PORTUGALSKI SYSTEM KOLONIALNY
In: Kultura i społeczeństwo: kwartalnik, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 201-210
ISSN: 0023-5172
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In: Kultura i społeczeństwo: kwartalnik, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 201-210
ISSN: 0023-5172
34 pp. ; 24 cm ; Odb. z: Sprawy Morskie i Kolonialne, 1938, z. 4 ; Summ. fre. ; 34 s. ; 24 cm ; Odb. z: Sprawy Morskie i Kolonialne, 1938, z. 4 ; Streszcz. fr.
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In: Kultura i społeczeństwo: kwartalnik, Band 21, Heft 4, S. 131-143
ISSN: 0023-5172
Uluslararası sistemde temel örgütlenme birimi olarak kabul edilen ulus devlet sistemi Ortaçağ döneminde Avrupa'dan tüm dünyaya yayılarak gelen bir yapıya karşılık gelmektedir. Bu yapının 1648 Westphalia Antlaşmasından başlayarak bir dizi siyasi, ekonomik ve sosyal gelişmeler sonucunda özellikle Fransız İhtilali sonrasında tüm dünyaya yayıldığı ve uluslararası politikada hakim siyasal örgütlenme biçimi olduğu kabul görmektedir. Modern devlet sistemi olarak adlandırılan bu yapıda tüm devletlerin sınırları belirli bir toprak parçası üzerinde vatandaşları üzerinde son sözü söyleme yetkisine sahip oldukları ve meşru güç kullanma tekelini elinde bulundurdukları genel kabul gören bir anlayıştır. Söz konusu bu modern devlet sistemi tüm devletlerin aynı özelliklere sahip olduğu veya olması gerektiği ön kabulüne dayanmaktadır. Tüm ulus devletlerin benzer gelişmeler neticesinde kurulduğunu öngören bu yaklaşım sistemde var olan tüm devletlerin bazı asgari standartlara sahip olduğunu ve standart kalıplar içinde var olduklarını ifade etmektedir. Bir başka deyişle modern ulus devlet modeli esasında tek tip ve standart bir devlet modeli öngörmektedir. Oysaki ulus devlet sistemi Avrupa dışındaki bölgelerde Avrupa'da yaşanan sürece benzer bir gelişim süreci göstermemiştir. Bu nedenle dünyanın birçok bölgesinde ortaya çıkan ulus devlet modelleri bir ulus devlette olması gereken şartları taşımadan ortaya çıkarak varlıklarını sürdürmektedirler. Özellikle Birleşmiş Milletler Sisteminin kurulmasının ardından bağımsızlıklarını kazanan birçok eski sömürge devleti bir ulus devlette olması gereken asgari standartlara sahip olmadan devletleşme sürecine girmişlerdir. Bu devletler hukuki olarak uluslararası toplum tarafından ulus devlet formunda kabul edilmiş olmalarına rağmen fiili olarak bir ulus devlette olması gereken özelliklere sahip olamadıkları için standart bir ulus devlette olması gereken işlevleri yerine getiremedikleri görülmektedir. Gelinen noktada bu tür devletler başarısız olarak adlandırılarak diğer devletlerden olumsuz olarak ayrışmaktadırlar. ii Bu durum bu devletlerin başarısız ve uluslararası sistemin hatalı veya bozuk parçaları olarak görülmelerine neden olmaktadır. Çünkü bu devletler vatandaşlarına diğer başarılı devletlerin sağladığı güvenlik, sağlık, eğitim gibi temel hizmetleri sağlayamadıkları gibi ülke içinde yaşadıkları silahlı çatışmalar nedeniyle gerek komşuları gerekse küresel sistem için kitlesel göçler, salgın hastalıklar, küresel terörizm gibi birçok soruna neden olmaktadır. Bu çalışma uluslararası politikada başarısız devlet sorununa odaklanarak başarısız devletselliğe neden olan unsurları tartışmaya açmaktadır. Bu noktada çalışmanın ortaya koyduğu tez; başarısız devletselliğin başarısız devletlerin kendilerinden kaynaklanan bir sorun olmasının yanında bu durumun aynı zamanda küresel kapitalist sistem ve sömürge devletlerinin uyguladıkları yanlış politikalardan kaynaklanmasıdır. Bu açıdan çalışma öncelikli olarak modern ulus devletin oluşum süreci ve unsurlarını inceledikten sonra başarısız devletlerin temel özelliklerini ortaya koyarak bu duruma neden olan sebepleri incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Ayrıca başarısız devletlerin neden olduğu uluslararası sorunlara dikkat çekerek bu sorunun çözümü için yeni yaklaşımlara ihtiyaç olduğunu vurgulamaya çalışmaktadır. ; The nation state system, which is accepted as the basic organization unit in the international system, corresponds to a structure that has spread from Europe to the whole world starting from in the middle ages. It is accepted that this structure has spread all over the world especially after the French Revolution as a result of a series of political, economic and social developments starting from the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia. It is a dominant form of political organization in today's international politics. In this structure, which is called the modern state system, it is generally accepted that all states have the authority to say the last word on the territory of a certain territory and hold the monopoly of using legitimate power. This modern state system is based on the assumption that all states have or must have the same characteristics. This approach, which envisages that all nationstates are established as a result of similar developments; states that all the states in the system have some minimum standards and exist within standardized patterns. In other words, the modern nation-state model provides a uniform and standardized state model. However, the nation-state system has not shown a similar development process in the regions outside Europe. Therefore the nation-state models that emerged in many parts of the world continue to exist without having to meet the requirements of a nation-state. Especially after the establishment of the United Nations System, many former colonial states, which gained their independence, entered the process of state building process without having the minimum standards required in a nation state. Although these states were legally accepted by the international community in the form of nation-state, they cannot fulfill the functions they should have in a standardized nation-state because they do not actually have the characteristics that should be in a nation-state. At this point, such states are considered to be unsuccessful and they are negatively differentiated from other states. This causes these states to fail and be seen as faulty or damaged parts of the international system. Because these states do not provide basic services to their iv citizens like other successful states, such as security, health and education and also they cause many problems such as mass immigration, epidemics, global terrorism for both the neighbors and the global system due to the armed conflicts in the country. This study focuses on the problem of the failed state in international politics and discusses the factors causing failed statehood. At this point, the thesis of the study; Besides the fact that the failed statehood is a problem arising from the failed states themselves, this is also due to the false policies implemented by the global capitalist system and the colonial states. In this respect, the study primarily aims to examine the main features of the failed states after examining the formation process and elements of the modern nation-state and to examine the reasons that cause this situation. It also tries to emphasize the need for new approaches to solve this problem by drawing attention to the international problems caused by the failed states. Key Words: State, Nation State, Failed State, Modern State, Capitalist System, International Policy, Failed State, Colonialism, Patrimonialism.
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Problem granic w Afryce nie wiąże się z nieprawdziwym faktem, iż są one "sztuczne" czy "młode" – jako że są w większości starsze niż granice państw europejskich – ale z tym, iż stanowiły dzieło Europejczyków i że nawet do tej pory nie został jeszcze zakończony proces ich delimitacji, a szczególnie demarkacji. O ich trwałości z kolei świadczy zaakceptowana zasada uti possidetis, podkreślana wielokrotnie w wyrokach Międzynarodowego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości i w rezolucjach ONZ. Inne natomiast traktowanie granic w Afryce może prowadzić do rewizjonizmu terytorialnego i konfliktów, a nawet wojen. ; The problem of borders in Africa is not related to the false fact that they are 'artificial' or 'young', for in their majority they are older than those of European countries, but to the fact that they were created by Europeans and even today the process of their delimitation, and especially demarcation, has not been completed. Their permanence is confirmed by the accepted principle uti possidetis, emphasised many times in the judgments of the International Court of Justice in Hague and resolutions of the United Nations. Treating borders differently in Africa can lead to territorial revisionism and conflicts, ending even in wars.
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The problem of borders in Africa is not related to the false fact that they are 'artificial' or 'young', for in their majority they are older than those of European countries, but to the fact that they were created by Europeans and even today the process of their delimitation, and especially demarcation, has not been completed. Their permanence is confirmed by the accepted principle uti possidetis, emphasised many times in the judgments of the International Court of Justice in Hague and resolutions of the United Nations. Treating borders differently in Africa can lead to territorial revisionism and conflicts, ending even in wars. ; Problem granic w Afryce nie wiąże się z nieprawdziwym faktem, iż są one "sztuczne" czy "młode" – jako że są w większości starsze niż granice państw europejskich – ale z tym, iż stanowiły dzieło Europejczyków i że nawet do tej pory nie został jeszcze zakończony proces ich delimitacji, a szczególnie demarkacji. O ich trwałości z kolei świadczy zaakceptowana zasada uti possidetis, podkreślana wielokrotnie w wyrokach Międzynarodowego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości i w rezolucjach ONZ. Inne natomiast traktowanie granic w Afryce może prowadzić do rewizjonizmu terytorialnego i konfliktów, a nawet wojen.
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China In Africa – An Opportunity Or Neo-Colonialism In The Xxi Century? Selected Aspects Of The Chinese Presence On The ContinentChina's policy towards African countries undergone a significant transformation since the 50's of the XX century, and changed dramatically in the last decade, given the scale of the Middle Kingdom economic engagement on the continent. Africa is nowadays an important source of natural resources and huge market for Chinese products. The same time for non democratic regimes, China eases tensions in the Africa-USA and Africa-EU relations. Chinese aid and investments, are well recognized in Africa, as they are unconditionally realized. Although both parties derive commercial and political benefits from cooperation, Chinese policy is characterized by pragmatism and willingness to achieve their own objectives. If Chinese interests increasingly depend on local leaders' policy, will it be possible to maintain in future decades "non-interference" ability towards African's internal affairs? To which extend Chinese presence benefits in building of political, economic and social governance in Africa, and how far it is a scenario of taking advantage in a "neo-colonial" style?
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The Role of India in the United Nations Organisation according to the Political Conception of Jawaharlal NehruIndia's accession to the international system which is the UN stemmed from the conviction that it is an organization that in the postwar world shaped international relations based on the principle of political and economic cooperation and safeguard the peace. India's membership in the United Nations gave opportunities for the dissemination of political ideology and beliefs regarding aspects such as anti–colonialism, disarmament, peacekeeping. This created the opportunity to play a significant role for India in world politics. Hence, since accession to the UN India very actively engaged in the work and activities for the organization. India offered their services to mediate between the parties to the conflict, working in support of the independence movement and for the avoidance of violence between states, also tried to mark their positions within the UN. The presence of India in the United Nations and the active involvement of the various field activities of this organization is not only an opportunity to indicate their role in the international arena and spread an ideology of non–alignment, but also the opportunity to speak in the interests of the Third World and to winning economic aid to post–colonial states.
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The Role of India in the United Nations Organisation according to the Political Conception of Jawaharlal NehruIndia's accession to the international system which is the UN stemmed from the conviction that it is an organization that in the postwar world shaped international relations based on the principle of political and economic cooperation and safeguard the peace. India's membership in the United Nations gave opportunities for the dissemination of political ideology and beliefs regarding aspects such as anti–colonialism, disarmament, peacekeeping. This created the opportunity to play a significant role for India in world politics. Hence, since accession to the UN India very actively engaged in the work and activities for the organization. India offered their services to mediate between the parties to the conflict, working in support of the independence movement and for the avoidance of violence between states, also tried to mark their positions within the UN. The presence of India in the United Nations and the active involvement of the various field activities of this organization is not only an opportunity to indicate their role in the international arena and spread an ideology of non–alignment, but also the opportunity to speak in the interests of the Third World and to winning economic aid to post–colonial states.
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For about two years, the language of the new authorities has been constituting in Poland, made up by the comments of Jarosław Kaczyński, Chairman of the Law and Justice (PiS) party, and enunciations of the most important state officials and experts loyal to the ruling party, members of parliament, senators, Catholic church authorities and journalists who support the idea of the so-called "Good Change." Many important, sometimes controversial words spoken by the representatives of the ruling camp appeal or directly concern democracy, its principles of operation or legitimacy. Due to the specificity, repetitive nature and regularity of these statements, one may speak of the formation of a "PiS-style democracy" discourse. The main rules of its formation are imposed by the chairman and ideologist of the ruling party and its programming documents. The presented article is therefore based primarily on statements made by the Chairman of Law and Justice and on the party's official programme. The starting point is the hypothesis that the PiS-style democracy discourse and discourse formations in the Fourth Republic of Poland analysed in the article do not only recall or paraphrase slogans dating back to the Polish People's Republic, but they also use cognitive categories, thought patterns and reasoning in line with the discourses imposed on Poles by the Soviets in the PPR era. The analysis shows that the discourses of the new authorities, in particular the PiS-style democracy discourse, emerge according to the rules of the discourses of Soviet dictatorship of the proletariat, as well as the democratic dictatorship of the PPR, imposed on Poles by the Soviet Union after World War II. Similarly, statements made by the representatives of the ruling camp concerning the development patterns of the economy and political practices, emerged under the influence of the rules of the Marxist-Leninist doctrine and the discourses of democracy in the Polish People's Republic. The PiS-style democracy discourse evokes their key ideologemes ...
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For about two years, the language of the new authorities has been constituting in Poland, made up by the comments of Jarosław Kaczyński, Chairman of the Law and Justice (PiS) party, and enunciations of the most important state officials and experts loyal to the ruling party, members of parliament, senators, Catholic church authorities and journalists who support the idea of the so-called "Good Change." Many important, sometimes controversial words spoken by the representatives of the ruling camp appeal or directly concern democracy, its principles of operation or legitimacy. Due to the specificity, repetitive nature and regularity of these statements, one may speak of the formation of a "PiS-style democracy" discourse. The main rules of its formation are imposed by the chairman and ideologist of the ruling party and its programming documents. The presented article is therefore based primarily on statements made by the Chairman of Law and Justice and on the party's official programme. The starting point is the hypothesis that the PiS-style democracy discourse and discourse formations in the Fourth Republic of Poland analysed in the article do not only recall or paraphrase slogans dating back to the Polish People's Republic, but they also use cognitive categories, thought patterns and reasoning in line with the discourses imposed on Poles by the Soviets in the PPR era. The analysis shows that the discourses of the new authorities, in particular the PiS-style democracy discourse, emerge according to the rules of the discourses of Soviet dictatorship of the proletariat, as well as the democratic dictatorship of the PPR, imposed on Poles by the Soviet Union after World War II. Similarly, statements made by the representatives of the ruling camp concerning the development patterns of the economy and political practices, emerged under the influence of the rules of the Marxist-Leninist doctrine and the discourses of democracy in the Polish People's Republic. The PiS-style democracy discourse evokes their key ideologemes ...
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Danışman: DR. ÖĞR. ÜYESİ ALİHAN LİMONCUOĞLU ; PROF. DR. MAHMUT KUBİLAY AKMAN Yer Bilgisi: İstanbul Gelişim Üniversitesi / Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü / Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı / Güvenlik Araştırmaları Bilim Dalı Konu: Uluslararası İlişkiler = International Relations ; Arap Baharı kapsamı ve güvenlik kavramının değişimine etkisi açısından tarihsel sahnede önemli bir yere sahiptir. Arap Baharı'nın başlaması ile gerekliliği daha da anlaşılan Güvenlik Çalışmaları'nın kavramlarıyla konunun tartışılması ve farklı yönleri ile araştırılması düşünülmektedir. Kuzey Afrika ülkelerinin Arap Baharı öncesi ve sonrasında toplum yapısı ve güvenlik açısından uğradığı değişimler Kolonyalizm sonrasından başlayarak 2012 yılına kadar geçen süreyi kapsayacak şekilde anlatılmaya çalışılmıştır. Arap Baharı'nı geniş bir analiz süzgecinden geçirerek süreç hakkında bilgi sahibi olmak mümkündür. Sürecin demokratik mi, manipülasyon mu olduğunu anlamak için yapılan analizde kullanılan demokrasi indeksleri Kuzey Afrika ülkelerinin durumu hakkında ayrıntılı bilgiler verecektir. Görsel Sosyoloji 'den yararlanarak analize yenilik ve farklı bir perspektif kazandırılması amaçlanmıştır. Soğuk Savaş sonrası değişen güvenlik algısının anlaşılması açısından önemli yere sahip olan Kopenhag Okulu çerçevesinde Arap Baharı'nın Güvenlikleştirme ve Bölgesel Güvenlik Kompleksi Teorisi ile açıklanması düşünülmektedir. Johan Galtung'un barış ve çatışma alanındaki çalışmaları ile Barry Buzan'ın kavramsal çerçevesinin konunun daha iyi anlaşılmasına yarar sağlayacağı düşünülmektedir. İşletme literatüründe sıkça karşımıza çıkan SWOT analizinin Güvenlik Çalışmaları alanındaki uygulanabilirliği denenmiştir. Kuzey Afrika'nın çağdaş döneminin Arap Baharı sonrası geçirdiği dönüşüm Güvenlik Çalışmaları bağlamında analiz edilmiştir. Yaşanan dönüşümün daha belirgin görülmesini sağlamak düşüncesiyle Arap Baharı sonrası yıllar (2014-2019) seçilmiş ve bu yıllara ait küresel terörizm-küresel barış indeksleri kullanılmıştır. İndekslerdeki veriler ve elde edilen sonuçlar ile Kuzey Afrika'nın günümüzdeki güvenlik durumuna bakılmıştır. Uluslararası İlişkiler 'de önemli bir konuma sahip olan Arap Baharı ayrıntılı bir şekilde Güvenlik Çalışmaları literatürü ve diğer sosyal bilimler literatürleri kullanılarak anlatılacaktır. ; With its impact on the change in the concept of security, the Arab Spring has an important place in history. With the advent of the Arab Spring, the main aim has been centered around investigating the different aspects of the topic. The focus has also been on discussing the topic in terms of the theories of Security Studies, the importance of which has been further understood. The main objective of the present study is to discuss the community structure of North African countries and the changes that took place before and after the Arab Spring in terms of security. The study focuses on the period from prior to Colonialism until 2012. It is possible to gain knowledge about the process by extensively analyzing the topic. The democracy indexes that are used to analyze whether the process was democratic or manipulative, will provide some detailed information on the condition of North African countries. By employing visual sociology, it is also aimed to bring in a new and different perspective to the analysis. Within the framework of the Copenhagen School, which has an important place in allowing a better understanding of the growing perception of security after the Cold War, the study also aimed to discuss the Arab Spring in terms of the Securitization and Regional Security Complex Theory. The peace and conflict studies of Johan Galtung and the theoretical framework of Barry Buzan will provide a better understanding of the topic under study. The SWOT analysis, which is often covered in business studies, is applied in the field of Security Studies. Transformation of North Africa's contemporary period after the Arab Spring, is investigated in the context of Security Studies. To make this transformation clear, the focus of this study is on the time period after the Arab Spring (2014-2019), and the global terrorism-global peace indexes of this time period are used. With the data retrieved from the indexes and the obtained results, the current security condition of North Africa is examined. The Arab Spring, which has a significant place in international relations, will be discussed in detail by covering the literature of Security Studies and the other social sciences disciplines.
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İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında ortaya çıkan iki kutuplu sistemde devletlerin birbirinden ideolojik açıdan ayrışan bloklardan birinin içinde veya tarafında bulunması adeta bir zorunluluk halini almıştır. Fakat sömürgelikten yeni kurtulmuş ve bağımsızlığını henüz kazanmış olan ülkeler açısından, iki blokta da olmanın genel olarak bir anlamı ve artısı bulunmamaktaydı. Bağlantısızlar Hareketi, bu uluslararası ortamda büyük güçler arasında taraf tutmak istemeyen ve bağımsızlığı savunan devletlerin ortaya çıkardığı bir oluşum olmuştur. Grubun temel ilkeleri ve kuralları, 1955 yılında Endonezya'da düzenlenen Asya-Afrika Bandung Konferansı'nda yapılan tartışmalar sırasında ortaya çıkmıştır. Daha sonra, 5-12 Haziran 1961'de Mısır Kahire'de ilk Bağlantısızlar Hareketi Zirve Konferansı için bir hazırlık toplantısı düzenlenmiştir. Bu toplantıda, Bağlantısızlar Hareketi'nin üyelik kriterleri ve hedefleri belirlenmiştir. İlk resmi Bağlantısızlar Hareketi Zirve Konferansı, Eylül 1961'de Belgrad, Yugoslavya'da gerçekleşmiştir. Bağlantısızlar Hareketi'nin günümüze dek on sekiz konferansı gerçekleşmiştir. Bu çalışmada on yedi konferans ve bildirileri incelenmiştir. On sekizinci ve sonuncu konferans 25 Ekim 2019'da Azerbaycan'ın başkenti Bakü'de gerçekleşmiştir. Bu konferanslarda üçüncü dünya ülkelerinin bağımsızlıkları ve toprak bütünlükleri korunmaya çalışılmış; silahsızlanma, güvenlik, ekonomi ve kalkınma üzerine kararlar alınmış; sömürge hareketleri, işgaller, ırkçılık ve devletler üzerine yapılan her türlü baskıya karşı çıkılmıştır. Bağlantısızlar Hareketi'nin en önemli hedeflerinden biri de uluslararası alanda tam silahsızlanmayı sağlamak olmuştur. Uluslararası sistemin yapısı buna izin vermese de, Hareket yıllarca silahsızlanma çabalarından vazgeçmemiştir. Gösterilen II bu çabaların sonucunda, birçok yararlı silahsızlanma anlaşması imzalanmıştır. Bağlantısız ülkeler, büyük güçlerin kendi çıkarları uğruna, diğer devletlere karşı sert güç uygulamaması gerektiğini yıllarca vurgulamışlardır. Herhangi bir ülkenin toprak bütünlüğüne veya siyasi bağımsızlığına karşı saldırganlık eylemlerinden veya saldırganlık tehditlerinden ve kuvvet kullanımından kaçınılması gerektiğini savunmuşlardır. Tüm uluslararası uyuşmazlıkların müzakere, uzlaşma, tahkim veya adli çözüm gibi barışçıl yollarla veya Birleşmiş Milletler Şartı'na uygun olarak çözüme kavuşturulması için yıllarca çabalamışlardır. Çalışmanın birinci bölümünde, Soğuk Savaş döneminde uluslararası sistemin genel durumu ve bu dönemde gerçekleşen bazı önemli olaylar ele alınmıştır. Çalışmanın ikinci bölümünde, silahsızlanmanın anlamı ve önemine değinilerek bu konudaki belli başlı antlaşmalar incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın üçüncü bölümünde, Bağlantısızlar Hareketi'nin ortaya çıkışı, hedefleri, amaçları ile birlikte 1961'den 2016'ya kadar olan on yedi konferansın bildirileri genel olarak ele alınmıştır. Çalışmanın dördüncü ve son bölümünde ise on yedi konferansın bildirilerinde silahsızlanma konusunda alınan kararlar incelenmiştir. ; In the bipolar system that emerged after the Second World War, it has become a necessity for states to be in or on the side of one of the blocks that differ ideologically from each other. However, for the countries that have just gotten rid of colonialism and have just gained their independence, being in either bloc generally did not have any meaning or advantage. The Non-Aligned Movement has been a formation created by states that do not want to take sides among the great Powers in this international environment and defend independence. The basic principles and rules of the group emerged during the discussions at the Asia-Africa Bandung Conference in Indonesia in 1955. Later, a preparatory meeting was held for the first Non-Aligned Movement Summit Conference in Cairo, Egypt on June 5-12, 1961. At this meeting, the membership criteria and goals of the Non- Aligned Movement were determined. The first official Non-Aligned Movement Summit Conference took place in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, in September 1961. Eighteen conferences of the Non-Aligned Movement have been held until today. Seventeen conferences and papers were examined in this study. The eighteenth and last conference was held on 25 October 2019 in Baku, the capital city of Azerbaijan. At these conferences, the independence and territorial integrity of the third World countries were tried to be protected, decisions were taken on disarmament, security, economy and development; Colonial movements, occupations, racism and any oppression on states have been opposed. One of the most important goals of the Non-Aligned Movement has been to ensure full disarmament in the international arena. Although the structure of the IV international system does not allow this, the Movement has not given up its disarmament efforts for years. As a result of these efforts, many beneficial disarmament agreements were signed. For years, the non-aligned countries have emphasized that the great powers should not exercise hard power against other states for their own benefit. They argued that acts of aggression or threats of aggression against the territorial integrity or political independence of any country and the use of force should be avoided. They have endeavored for years to resolve all international disputes peacefully, such as negotiation, reconciliation, arbitration, or judicial resolution, or in accordance with the United Nations Charter. In the first part of the study, the general situation of the international system during the Cold War and some important events during this period are discussed. In the second part of the study, by emphasizing the meaning and importance of disarmament, major agreements on this subject are examined. In the third part of the study, the emergence of the Non-Aligned Movement, its goals and objectives, together with the papers of seventeen conferences from 1961 to 2016, are discussed in general. In the fourth and last part of the study, the decisions taken on disarmament in the papers of seventeen conferences were examined.
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