Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Occhiello -- Indice -- Introduzione -- Poems -- Abbreviazioni -- Foreword - Italian colonization -- Part I Origins,rescission of agreements and resistance -- Chapter 1 The origins of italian colonization in Somalia -- Chapter 2 The Mullah: Sayyid Mohammed Abdullah Hassan and his movement -- Chapter 3 The rescission of protection agreements by the fascist administration -- Part II Crucial issues during the italian colonial period -- Chapter 4 The ascent of italian colonialism in Somalia and the labour question, 1890s-1930s -- Chapter 5 Interaction among customary law, islamic law and colonial law during the italian administration of Somalia -- Part III From colonization to trusteeship and independence -- Chapter 6 Italy's "right of return" to Somalia after the defeat in the second world war -- Chapter 7 The United Nations and the Somali question: The transformation process from colony indipendence -- Part IV The aftermath of italian colonialism -- Chapter 8 The case of the boundary dispute between Ethiopia and Somalia:some remarks from an international law standpoint -- Chapter 9 Reparation for colonial crimes: the case of Somalia -- Appendice -- Volumi pubblicati.

The present article reflects on the claiming "movements" for the social development of Sub-Saharan Africa seen from the discourses of the leaders: an internal colonialism? in the context of social progress, checking the discourses of the leaders in the period between (1957 - 2021) in a historical-social and political perspective, a work that was developed within the framework of a module of the PhD programmer. In relation to the objectives, we sought to question whether or not it is colonial continuities that condition the advance and retreat of the African continent south of the Sahara in matters of social development. The choice of theme is justified because there are many contradictions between the speeches made by African leaders during the period of the struggle for independence where they guaranteed the well-being of the population, which reached its peak in the 1960s, and the implementation of commitments made and which are embodied in the charter of the Organization of African Unity, now the African Union. Methodologically, the study was based on descriptive research with a qualitative approach. We also used specialized bibliography on the subject. We also made use of direct observation through news broadcast on various national and international television and radio stations. Finally, we also made use of the information available on the websites of institutions we consider to be reliable, which periodically publish reports on the social situation of the countries in this region. Regarding the results, we note that the speeches proclaimed by the leaders of this geographical space are adverse to social, economic and political emancipation, conditioned in part by the former colonies that still exert certain influences. We also note that there is a lack of feasible public policies from the African governments themselves to satisfy the primary needs of their populations.

Settler colonialism has long been at the center of the Palestine Liberation Organization's understanding of Zionism, providing the theoretical basis for the proposal of a unitary, democratic and non-sectarian state in historic Palestine. The Oslo Accords reversed this trend, promoting a discourse centered on conflict resolution, coexistence and the "two people-two states" solution. The recent consolidation of Settler Colonial Studies as an academic field, led to a powerful resurgence of settler colonialism as the interpretive framework for understanding Zionism and decolonization as the solution to the Palestine question. ; L'analisi del sionismo come colonialismo di insediamento è stato a lungo il quadro ideologico di riferimento dell'Organizzazione per la Liberazione della Palestina e la base teorica per l'elaborazione della proposta di Stato unitario, democratico e non confessionale nella Palestina storica. L'era degli Accordi di Oslo ha invertito questa tendenza, promuovendo un discorso incentrato sulla retorica del conflitto, della coesistenza e della soluzione "due popoli-due stati". Recentemente, grazie al consolidamento in ambito accademico dei Settler Colonial Studies si è posto di nuovo al centro del dibattito il colonialismo di insediamento come paradigma per comprendere il sionismo e la decolonizzazione come soluzione alla questione palestinese.

La Tesi in oggetto tratta della storia di Puerto Rico, colonia spagnola nelle Antille per circa 400 anni, poi possedimento statunitense dal trattato di pace firmato a Parigi nel dicembre del 1898, come conseguenza della guerra Ispano Cubano Americana. Detto questo, mi sono voluto focalizzare sugli anni che precedettero di poco la guerra, che portò alla Spagna la perdita delle ultime colonie, e di quelli immediatamente successivi, in cui si instaurò un Governatorato Militare e poi Civile sotto l'egida degli Stati Uniti. La scelta del periodo suddetto è stata fatta perché ho ritenuto che quegli anni avessero fatto da matrice a ciò che Puerto Rico è stato per molti anni (e per certi versi ancora ora è): un paese in cerca di una identità. Dai documenti archivistici consultati, l'ultimo periodo spagnolo è vissuto dalla potenza coloniale come una lunga ed inesorabile attesa verso una fine drammatica. Mi sono focalizzato molto sui documenti che trattavano le relazioni fra il Governo di Madrid, e del Ministero deputato alle colonie, Ultramar, e quello di Puerto Rico, proprio per cercare di capire come vivessero gli amministratori, i governanti, quegli anni per loro niente affatto facili. Ho completato quei documenti con altri di provenienza opposta, ossia statunitense, prodotti dal rappresentante americano sull'isola, il Console, che davano una visione più ampia e completa del periodo in esame. Visione ulteriormente allargata grazie anche a fonti esterne ai due stati come quelle a stampa. Stampa che ha giocato un ruolo, almeno nel caso dello scoppio della guerra, per nulla secondario. Da altri documenti archivistici, di stampo militare soprattutto, ho anche voluto soffermarmi su alcuni momenti della guerra che mi sono serviti a capire il grande divario che c'era fra le due forze in campo. Altro punto, e periodo, approfondito è quello immediatamente successivo alla firma dell'armistizio che avrebbe portato al Trattato di Pace fra le due potenze, perché il brusco cambio di potere, intervallato da una sorta di vacatio imperii dovuta alla evacuazione dell'isola da parte spagnola e l'impossessamento della stessa da parte statunitense, ha portato ad un periodo di criminalità e violenza mai sperimentati a Puerto Rico fino ad allora. Altro lasso di tempo topico preso in esame è quello in cui dal Governatorato Militare si passa a quello Civile attraverso una Legge Organica emanata da Washington, passata alla storia come Legge Foraker. E' quello il periodo in cui il colonialismo di stampo americano inizia ad estrinsecarsi maggiormente e a compiere più alacri sforzi ai fini della "americanizzazione" di Puerto Rico. Da quanto detto finora, le domande che mi sono posto, e a cui ho cercato di dare una risposta, sono state: Come si viveva dal punto di vista amministrativo e politico, e di conseguenza anche sociale, a Puerto Rico negli ultimi anni di dominio spagnolo? Come è avvenuto il passaggio di consegne fra le due potenze e cosa ha immediatamente prodotto? Come gli statunitensi hanno agito nei primi anni di Governatorato Civile e cosa hanno lasciato in eredità? In tutto ciò, il filone storiografico a cui mi sono accodato è quello di stampo portoricano e poi statunitense ( non esistendone in Italia uno al riguardo), con come storico di maggiore riferimento il portoricano Fernando Picò. ; The thesis in question is about the history of Puerto Rico, the Spanish colony in the West Indies for 400 years, then the property of the US by the treaty of peace signed in Paris in December 1898, as a result of the Hispanic Cuban American war. That said, I wanted to focus on the years leading up to the war, which led to the loss of the last Spanish colonies, and those immediately following, in which is established a Military Government and then the Civil under the aegis of the United States.The choice of that period has been taken because I thought that those years had been like a matrix for what Puerto Rico has been for long years (and still is, in some ways): a country looking for an identity. From the archive documents that I've consulted, the last period of Spanish rule is lived by the colonial power as a long and inexorable waiting for a dramatic end. I have been focused on documents about the relationships among Madrid Govern, Ministerio de Ultramar and Puerto Rico Govern, to try to understand the way the administrators lived those not easy years. I've completed those documents with others from the opposite side, the USA one, made by the American representative on the island, the Consul, that gave a larger point of view of the period in exam. The view has been even wider thanks to external sources of the two states as the press ones. The press that played a big role, at least in the case of the war, second to none. The documents of military archives helped me to understand the differences on the playground battle. One more period of interest has been the one about the armistice and the days after, until the treaty of peace signed in Paris, when there was a sort of vacation imperii done because of the evacuation of the island by the Spaniards and the taken by the USA that leaded to a period of high criminality and violence never seen in Puerto Rico. Another topic period was the passage from a Military Government to a Civil one, thanks to the Organic Law called Foraker. That was the period when the usa colonialism begins to exteriorize more to make greatest effort for the Americanization of Puerto Rico. With that said, the question I've made to myself, which I've tried to answer, have been: How was the political, administrative and social life in Puerto Rico before the war under the Spanish rule? How has been the passage between the two powers and what immediately has done? How the USA governs acted in the early years of Civil Government and what they left as legacy? With that said, the genre of historiography which I agreed is the Portorican and American one (not having one italian), as leading historians Fernando Picò and Maria Dolores Luque de Sanchez. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Storia dell'Europa XIV-XX secolo (XXVIII ciclo)

Come ha più d'una volta ribadito il figlio Giuliano, Pietro Bonfante non fu mai un nazionalista. Lo dimostra, in primo luogo, il suo atteggiamento sulla Dalmazia. Egli, soprattutto per ragioni storico-demografiche, contrastò ogni velleità d'annessione di queste terre. Descriverlo come avversario del colonialismo è senza dubbio inesatto, ma Pietro Bonfante – lo attesta la sua memoria in difesa di re Faysal di Siria – condannò decisamente la politica francese e inglese in Medio Oriente e l'accordo Sykes-Picot. Egli inoltre, a differenza dei nazionalisti, in politica economica fu un liberista, sebbene rifugisse anche in questo campo ogni dogmatismo. Fin dal 1915 si convinse che il ciclo storico del dominio mondiale europeo stesse per chiudersi e che Il futuro appartenesse ormai alle nuove realtà continentali e, in particolare, agli Stati Uniti d'America. L'unica via di salvezza per il vecchio continente era l'unione politica di Francia, Italia , paesi latini e Germania. La sua adesione al fascismo – mai sincera – fu distaccata e prudente e non gli impedì, in pieno 1925, di avanzare progetti di riforma ispirati al costituzionalismo liberale.Pietro Bonfante, as stressed more than once by his son Giuliano, was never a nationalist. His attitude in the relationship with Dalmatia proves this. Mainly for demographic and historical reasons he opposed everyone intending to grab these lands. Depicting him as an enemy of colonialism is with no doubt incorrect, but Pietro Bonfante – the defence written for King Faysal of Syria shows it – fiercely attacked French and English politics in the Middle East and the Sykes-Picot agreement. In addition, unlike the nationalists, he was a liberist, though avoiding every economic orthodoxy. Since 1915 he was convinced that the time had come for Europe to release the grasp on world leadership, which was now belonging to new continental states and in particular to the U.S.A. The only way for the Old Continent to save itself was the political union of France, Italy, latin nations and Germany. His adhesion to fascism – never sincere – was very cautious and it never stopped him, in 1925, from proposing reform projects inspired by liberal constitutionalism.

A metà del '700 la scena politica internazionale era caratterizzata da almeno tre macroordini regionali, l'Asia orientale, il mondo islamico e la regione europeo-cristiana (Aydın 2019), e da diversi sistemi di rete intercontinentali strettamente interconnessi sul piano diplomatico, commerciale, normativo e conflittuale (Subrahmanyam 2019). Ognuna di queste aree geo-culturali presentava al suo interno diversi regni e imperi in cui l'ordine politico e le relazioni internazionali non erano regolati da princìpi immutabili e fissi, ma si basavano su una certa vivacità degli scambi e delle interazioni. Niente preludeva a quella trasformazione politica del mondo che avrebbe creato, nel giro di un secolo, un nuovo ordine mondiale imperiale eurocentrico altamente integrato, a seguito della spinta determinata dal processo di industrializzazione europeo.

The method followed by Lanternari in the research, published in 1960, is based on the historic method as understood by Benedetto Croce, the philosopher who dominated the Italian cultural scene in the first half of the twentieth century and is opposed to the revival of religious studies, initiated by Raffaele Pettazzoni, which is often associated with the work of Lanternari. The Lanternari approach and the themes of his book Movimenti religiosi libertà e di salvezza were at the center of the national and international debate in the post-war era, and more specifically exchanges on popular cultures and religions (through confrontation with the works of Antonio Gramsci and Ernesto De Martino), but also on religion in colonial situation (through the works of Georges Balandier). The article relates the binary interpretive models that characterize this book (oppressor and oppressed, dominant and dominated, colonial and colonized peoples) with the expectations of the political and cultural time of macro-alliances. It concludes with the question of his legacy today in terms of challenges to the history and anthropology of religion.

Ignazio Guidi, Martino Mario Moreno and Enrico Cerulli marked in a permanent way the studies on institutions and languages of the 'Ethiopian' region. As academics they left a unique legacy, still traceable in their publications, and they gave an indelible imprint to the subsequent generations of researchers, until today. As civil servants in different admnistrative offices they contributed to familiarize their country, then still narrow-minded, with the traditional East African cultures. Nevertheless they had to come to terms with the ideological context of the contemporary Euope, marked by racist and colonial ideas, and they took part actively in that political mood. A sincere tribute to their scientific talent cannot be separated from asking ourselves about the reasons and the outcomes of their cultural and political militancy. This paper has been delivered on the occasion of the workshop "Cinque Grandi Italiani tra Africa e Oriente", held at the Circolo del Ministero degli Affari Esteri in Rome, 10 November 2015

The vast output of Carlo Cattaneo contains no works specifically on the theme of colonialism. Nevertheless, this author, who is often represented as the historian of the triumphant bourgeoisie, frequently makes observations on the relationship between Europe, at the height of its splendor & its capacity for expansion beyond the continent, & the peoples & civilizations of the non-European world. His essays on India & China are particularly illuminating in this respect. Cattaneo's analyses contain an original mixture of historical reconstruction, cultural comparison & armchair anthropology. One is continuously aware of his perception of the need to reconcile the process of universalization emanating from Europe with the specific practices & values found in other nations & other forms of state. Racialist perspectives are completely alien to Cattaneo's work, & this guarantees an attitude of respect, though without ruling out a realistic recognition of the superiority behind Europe's position of dominance. Moreover, Cattaneo was not in a position to take into account "real" colonialism: having died in 1869 -- the year of the opening of the Suez Canal & the purchase of the Assab Bay by an Italian company -- he was not able directly to witness the emerging experience of Italian colonialism. In this sense, the more direct point of reference for Cattaneo's work is British colonialism. Adapted from the source document.

During the 19th Century, more than 2000 children of sub-Saharan origin were redeemed from slavery by missionaries and educated in Europe with the aim of sending them back to Africa as «indigenous missionaries». Yet, so far this phenomenon has found no place in historiography and collective memory. Forgotten, perhaps, or removed. The so-called «moretti» were not mere anonymous satellites, orbiting around the European missionaries. Victims of the choices of others, but also protagonists according their own choices, they were real «agents of history». This book is a first attempt to remove them from the peripheries of our narratives and to return them a place and a name. The archives show it clearly: African-Europeans are far from being just recent actors of European history.

This book addresses the evolution of Portuguese-American relations between 1946 and 1961, taking into account the two aspects that conditioned the relationship between the two countries: the North American interest in having the Lajes base in the Azores and the Portuguese government's commitment to secure Washington's support for maintaining its colonial policy. Contrary to what historiography indicated as a "golden period" in the understanding between Lisbon and Washington, the book demonstrates that the Cold War climate and the internationalization of the Portuguese colonial issue conditioned relations between the two countries. Without ever reaching a breaking point, the relationship between the two countries was always constrained by the evident differences in approach regarding the position of the West in relation to the Afro-Asian world, with Portugal linking the American presence in the Azores with the North American need to, if not support, turn a blind eye to the maintenance of Portuguese colonial policy. - Este livro aborda a evolução das relações luso-americanas entre 1946 e 1961, tendo em atenção os dois aspetos que condicionaram a relação entre os dois países: o interesse norte-americano em dispor da base das Lajes nos Açores e o empenho do governo português em garantir o apoio de Washington para a manutenção da sua política colonial. Ao contrário do que a historiografia apontava como sendo um "período de ouro" no entendimento entre Lisboa e Washington, o livro demonstra que o clima de Guerra Fria e a internacionalização da questão colonial portuguesa condicionaram as relações entre os dois países. Sem nunca chegar a uma situação de rutura, a relação entre os dois países ficou sempre constrangida pelas evidentes diferenças de abordagem quanto à posição do Ocidente em face do mundo afro-asiático, com Portugal a interligar desde muito cedo a presença americana nos Açores com a necessidade norte-americana de, senão apoiar, fechar os olhos à manutenção da política colonial portuguesa.

In the process of formation of modern Egypt contributions from cultures other than Egyptian were considerable. Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries continuous flows of immigrants from Western and Middle-Eastern countries occurred. They were originated by a number of reasons, but all of them shared a common research of a safe place to work and thrive in. The governmental xenophile policies and the favourable economic conditions in the country allowed the setting up of large colonies and the professional integration of foreign specialists in public and private activities pivotal for the development of modern Egypt. The European model dominated in the reforming work started by Muhammad 'Ali, moulding the new ruling classes. At the same time a lively cosmopolitan society grew, leaving its mark in several fields of social, economic and cultural life. This age, long more than one hundred years, ended in a revolution that returned Egypt to the Egyptians, but did not erase its material and ideal legacy. ; 1 ; open ; Non definito ; open ; Avallone, Lucia ; Avallone, Lucia