; namely 1653-1669 and died in Gowa on June 12, 1670.

The article is devoted to outlining and exploring a number of important stories of the history and present situation of the Crimea. The author turns to the study of Russian colonial policy on the peninsula. This policy resulted in the annihilation of the Crimean Tatar people and the deliberate settlement of Crimea by specific categories of population from "mainland" Russia, and subsequently - from Soviet Ukraine. The colonial pressure of the tsarist authorities was changed after 1917 for a short period with the assertion of Crimean Tatar national communism as a modernizing anti-colonial movement. However, from the second half of the 1930s, colonial policy on the peninsula resumed, and in 1944 it became embodied in the forced deportation of indigenous peoples, especially the Crimean Tatars. Up until the second half of the 1980s, the Kremlin tried not to allow the Crimean Tatars to return to their historical homeland at all. Only at the time of perestroika the authorities of the USSR agreed to allow such a return, but simultaneously tried to dispense it in every possible way. At the same time, the Kremlin launched a special operation aimed at removing Crimea from Ukrainian jurisdiction and securing its status as a Russian colony. Also this attempt failed because of the collapse of the USSR, but the goal remained unchanged; Russia's annexation of Crimea was carried out in 2014. The author analyzes the reasons that enable the Russian propaganda to influence a large part of the Crimean population effectively. The article illustrates the ineffective policy of official Kyiv to minimize the effects of Russian colonialism on the Crimean Peninsula in 1991-2014. The article also examines the newest stage of colonization of Crimea by Russia, which began in 2014. The author concludes that in recent years, new conflicting factors on the Crimean peninsula have been added to the traditional ones, and they all require further special studies.

The article reveals the social and political phenomenon of historical and contemporary Lviv moskvofilstvo (that is the creation of ideological and information foundation for de-nationalization of the Western Ukraine) and its threats to the national security of the Ukrainian state against the background of exceptional contribution by oligarchic local mass media: tele- and radio company «Liuks», 24th Channel, internet-resource zaxid.net and others (all of them belong to Lviv mayor A. Sadovyi). The author stresses the fact that the central mass media do not pay the least attention to this dangerous range of problems. They kept and keep to dead calm. The myths about Lviv as Ukrainian Piedmont are taken down from a pedestal that is connected with manipulative engagement of information space, venality, corruption of some journalists and very low level of political culture of Ukrainian society. New manifistations of historical and present-day hybrid moskvofilstvo are highlighted. The author disproves these myths and stereotypes through the prizm of historic personalities and present-day Lviv politicians, who became chief speaking trumpet of moskvofilstvo ideas in Verkhovna Rada. She treats this fact as a typical example of colonialism disease, which received a curative challenge from history to recover just through the war, but at this great time it has found very «little people» mainly among the authorities of our state. The ghost of moskvofilstvo under a light camouflage of literalism and globalizm steeply came out to the surface just in the times of Maidan, 2014, having found its realization in the ideological slogan of the official after-Maidan power authorities «yedyna kraina – yedinaia strana» and main-line premise: «the time for Cancellation of Kivalov-Kolesnichenko's law on language has not come yet». All the central and local mass media gave maximum popularization and promotion to these destructive, fatal moskvofil slogans. Just in this verbal presentation the slogan of «modern moskvofilstvo» (D. Dontsov) was ...

The article elucidates specific features of the biographical and ideological image of the famous Ukrainian linguist and politician Sviatoslav Karavanskyi (1920–2015). The study seeks to identify the integrity of the nationalist worldview of the linguist that developed in the conditions of more than30 years of restraint by the Moscow totalitarian regime and 37 years of emigration. The analysis has been conducted in terms of two principal conceptions of the thinker, scientist, and fighter: historical and socio-lingual. Under the current socio-political conditions, the topicality and appropriateness of the socio-lingual methodology of the linguist and politician are coherent. Ukrainian lingual and historical truth is interpreted by the linguist and politician against the background of the American-European strategies concerning the aggressor-country Moscow and the newly-established independent state of Ukraine. According to S.Karavanskyi, the issue of the official status of the Ukrainian language is identical to the Ukrainian statehood existence and, vice versa, any preferences given to the Russian language imply a return of Ukraine to the colonial status. That is, Ukrainian and Russian languages in Ukraine are two political poles: independence and colonialism, statehood and statelessness. In the focus of his judgments are activities of prominent and equally distinguished figures of our history – T.Shevchenko, S.Bandera, and R.Shukhevych. They are considered as a litmus test for the national maturity of the Ukrainians themselves and an approach to explain the European structures' irritation caused by a fear of a new competitor in the heart of Europe. The linguist's main criterion of perceiving the global and the national is the cross-cutting concept of truth substantiated in his publicist works and regarded by him as a unique thing we have and fight with. In this man, heroic history of almost a century is woven with a pervasive Ukrainian nation ideal – to be in its otherness. ; У статті вперше розглянуто окремі особливості біографічно-ідеологічного портрета відомого українського мовознавця і політика Святослава Караванського (1920–2015). Простежено цілісність націоналістичного світогляду мовознавця, нескореного понад 30-річним ув'язненням московським тоталітарним режимом та 37-річним перебуванням на еміграції. Аналіз здійснено на основі двох основних максим мислителя, науковця і борця: історичної і соціолінгвальної.

The article analyzes the policy and practice of neo-imperialism in the Russian Federation, examines the specificity of Putinizm as a historical challenge posed by the post-Soviet post-colonial elites of the former USSR, in this case, the Ukrainian ones. Existing certain toleration of the culture of the colonizer, inherent in a large number of representatives of the Ukrainian elites, both political, and economic and creative, is one of the hallmarks of their unshakable post-colonialism, which, in turn, hinders the transformation of Ukraine into a modern European civilized state and a full-fledged modern nation. The need for a more determined opposition to the political and ideological influences of the modern Kremlin, its neo-imperial actions, theprovision of more effective and tougher resistance to the aggressor-Putin's Russia, which invaded Ukraine and imposed a hybrid war on its people, is not only a requirement that is relevant to self-preservation and consolidation Ukrainian independent nation, but also a persistent advice from the politicians of different countries who are committed to Ukraine and advanced analysts from the present-day Russia. Moreover, the real history of post-Soviet Ukraine and the post-Soviet Russia is a confirmation of the differences, including ideological, between the two peoples. At a time when post-colonial Ukraine was looking for itself in the labyrinths of many, and especially of the two-vectored, having finally ended on the road to a common European home, Russia tried to become democratic, but its efforts in this direction ended in defeat. Some of the contemporary Russian philosophers generally argue that the post-Soviet period in Russia went on an effort to return to the USSR. The Russian post-Soviet postcolonial period tried to get rid of their own "humiliation" and "to rise from their knees". A number of contemporary Russian intellectuals even argues that raising the people from their knees is the only real merit of the President of the Russian Federation VV. Putin before the Russian people. For example, the president of Lithuania Dalia Grybauskaitė has repeatedly expressed the opinion that Ukraine should take a much more resolute stand against the policies and actions of Putin's Russia. The ability to effectively confront an insidious aggressor - Putin's Russia - has become an exam today for Ukrainian elites regarding their viability and effectiveness.

The purpose of this article is to cover the printing process of the Yu.I. Fesenko books on historical topics. This issue was not articulated in this form. There are only some references in the literature. Our task is to determine the number of these works, to typologize according to substantive features, to establish authorship and printing features. We have identified 58 titles of books on historical topics, published by Yu.I. Fesenko. Results of the Study. Рublishing books on historical subjects was one of the important directions of the wide publishing activity of Yu.I. Fesenko. Typography Yu.I. Fesenko united representatives of the clergy, teachers, public figures, military, Odessans and non-Odessans. Typography Yu.I. Fesenko contributed to the formation of the Ukrainian model of historical memory in the difficult conditions of Russian colonialism. Yu.I. Fesenko demonstrated a quality and careful approach to historical publications that laid the foundations of high printing standards, which contributed to a better perception of the works of its authors, printing clients. Historical experience of the printing house Yu.I. Fesenko should become one of the ideological foundations of the revival of the importance of Odessa as the center of printing and distribution of the Ukrainian book, which is, to a great extent, currently in decline. The main activity of Yu.I. Fesenko unfolded on Rishelevskaya Street, where his printing house was located. Today, it is necessary to preserve the memory of this cell of culture. To this end, the city authorities of Odessa should be required to preserve the remains of an old beautiful house of the printing house Yu.I. Fesenko with restoration and to create a Museum of printing in Odessa there. A promising area of further research is the identification of additional facts of printing in Yu.I. Fezenka of publications on historical subjects, studying of scripts on these editions stored in the holdings of libraries, tracing of influence of these editions on contemporary and contemporary culture, in particular, historical representations. ; Целью данной статьи является освещение процесса издания одесской типографией Ю. И. Фесенко книг, посвященных исторической тематике. Этот вопрос не был артикулирован в таком виде. В литературе имеются лишь отдельные упоминания. Нашей задачей является определить количество этих работ, типологизировать согласно содержательным особенностям, установить авторство и особенности печати. ; Метою цієї статті є висвітлення процесу видання одеською друкарнею Ю. І. Фесенка книг, що були присвячені історичній тематиці. Це питання не було артикульоване у такому вигляді. У літературі наявні лише окремі згадки. Нашим завданням є визначити кількість цих праць, типологізувати згідно змістовних особливостей, встановити авторство та особливості друку. Ключові слова: книгознавство, друкарня Ю. Фесенка в Одесі, історична

The purpose of this article is to cover the printing process of the Yu.I. Fesenko books on historical topics. This issue was not articulated in this form. There are only some references in the literature. Our task is to determine the number of these works, to typologize according to substantive features, to establish authorship and printing features. We have identified 58 titles of books on historical topics, published by Yu.I. Fesenko. Results of the Study. Рublishing books on historical subjects was one of the important directions of the wide publishing activity of Yu.I. Fesenko. Typography Yu.I. Fesenko united representatives of the clergy, teachers, public figures, military, Odessans and non-Odessans. Typography Yu.I. Fesenko contributed to the formation of the Ukrainian model of historical memory in the difficult conditions of Russian colonialism. Yu.I. Fesenko demonstrated a quality and careful approach to historical publications that laid the foundations of high printing standards, which contributed to a better perception of the works of its authors, printing clients. Historical experience of the printing house Yu.I. Fesenko should become one of the ideological foundations of the revival of the importance of Odessa as the center of printing and distribution of the Ukrainian book, which is, to a great extent, currently in decline. The main activity of Yu.I. Fesenko unfolded on Rishelevskaya Street, where his printing house was located. Today, it is necessary to preserve the memory of this cell of culture. To this end, the city authorities of Odessa should be required to preserve the remains of an old beautiful house of the printing house Yu.I. Fesenko with restoration and to create a Museum of printing in Odessa there. A promising area of further research is the identification of additional facts of printing in Yu.I. Fezenka of publications on historical subjects, studying of scripts on these editions stored in the holdings of libraries, tracing of influence of these editions on contemporary and contemporary culture, in particular, historical representations. ; Целью данной статьи является освещение процесса издания одесской типографией Ю. И. Фесенко книг, посвященных исторической тематике. Этот вопрос не был артикулирован в таком виде. В литературе имеются лишь отдельные упоминания. Нашей задачей является определить количество этих работ, типологизировать согласно содержательным особенностям, установить авторство и особенности печати. ; Метою цієї статті є висвітлення процесу видання одеською друкарнею Ю. І. Фесенка книг, що були присвячені історичній тематиці. Це питання не було артикульоване у такому вигляді. У літературі наявні лише окремі згадки. Нашим завданням є визначити кількість цих праць, типологізувати згідно змістовних особливостей, встановити авторство та особливості друку. Ключові слова: книгознавство, друкарня Ю. Фесенка в Одесі, історична

The African journalistic thought as a self-sufficient phenomenon has been formed in the 1930s in Paris. Students of African descent, in particular Aimé Césaire and Leopold Senghor, have raised the issue of African awakening and self-affirmation in the world. The journalistic texts published in the 1930s in L'Etudiant Noir, Revue du Monde Noir, Légitime Défense became the basis for a larger-scale anti-colonial discourse in the first post-war decades. The struggle for the independence of the African peoples and the success of this struggle (about fifty independent African states that arose in the 1950s-80s) gave birth to political journalism with a high degree of independence pathos, literature with a significant publicistic component (which includes the cult of a hero, a fighter for freedom), humanitarian science that rehabilitates the African culture in the eyes of the world. The period of general African upsurge and optimism has passed, as soon as the leading publicists of the continent saw that the problems of the colonial era did not find a solution, and some, on the contrary, became aggravated: colonialism did not go away, just became latent, the passionate leaders of the independence struggle have been replaced by the new African elites, usually not far-sighted, corrupt, deprived of sense of responsibility towards society and respect for the law. Among the possible solutions to the eternal problems of their continent, African publicists identify the mutually beneficial cooperation with China and the self-reliance (which includes the development of civil society, public institutions capable of controlling and influencing the governments). The popularity of the first position is evidence of the PRC's success in its ability to use 'soft power', to be an attractive alternative to the West, in particular in such rich of human and natural resources continent as Africa. The presence of the second position in the African media is evidence of the maturity of African societies, their ability to to take responsibility for their failures before acusing colonizers of past or present.Key words: Sub-Saharan Africa, African Journalism, African Literature, négritude, independence struggle. ; У статті відтворено основні етапи становлення африканської публіцистичної думки – від перших ідеологів негритюду до ключових ідейно-тематичних трендів сучасності. Серед можливих варіантів вирішення одвічних проблем свого континенту африканські публіцисти виділяють взаємовигідну співпрацю з Китаєм та опору на власні сили (яка включає розвиток громадянського суспільства, громадських інститутів, здатних контролювати владу та впливати на неї). Популярність першої позиції – свідчення успіхів КНР у вмінні застосовувати soft power, бути привабливою альтернативою Заходу, зокрема – на такому багатому на людські та природні ресурси континенті, як Африка. Наявність другої позиції в африканських медіа – свідчення дорослішання африканських суспільств, уміння не шукати винних серед минулих чи сучасних колонізаторів, а брати перш за все на себе відповідальність за невдачі і провали.Ключові слова: субсахаріальна Африка, африканська публіцистика, африканська література, негритюд, боротьба за незалежність.

The article analyses the attempt of socio-political rethinking of global climate change within Ulrich Beck's theory of the metamorphosis. Socio-political analysis of climate change requires clarification of its methodological foundations. This article states that at the beginning of the new millennium, the social sciences have come to a point of a deep methodology crisis. Without a new methodology, the social sciences would have to declare bankruptcy in the face of the tumult of the environment which surrounds us, where what was unthinkable yesterday is real and possible today. In this critical situation, Beck sets himself the ambitious task of developing a fundamentally new methodological basis for the analysis of the modern world - the theory of the metamorphosis of the world.It is emphasized that the concept of the metamorphosis is a landmark change in the focus of our attention and our worldview. It destabilizes all the definitions of modernity. Beck calls our attention to unintentional events and processes that go largely unnoticed, mostly outside the domains of politics and democracy, as side effects of radical technical and economic modernization. They are triggers for a fundamental shock that undermines the anthropological constants of our existence in the world and our understanding of the world. The distinction between nature and society has ceased to exist.The article notes that Beck explained the significant difference between the theoretical foundations of the theory of world risk society and the new theory of the metamorphosis of the world. Where the theory of world risk society had analysed the negative side effects of the good, the new theory focuses on the positive side effects of the bad, which do not, however, automatically create a better world. Beck is constantly focusing his attention on the lack of predetermined course of events: the metamorphosis is a process that has no end. It is an open, irreversible and highly ambivalent process.Stubbornly refusing the temptation to create a new horrific scenario of climate apocalypse, Beck proposes his own analytical approach of seeking to answer the question of how climate change affects society and politics. It is necessary to set free our political and social imagination, which now faces the daunting task of encompassing the interaction and interdependence of the human, society and nature in the conditions of globalization, and the corresponding changes in the political sphere.In terms of socio-political analysis, we are faced with situations of lack of understanding, because climate change can have different and possibly opposing impacts on people's lives even within a single region, let alone between geographically remote ones. Someone wins and someone loses in different ways (including ways as yet unknown today). Accordingly, a complex multilevel model of the metamorphosis of the world emerges, which takes into account the interaction of local, regional, national and global conditions which create specific structures as a consequence of social inequalities and power relations. In order to face the challenges and risks of climate change, global society needs a large-scale, cosmopolitan, planetary-level POLITICS in the face of powerlessness of the national-international politics.The open nature of the future gives reason to speak of the particular importance of political decisions taken in response to climate threats. Choosing cooperation between countries with different levels of development, we must distinguish between the theory of dependency and the theory of cosmopolitanisation in the context of socio-political rethinking of climate change. Indeed, both theories describe global forms of historical transcontinental inequalities and asymmetric power relations. However, cosmopolitanisation forms the normative horizon of equality and justice, including climate justice. Obviously, the new horizon does not automatically reduce the asymmetry in relations between countries (Beck emphasizes that global inequality may even increase), but it would lead to the implementation of global norms of equality. It is when we consider climate catastrophes in the context of justice that the question arises of whether existing patterns of inequality and vulnerability are fair and we leave the discourse of "how to manage our risks" behind. It is when we focus on the mechanisms of creation and dissemination of the negative effects that we will see the movements which are typically invisible to everyday perception. Our scientific perspective will combine what is nationally and geographically divided, becoming "the cosmopolitan perspective".Moving from theoretical to practical, Beck acknowledges that in the (in)human conditions of existence in the early 21st century, the imperialist interconnectedness of radically unequal worlds still dominates. The reality and prospects of the metamorphosis make possible the emergence of a new imperialist order and 'climate colonialism' against the background of the continued existence of colonial patterns. There is a fundamental distinction between decision makers and risk generators, and those who suffer from these decisions and risks. However, according to Beck, we can only see this imperialist structure if we change the optics of the nation-state to a cosmopolitan perspective in the socio-political rethinking of climate change in relation to the climate justice horizon for those already living in the global world and for those who are yet to be born into it. The main change Beck proposes is to see in people and communities not the victims of the effects of climate change, but citizens whose rights must be protected.We conclude that Beck's theoretical explorations and conclusions on socio-political understanding of climate change are of utmost importance for Ukraine, where rethinking climate change has not yet become a first-order issue on the socio-political agenda. Any country's lack of attention to the major issue of climate change can be abused. Global climate risks threaten, according to Beck, both the lives of individual citizens and the sovereignty of nation states.Key words: Beck U., climate justice, climate colonialism, socio-political rethinking of climate change, the theory of the metamorphosis. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу спроби соціально-політичного переосмислення глобальних кліматичних змін у теорії метаморфозісу У. Бека. Доводиться значення теорії метаморфозісу щодо з'ясування взаємозалежності людини, суспільства, природи в умовах глобалізації і відповідним змінам у сфері політики. Наголошується, що тільки з позиції соціально-політичного аналізу кліматичних змін можна визначити нормативний горизонт кліматичної справедливості для глобального світу, побачити загрози кліматичного колоніалізму.Ключові слова: Бек У., кліматична справедливість, кліматичний колоніалізм, соціально-політичне переосмислення кліматичних змін, теорія метаморфозісу. Статья посвящена анализу попытки социально-политического переосмысления климатических изменений в теории метаморфозиса У. Бека. Доказывается значение теории метаморфозиса для выяснения взаимозависимости человека, общества, природы в условиях глобализации и соответствующим изменениям в сфере политики. Подчеркивается, что только с позиции социально-политического анализа климатических изменений можно определить нормативный горизонт климатической справедливости для глобального мира, увидеть угрозы климатического колониализма.Ключевые слова: Бек У., климатическая справедливость, климатический колониализм, социально-политическое переосмысление климатических изменений, теория метаморфозиса. The article analyses the attempt of socio-political rethinking of global climate change within Ulrich Beck's theory of the metamorphosis. Socio-political analysis of climate change requires clarification of its methodological foundations. This article states that at the beginning of the new millennium, the social sciences have come to a point of a deep methodology crisis. Without a new methodology, the social sciences would have to declare bankruptcy in the face of the tumult of the environment which surrounds us, where what was unthinkable yesterday is real and possible today. In this critical situation, Beck sets himself the ambitious task of developing a fundamentally new methodological basis for the analysis of the modern world - the theory of the metamorphosis of the world.It is emphasized that the concept of the metamorphosis is a landmark change in the focus of our attention and our worldview. It destabilizes all the definitions of modernity. Beck calls our attention to unintentional events and processes that go largely unnoticed, mostly outside the domains of politics and democracy, as side effects of radical technical and economic modernization. They are triggers for a fundamental shock that undermines the anthropological constants of our existence in the world and our understanding of the world. The distinction between nature and society has ceased to exist.The article notes that Beck explained the significant difference between the theoretical foundations of the theory of world risk society and the new theory of the metamorphosis of the world. Where the theory of world risk society had analysed the negative side effects of the good, the new theory focuses on the positive side effects of the bad, which do not, however, automatically create a better world. Beck is constantly focusing his attention on the lack of predetermined course of events: the metamorphosis is a process that has no end. It is an open, irreversible and highly ambivalent process.Stubbornly refusing the temptation to create a new horrific scenario of climate apocalypse, Beck proposes his own analytical approach of seeking to answer the question of how climate change affects society and politics. It is necessary to set free our political and social imagination, which now faces the daunting task of encompassing the interaction and interdependence of the human, society and nature in the conditions of globalization, and the corresponding changes in the political sphere.In terms of socio-political analysis, we are faced with situations of lack of understanding, because climate change can have different and possibly opposing impacts on people's lives even within a single region, let alone between geographically remote ones. Someone wins and someone loses in different ways (including ways as yet unknown today). Accordingly, a complex multilevel model of the metamorphosis of the world emerges, which takes into account the interaction of local, regional, national and global conditions which create specific structures as a consequence of social inequalities and power relations. In order to face the challenges and risks of climate change, global society needs a large-scale, cosmopolitan, planetary-level POLITICS in the face of powerlessness of the national-international politics.The open nature of the future gives reason to speak of the particular importance of political decisions taken in response to climate threats. Choosing cooperation between countries with different levels of development, we must distinguish between the theory of dependency and the theory of cosmopolitanisation in the context of socio-political rethinking of climate change. Indeed, both theories describe global forms of historical transcontinental inequalities and asymmetric power relations. However, cosmopolitanisation forms the normative horizon of equality and justice, including climate justice. Obviously, the new horizon does not automatically reduce the asymmetry in relations between countries (Beck emphasizes that global inequality may even increase), but it would lead to the implementation of global norms of equality. It is when we consider climate catastrophes in the context of justice that the question arises of whether existing patterns of inequality and vulnerability are fair and we leave the discourse of "how to manage our risks" behind. It is when we focus on the mechanisms of creation and dissemination of the negative effects that we will see the movements which are typically invisible to everyday perception. Our scientific perspective will combine what is nationally and geographically divided, becoming "the cosmopolitan perspective".Moving from theoretical to practical, Beck acknowledges that in the (in)human conditions of existence in the early 21st century, the imperialist interconnectedness of radically unequal worlds still dominates. The reality and prospects of the metamorphosis make possible the emergence of a new imperialist order and 'climate colonialism' against the background of the continued existence of colonial patterns. There is a fundamental distinction between decision makers and risk generators, and those who suffer from these decisions and risks. However, according to Beck, we can only see this imperialist structure if we change the optics of the nation-state to a cosmopolitan perspective in the socio-political rethinking of climate change in relation to the climate justice horizon for those already living in the global world and for those who are yet to be born into it. The main change Beck proposes is to see in people and communities not the victims of the effects of climate change, but citizens whose rights must be protected.We conclude that Beck's theoretical explorations and conclusions on socio-political understanding of climate change are of utmost importance for Ukraine, where rethinking climate change has not yet become a first-order issue on the socio-political agenda. Any country's lack of attention to the major issue of climate change can be abused. Global climate risks threaten, according to Beck, both the lives of individual citizens and the sovereignty of nation states.Key words: Beck U., climate justice, climate colonialism, socio-political rethinking of climate change, the theory of the metamorphosis.

The article is devoted to the «ruscism» – the political neologism that arose at the beginning of the 21st century to denote the quasi-ideology and social practice of the modern political regime in the Russian Federation. Key definitions of the proposed article are «ideology» as a system of beliefs and ideas, views on society and its political life, that reflects ideals, worldview, interests, mindset of people, social classes, political parties, social movements, and also includes values, normative and target tendencies and the ways of their achievement, in particular its modern concept of «expanding» (according to T. Parsons) that is being interpreted as a particular society's system of values that is serving the universal orientation for the socio-political activities; «quasi-ideology» in the sense of «false», «imaginary» ideology and an eclectic synthesis of certain postulates; «ruscism» as the unofficial name of the quasi-ideology and social practice of the ruling regime in the Russian Federation at the beginning of the 21st century, which is an eclectic mix of imperial neo-colonialism, great-power chauvinism, nostalgia for the Soviet past, religious traditionalism, and acts as an identification mechanism within the system (recognition of «friends» and «enemies»), engagement (attracting of the new «friends»), and legitimization of conditional offenders on which all kinds of freedom supporters make claims.The author relies on a wide range of approaches to the definition of the semantic and ideological content of the «ruscism» by Russian scholars and political analysts who represent a predominantly critical view of the current political regime of the Russian Federation (S. Belkovsky, L. Gudkov, A. Melnikov, A. Piontkovsky, A. Skobov), political and military figures of the post-Soviet space (Sh. Basayev, J. Dudayev), Ukrainian researchers (O. Grinov, O. Kaftan, O. Kostenko, O. Leusenko, V. Tkachenko, M. Tomenko and etc.), expresses own opinion regarding this phenomenon.It is stated that the manifestation of «ruscism» in the domestic policy is the violation of human rights for freedom of thought, the persecution of dissidents, the use of mass media for misinformation of the own society and the neglect of democratic procedures. In foreign policy «ruscism» manifests itself in violation of the international law principles, the imposition of the world's own version of historical truth, the justification of the barbarian geopolitics of the Russian Federation aimed at occupation and annexation of the other states' territories based on the local cooperation and support of the Russian fifth columns. Nowadays «ruscism» acts as the ideological basis of the non-democratic regime in the Russian Federation also known as «putinism».It is predicted that «ruscism» as an ideological basis of «putinism» and «putinism» itself as a kind of authoritarian political regime of the present Russian Federation can exist after Putin's departure (resignation, escape, natural or violent death, etc.). In this case the role of the key figure of the regime will be played by another successor and such a modernization of the quasi-ideology of «ruscism» and the facade of «putinism» may be beneficial to the financial oligarchy, since it can hypothetically reduce the impact of international sanctions and isolation. ; The article is devoted to the «ruscism» – the political neologism that arose at the beginning of the 21st century to denote the quasi-ideology and social practice of the modern political regime in the Russian Federation. Key definitions of the proposed article are «ideology» as a system of beliefs and ideas, views on society and its political life, that reflects ideals, worldview, interests, mindset of people, social classes, political parties, social movements, and also includes values, normative and target tendencies and the ways of their achievement, in particular its modern concept of «expanding» (according to T. Parsons) that is being interpreted as a particular society's system of values that is serving the universal orientation for the socio-political activities; «quasi-ideology» in the sense of «false», «imaginary» ideology and an eclectic synthesis of certain postulates; «ruscism» as the unofficial name of the quasi-ideology and social practice of the ruling regime in the Russian Federation at the beginning of the 21st century, which is an eclectic mix of imperial neo-colonialism, great-power chauvinism, nostalgia for the Soviet past, religious traditionalism, and acts as an identification mechanism within the system (recognition of «friends» and «enemies»), engagement (attracting of the new «friends»), and legitimization of conditional offenders on which all kinds of freedom supporters make claims.The author relies on a wide range of approaches to the definition of the semantic and ideological content of the «ruscism» by Russian scholars and political analysts who represent a predominantly critical view of the current political regime of the Russian Federation (S. Belkovsky, L. Gudkov, A. Melnikov, A. Piontkovsky, A. Skobov), political and military figures of the post-Soviet space (Sh. Basayev, J. Dudayev), Ukrainian researchers (O. Grinov, O. Kaftan, O. Kostenko, O. Leusenko, V. Tkachenko, M. Tomenko and etc.), expresses own opinion regarding this phenomenon.It is stated that the manifestation of «ruscism» in the domestic policy is the violation of human rights for freedom of thought, the persecution of dissidents, the use of mass media for misinformation of the own society and the neglect of democratic procedures. In foreign policy «ruscism» manifests itself in violation of the international law principles, the imposition of the world's own version of historical truth, the justification of the barbarian geopolitics of the Russian Federation aimed at occupation and annexation of the other states' territories based on the local cooperation and support of the Russian fifth columns. Nowadays «ruscism» acts as the ideological basis of the non-democratic regime in the Russian Federation also known as «putinism».It is predicted that «ruscism» as an ideological basis of «putinism» and «putinism» itself as a kind of authoritarian political regime of the present Russian Federation can exist after Putin's departure (resignation, escape, natural or violent death, etc.). In this case the role of the key figure of the regime will be played by another successor and such a modernization of the quasi-ideology of «ruscism» and the facade of «putinism» may be beneficial to the financial oligarchy, since it can hypothetically reduce the impact of international sanctions and isolation.

The article is devoted to the «ruscism» – the political neologism that arose at the beginning of the 21st century to denote the quasi-ideology and social practice of the modern political regime in the Russian Federation. Key definitions of the proposed article are «ideology» as a system of beliefs and ideas, views on society and its political life, that reflects ideals, worldview, interests, mindset of people, social classes, political parties, social movements, and also includes values, normative and target tendencies and the ways of their achievement, in particular its modern concept of «expanding» (according to T. Parsons) that is being interpreted as a particular society's system of values that is serving the universal orientation for the socio-political activities; «quasi-ideology» in the sense of «false», «imaginary» ideology and an eclectic synthesis of certain postulates; «ruscism» as the unofficial name of the quasi-ideology and social practice of the ruling regime in the Russian Federation at the beginning of the 21st century, which is an eclectic mix of imperial neo-colonialism, great-power chauvinism, nostalgia for the Soviet past, religious traditionalism, and acts as an identification mechanism within the system (recognition of «friends» and «enemies»), engagement (attracting of the new «friends»), and legitimization of conditional offenders on which all kinds of freedom supporters make claims.The author relies on a wide range of approaches to the definition of the semantic and ideological content of the «ruscism» by Russian scholars and political analysts who represent a predominantly critical view of the current political regime of the Russian Federation (S. Belkovsky, L. Gudkov, A. Melnikov, A. Piontkovsky, A. Skobov), political and military figures of the post-Soviet space (Sh. Basayev, J. Dudayev), Ukrainian researchers (O. Grinov, O. Kaftan, O. Kostenko, O. Leusenko, V. Tkachenko, M. Tomenko and etc.), expresses own opinion regarding this phenomenon.It is stated that the manifestation of «ruscism» in the domestic policy is the violation of human rights for freedom of thought, the persecution of dissidents, the use of mass media for misinformation of the own society and the neglect of democratic procedures. In foreign policy «ruscism» manifests itself in violation of the international law principles, the imposition of the world's own version of historical truth, the justification of the barbarian geopolitics of the Russian Federation aimed at occupation and annexation of the other states' territories based on the local cooperation and support of the Russian fifth columns. Nowadays «ruscism» acts as the ideological basis of the non-democratic regime in the Russian Federation also known as «putinism».It is predicted that «ruscism» as an ideological basis of «putinism» and «putinism» itself as a kind of authoritarian political regime of the present Russian Federation can exist after Putin's departure (resignation, escape, natural or violent death, etc.). In this case the role of the key figure of the regime will be played by another successor and such a modernization of the quasi-ideology of «ruscism» and the facade of «putinism» may be beneficial to the financial oligarchy, since it can hypothetically reduce the impact of international sanctions and isolation. ; The article is devoted to the «ruscism» – the political neologism that arose at the beginning of the 21st century to denote the quasi-ideology and social practice of the modern political regime in the Russian Federation. Key definitions of the proposed article are «ideology» as a system of beliefs and ideas, views on society and its political life, that reflects ideals, worldview, interests, mindset of people, social classes, political parties, social movements, and also includes values, normative and target tendencies and the ways of their achievement, in particular its modern concept of «expanding» (according to T. Parsons) that is being interpreted as a particular society's system of values that is serving the universal orientation for the socio-political activities; «quasi-ideology» in the sense of «false», «imaginary» ideology and an eclectic synthesis of certain postulates; «ruscism» as the unofficial name of the quasi-ideology and social practice of the ruling regime in the Russian Federation at the beginning of the 21st century, which is an eclectic mix of imperial neo-colonialism, great-power chauvinism, nostalgia for the Soviet past, religious traditionalism, and acts as an identification mechanism within the system (recognition of «friends» and «enemies»), engagement (attracting of the new «friends»), and legitimization of conditional offenders on which all kinds of freedom supporters make claims.The author relies on a wide range of approaches to the definition of the semantic and ideological content of the «ruscism» by Russian scholars and political analysts who represent a predominantly critical view of the current political regime of the Russian Federation (S. Belkovsky, L. Gudkov, A. Melnikov, A. Piontkovsky, A. Skobov), political and military figures of the post-Soviet space (Sh. Basayev, J. Dudayev), Ukrainian researchers (O. Grinov, O. Kaftan, O. Kostenko, O. Leusenko, V. Tkachenko, M. Tomenko and etc.), expresses own opinion regarding this phenomenon.It is stated that the manifestation of «ruscism» in the domestic policy is the violation of human rights for freedom of thought, the persecution of dissidents, the use of mass media for misinformation of the own society and the neglect of democratic procedures. In foreign policy «ruscism» manifests itself in violation of the international law principles, the imposition of the world's own version of historical truth, the justification of the barbarian geopolitics of the Russian Federation aimed at occupation and annexation of the other states' territories based on the local cooperation and support of the Russian fifth columns. Nowadays «ruscism» acts as the ideological basis of the non-democratic regime in the Russian Federation also known as «putinism».It is predicted that «ruscism» as an ideological basis of «putinism» and «putinism» itself as a kind of authoritarian political regime of the present Russian Federation can exist after Putin's departure (resignation, escape, natural or violent death, etc.). In this case the role of the key figure of the regime will be played by another successor and such a modernization of the quasi-ideology of «ruscism» and the facade of «putinism» may be beneficial to the financial oligarchy, since it can hypothetically reduce the impact of international sanctions and isolation.

The main idea of the article is the specificity of the modernization of the Tunisian society, as well as its gender aspect, is largely due to the fact that this process, thanks to the efforts of the ruling elite, began before the establishment of the colonial regime. In the context of the existing Islamic tradition, the degree of engagement of women in the social or productive spheres was conditioned by social differentiation. After establishing the French protectorate, actively using the administrative apparatus, encouraging the growth of the non-Muslim population, the French pursued a policy of cultural colonialism, which led to the design of the ideological and political realities of Tunisia in two directions. Representatives of the first direction continued the traditions of pre-colonial reformism, substantiating the idea of self-sufficiency of Islam. Representatives of the second, not denying the cultural significance of Islam, considered the prospects of modernization with the absorption of European experience.Representatives of Islamic modernism argued that, reformed and adapted to the spirit of time, Islam became the ideological basis of social development, in particular the release of women, whose primary role was to play education.The most radical of them questioned the use of hijab, as a purely Islamic tradition. Without denying the traditions of Islam, they advocated assimilation of the achievements of European culture, science and public opinion.The ideal of a new Tunisian woman appeared in the context of the synthesis of Islamic and Western cultures. He called for the emancipation of women and the reform of family-marital relations, taking into account the socio-cultural traditions of the Tunisian society.Thus, most of the Tunisian intellectual elite was united in the view that women's education is a prerequisite for the modernization of society. However, some advocated for its purely Islamic nature, others did not deny the need for secular nature, in this case the French. The position of this kind undoubtedly created the preconditions for solving the issue of women's education.The process of socializing Tunisian women in the 1930s was manifested in the creation of women's community organizations. Members of such organizations, as a rule, were representatives of an enlightened and prosperous elite of Tunisian society, whose activities were initially charitable.Thesis, westernized Tunisian women, who were mostly educated in France, usually propagandised their own feminist ideas. However, their activities caused a sharp rejection, even among representatives of Islamic modernists. Until the second half of the 1950's, it was not a struggle for emancipation, and participation in the national liberation movement was a dominant factor in the social updating of a number of Tunisian women. ; В статті дослідник розкриває специфіку модернізацій них процесів жіночого руху на прикладі туніського суспільства. Цей процес, на думку автора, почався ще до створення колоніального режиму. У контексті існуючої ісламської традиції ступінь залучення жінок до соціальної чи продуктивної сфери було обумовлено соціальною диференціацією. Відбувалось поступове оформлення ідейно-політичних реалій Тунісу. Творення жіночих громадських організацій відбувався завдяки процесу соціалізації туніських жінок. Участь їх у національно-визвольному русі була домінуючим фактором соціального оновлення суспільства.

The main idea of the article is the specificity of the modernization of the Tunisian society, as well as its gender aspect, is largely due to the fact that this process, thanks to the efforts of the ruling elite, began before the establishment of the colonial regime. In the context of the existing Islamic tradition, the degree of engagement of women in the social or productive spheres was conditioned by social differentiation. After establishing the French protectorate, actively using the administrative apparatus, encouraging the growth of the non-Muslim population, the French pursued a policy of cultural colonialism, which led to the design of the ideological and political realities of Tunisia in two directions. Representatives of the first direction continued the traditions of pre-colonial reformism, substantiating the idea of self-sufficiency of Islam. Representatives of the second, not denying the cultural significance of Islam, considered the prospects of modernization with the absorption of European experience.Representatives of Islamic modernism argued that, reformed and adapted to the spirit of time, Islam became the ideological basis of social development, in particular the release of women, whose primary role was to play education.The most radical of them questioned the use of hijab, as a purely Islamic tradition. Without denying the traditions of Islam, they advocated assimilation of the achievements of European culture, science and public opinion.The ideal of a new Tunisian woman appeared in the context of the synthesis of Islamic and Western cultures. He called for the emancipation of women and the reform of family-marital relations, taking into account the socio-cultural traditions of the Tunisian society.Thus, most of the Tunisian intellectual elite was united in the view that women's education is a prerequisite for the modernization of society. However, some advocated for its purely Islamic nature, others did not deny the need for secular nature, in this case the French. The position of this kind undoubtedly created the preconditions for solving the issue of women's education.The process of socializing Tunisian women in the 1930s was manifested in the creation of women's community organizations. Members of such organizations, as a rule, were representatives of an enlightened and prosperous elite of Tunisian society, whose activities were initially charitable.Thesis, westernized Tunisian women, who were mostly educated in France, usually propagandised their own feminist ideas. However, their activities caused a sharp rejection, even among representatives of Islamic modernists. Until the second half of the 1950's, it was not a struggle for emancipation, and participation in the national liberation movement was a dominant factor in the social updating of a number of Tunisian women. ; В статті дослідник розкриває специфіку модернізацій них процесів жіночого руху на прикладі туніського суспільства. Цей процес, на думку автора, почався ще до створення колоніального режиму. У контексті існуючої ісламської традиції ступінь залучення жінок до соціальної чи продуктивної сфери було обумовлено соціальною диференціацією. Відбувалось поступове оформлення ідейно-політичних реалій Тунісу. Творення жіночих громадських організацій відбувався завдяки процесу соціалізації туніських жінок. Участь їх у національно-визвольному русі була домінуючим фактором соціального оновлення суспільства.

В статті досліджено еволюцію поглядів англомовної радянологічної історіографії на проблему національної політики КПРС та особливості національних відносин в СРСР повоєнного періоду. Визначено позицію провідних фахівців з національного питання, прослідковано теоретичні та методологічні підходи радянологів до аналізу національних процесів в СРСР повоєнного періоду. В статті також досліджено питання використання радянологами доробку радянських дисидентів національно-демократичного напрямку.В статье исследуется эволюция взглядов англоязычной историографии на проблему национальной политики КПСС и особенности национальных отношений в СССР послевоенного периода. Определена позиция ведущих специалистов по национальному вопросу, прослеживаются теоретические и методологические подходы советологов в отношении анализа национальных процессов в СССР послевоенного периода. В статье также исследуется вопрос использования советологами наработок советских диссидентов национально-демократического направления.The article concerns the questions of the national policy of CPSU and peculiarities of the national relations in the USSR of the past-war period. There were defined the attitudes of the main specialists in the national questions, revealed some theoretical and methodological approaches of the sovietologists in analysis of the national processes in the USSR of the past-was period. The article also concerns the question by sovietologists of using some results of the soviet dissents of national-democratic way.There were researched some views of sovietology scientists on the problem of the soviet national policy. Among them there was analyzed the book of Soviet emigrant A.Avtorkhanov "The Empire of the Kremlin: The Soviet type of Colonialism" translated into Russian in 1990. The book concerned the problem of theory and practice of the national policy of the Communist party of the USSR. The article analyzed ways and methods of the theoretical research by Avtorkhanov. There stressed that he was sure in the imperialistic kind of the Soviet Union powered by authoritative rule of the Soviet government and political party. There was also indicated the results of the author's research of the national policy in Ukraine after revolution, during a special policy of Ukrainian culture and during the II World war. It is pointed out that Ukrainian national movement was considered as "a third power" in contradiction to communist and fascist regime.Another object of research was the soviet policy towards Jews in the USSR by Julius Jacobson. There was stressed that author considered soviet regime as the worst among industrial countries in most aspects of civil, cultural and religious relations.Problems of the national policy were researched on the base of the analysis of the articles of J. Birch, S. Bialer and Z. Brzezinski. These authors were the most critical to the objectives and obstacles of the soviet regime in national republics. There was indicated that these authors considered in XX th century. At their point of view the USSR was a close relative to the Russian Empire and preserved the worst ways of national oppression.As a result of the research there were indicated some aspects:1. Foreign authors considered the soviet regime as an empire that continued the national policy of the Russian Empire.2. The collapse of the soviet regime and breaking of the soviet power is the result of the postponed national politics that was suppressed by the fierce regime and came into power after political reforms in the post-Stalin period.3. The final attitude to the problem of the soviet national politics should be considered in complex with the aspects of political, economical and cultural patterns. Ignoring them makes researches rather narrow and not too much relevant.

The separatist movements have significantly intensified in many European states, most notably in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and Spain, which were empires before the collapse of colonialism in the 20th century and expanded their territories by conquering the neighboring countries. Today, within the majority of multiethnic states, there are historical and geographical regions where indigenous ethnic communities seek to secede and gain independence. The economic factors and identity based on common language, culture and history usually play a significant role in the development of separatist movements.It should be noted that the activities of the separatist movements threaten the sustainable development and functioning of the system of international relations. Since the international law does not specify which social groups can exercise their right to self-determination, the following dilemma often arises: should the principle of territorial integrity of states prevail over the right of the nation to self-determination, or vice versa? Nowadays, the problem of separatism has gone beyond the internal politics of the state and has gained the international importance. First of all, this is due to the fact that the third parties intervene in the conflicts in order to destabilize the situation in certain countries and to strengthen their influence in a particular region. Trying to avoid criminal responsibility and imposition of international sanctions, separatists do not resort to open armed attacks on neighboring countries, which is a clear act of aggression, and use hybrid warfare techniques instead.Taking into consideration the current Ukrainian statehood challenge and the real threat to our country's territorial integrity, the study of separatism as an actual threat to national security is essential. Despite the large number of scientific works devoted to this phenomenon, it is necessary to continue the comprehensive research of separatism. That is why the scientific approaches to the definition of separatism are analyzed in this article, and its nature is investigated.Key words: separatism; separatist movement; secession; irredentism; nationalism; ethnopolitical conflict. ; Сепаратистські рухи значно посилилися у багатьох державах Європи, насамперед у Великій Британії та Іспанії, які до краху колоніалізму у ХХ ст. були імперіями та розширювали свої території шляхом захоплення сусідніх країн. Сьогодні у межах більшості багатоетнічних держав існують історичні та географічні регіони, де проживають корінні етнічні спільноти, що прагнуть відокремитися та здобути незалежність. Здебільшого економічні чинники та ідентичність, яка ґрунтується на спільній мові, культурі та історії, відіграють значну роль у розвитку сепаратистських рухів.Зауважимо, що діяльність сепаратистських рухів становить загрозу стабільному розвитку та функціонуванню системи міжнародних відносин. Оскільки у міжнародному праві не передбачено, які саме соціальні групи можуть реалізовувати своє право на самовизначення, часто виникає наступна дилема: що переважає, принцип територіальної цілісності держав чи право нації на самовизначення? Сьогодні проблема сепаратизму вийшла за межі внутрішньої політики держави та набула міжнародного значення. Насамперед, це пов'язано з тим, що треті сторони втручаються у конфлікти, щоб дестабілізувати ситуацію у певних державах та посилити свій вплив у конкретному регіоні. Сепаратисти, аби уникнути кримінальної відповідальності та застосування міжнародних санкцій, не вдаються до відкритих збройних нападів на сусідні країни, що є очевидним актом агресії, застосовують методи ведення гібридної війни.В умовах сучасних викликів українській державності та існування реальної загрози територіальній цілісності нашої держави, дослідження сепаратизму як актуальної загрози національній безпеці мають важливе значення. Незважаючи на значну кількість наукових праць, присвячених цьому феномену, необхідно продовжувати здійснювати його комплексне дослідження. Саме тому у статті проаналізовано наукові підходи щодо визначення сепаратизму, досліджено сутність та зміст явища сепаратизму.Ключові слова: сепаратизм; сепаратистський рух; сецесія; іредентизм; націоналізм; етнополітичний конфлікт.