The Tomini of Indonesia occupy the northern Sulawesi peninsula from Donggala to Gorontalo. The name "Tomini" is both a geographic and linguistic designation. Geographically, Tomini is a thin strip of land which borders the western edge of Tomini Bay; linguistically, Tomini is a subgroup of western Central Sulawesi languages which include Toli-toli, Dondo, Bolano, Tinombo, Kasimbar, Dampelas and Ndau. Although linguistics formerly thought all Tomini languages were mutually intelligible and the different names merely referred to dialects, recent research has asserted that each group forms a separate language. Supposedly these multiple language originated from the area's many political-trading empires, which remained historically and culturally insulated from each other until Islam unified them in the sixteenth century.
34 pp. ; 24 cm ; Odb. z: Sprawy Morskie i Kolonialne, 1938, z. 4 ; Summ. fre. ; 34 s. ; 24 cm ; Odb. z: Sprawy Morskie i Kolonialne, 1938, z. 4 ; Streszcz. fr.
Printed document, 3pp. [in text, at end: Guatemala: 15 de Septiembre de 1821]. His recounting of the meeting that led to the Declaration ; This document is an English translation of the "Manifesto del gefe político á los ciudadanos de Guatemala." Translated by Cecilia Bonnor. The language of the original document is Spanish.
Addresses by celebrated Americans, grouped under historical headings. ; v. 1. I. Colonialism. II. Constitutional government. III. The rise of democracy. IV. The rise of nationality.--v. 2. V. The anti-slavery struggle.--v. 3. V. The anti-slavery struggle (continued) VI. Secession.--v. 4. VII. Civil War and Reconstruction. VIII. Free trade and protection. IX. Finance and civil service reform. ; Mode of access: Internet.
This essay analyzes the relationship between the processes of exclusion in the United States of America that motivated the recent massive protests under the banner of Black Lives Matter and the US's international role in maintaining the unipolar social order. Losurdian analyses of colonialism and racial despecification are tied to the formulation produced on race relations and social stratification by the Brazilian sociologists Octavio Ianni and Florestan Fernandes. The study also presents some possible interpretative parallels between class structures and their connections with racism in Brazil and the United States. As we will show, there is a significant approximation between the authors in their approach to the issue of racism. For Ianni, imperialism extends internally to the dominant nation so that the same fundamentals which govern external economic and political relations also manage internal political and economic ties. Therefore, economic-social and political development within the metropolis is also unequal. This process, which he called "internal colonialism", is based on racist conceptions against part of the population, as Togliatti pointed out when he wrote that «the Liberal doctrine is based on a barbaric discrimination between human creatures». According to Losurdo, «beyond the colonies, such discrimination also spreads in the capitalist metropolis itself, as shown by the case of Black Americans, largely deprived of fundamental rights, discriminated against and persecuted» We start from the observation that the difficulties currently experienced by the United States, whose world hegemony is in decline, are also expressed at the national level by the deepening of internal colonialism and the re-emergence of racist movements on the American political scene. Based on this research, we highlight the strength of Losurdo's interpretation concerning the centrality of the fight for recognition as a real and effective manifestation of the class struggle in contemporary times. Racism; Class Struggle; ...
This paper discusses economic activities and their influence on the growth and development of human society in Usukuma. The specific objectives focused on firstly the significance of economic activities on the reproduction of human society from its evolution to the current stage. The paper dwelt on the transformation of the Sukuma society in the manner it has been evolving and the nature of economic activities it evolved. The other specific objective was to show how diverse economic activities developed by Wasukuma contributed to the growth and development of the society of Wasukuma. The paper concludes that economic activities are the product of human evolution in the struggle to tame the environment for sustainable growth and development. The paper applied the theory of social transformation to inform this study by situating the Sukuma society in the context of historical process from pre-colonialism through colonialism to post colonialism. It is revealed that during pre-colonial period the Sukuma evolved economic activities depending on the demands of the society, technological adaptation and what nature had in stock. Colonial superstructure transformed the Sukuma economic activities to the production of cash crops and minerals as demanded by colonial industries. Post colonial political system created dependency system whereby it inherited colonial economic activities. The main argument of this paper is that economic activities are invented by human beings who want to extract from nature the material life necessary for their existence and reproduction. The paper employed historical exploration utilizing qualitative approach and both primary and secondary historical sources for data collection. Data were collected by interviews, oral and generational histories, archives and documentary review from libraries. Key words: Economic activities, Sukuma Society, Growth, Sustainable Development, Historical transformation, pre-colonial, colonial economy, postcolonial
Though not its main focus, Goldstone's Revolution and Rebellion in the Early Modern World (1991) threw considerable new light on 19th century Europe's revolutions and near-revolutions. While Goldstone stresses the role of an expanding and industrializing economy in absorbing 19th century England's demographic shocks, we accept this analysis but argue alongside it for similar attention to the vector of emigration, settler-colonialism, and imperial state expansion into which at least some of the exhaust fumes of the population explosion were vented. Furthermore, it is important to note the crucial role of a highly interventionist state and 'big' government in the background to these dynamics—a far cry from the light-touch, laissez-faire qualities with which the 19th century British state is often associated. To make our case, this article takes advantage of secondary literature and raw data not available prior to the publication of Goldstone's book. Of crucial importance here is our unique dataset of fatality-inducing political violence events in Britain and Ireland from 1785 to 1900. This is the first research paper to utilise this dataset. We draw upon this in the following section, which seeks to establish what the real level of political instability was in 19th century Britain—thus cross-referencing Goldstone's account with more recent data—before moving on in the following section to a more detailed overview of the socio-economic conditions underlying events at the political level. This is followed by our account of the emigration-settler-colonialism-imperial state expansion vector and the interventionist state policy behind it, which we argue was crucial to making 19th century Britain relatively 'revolution-proof'—alongside the expanding economic opportunities rightly highlighted by Goldstone. Lastly come our brief concluding remarks, which lay out the implications, as we see them, of this article's findings for research on revolutions, political violence and instability, demographic-structural theory, state-building, migration, and imperialism-colonialism.
2014 Summer. ; This thesis is a critical engagement with Indigenous communities and the reclamation of food sovereignty as a movement that heals Indigenous populations. The Indigenous food sovereignty movement stands in opposition to a history of colonialism and disenfranchisement that sought to deny Indigenous people of their autonomy by creating dependency on Western institutions. Reclamation of a food system stands to signify the healing of community through the honoring of relationships and interdependence. Contemporary scholarship and policy efforts addressing health disparities have focused the debate on Indigenous food and health around personal accountability, and personal choice in eating and exercising. Although these behaviors improve health for communities, and individuals, they do not account for systemic disparities forged out of a history of colonialism and current institutional racism. Moreover, this focus is deeply engrained in Western models of health, rather than promoting the power of communities to forge their own culturally appropriate solutions. These mainstream attempts by Western institutions are singular in nature, denying the complex interaction at multiple points of colonialism and racism. This thesis focuses on Indigenous food sovereignty, and in particular attempts at urban community production, to address the emancipatory act of reclaiming traditional knowledge and the right to feed oneself and one's community. Food sovereignty is an ideological, cultural, and political act that can transform Indigenous communities that are "dying to survive" and transform them into thriving communities. This Indigenous food justice movement honors native peoples as visionary survivors of catastrophe. Using Indigenous methodology and photovoice I provide an analysis of one urban community in Oakland California where participants have been engaged in reclaiming their food system since 2010. This project allows us to understand how empowerment (of self and community) as well as relationships are strengthened because of such projects.
Master's thesis in Literacy Studies ; I argue that through representations of 'madness' in The Swan Book, Alexis Wright reclaims and (re-)defines Indigenous sovereignty as embodied, that is, something which for Indigenous people is felt and realised through their corporal being: a form of body-mind connection which includes a reciprocal relationship to 'Country'. These representations are reflected by a disjointed narrative in which the story and its characters unravel. The novel suggests that the pursuit of social, ontological and psychological stability, is achieved through a relationship to place and accepting responsibility of care for the environment. The quest for sovereignty, allegorised within the novel by Oblivia and her black swans, repositions an Indigenous worldview and connection to Country as central to Indigenous psychic survival. As a result, the Western reader and their world view is destabilised. Repeated exposure to a world in which material and social realities reinforce one's feelings of inferiority and lack of human-ness, results in a distorted sense of self. A destabilised mental state, a kind of 'madness', becomes in truth, the only sane response to the effects of subjugation. Given that racism informs the structural, political and social colonial world, I argue that colonialism is itself a kind of madness. Through its racialised practices and policies Indigenous people have been subjected to violence and trauma that has had and continues to have deleterious effects on their lives. It is this intergenerational trauma and the messy state of internal Aboriginal politics coupled with national politics over sovereignty and land rights that Wright harnesses in order to draw her Indigenous characters as unstable mental entities. Yet, colonialisms' madness affects all Australians, black and white, evidenced by the anxiety and shame that currently impact non-Indigenous Australian's identity and sense of place. Australia's colonial history has rendered Aboriginal people invisible in the national narrative, dispossessed them of their Country (land) and limited their rights to self-determination. Whereas legal and judicial sovereignty seems unattainable for Indigenous people at present in the Australian political climate, the performative nature of narrative/stories opens a horizon of self-identity and self-determination connected to Country which empowers psychological sovereignty.
After the Second World War, Japan saw the return of more than 6.5 million Japanese nationals, of which about half were civilian overseas residents of Japan's colonial empire. Japan had no plan for the evacuation of foreign territories in the event of defeat, and but although provisions had been made by the Allies for the repatriation of the military personnel, the return of civilians was initially outside their scope, and left to the Japanese. The Allies would later assign military transports to help with the task of ferrying millions of men, women and children back to the mainland. However, despite this lack of previous planning, the repatriation of Japanese nationals was fast and efficient: between October 1945 and December 1946; over 5.1 million Japanese were brought back to the mainland. Some, however, had to wait until the second half of the 1950s. Once in Japan, the returnees found that a new identity had been imposed on them, one that stemmed from their shared experience as returnees: that of hikiagesha, or repatriates. Joined by their war experiences, they found themselves part of a heterogeneous group with an identity that still awaited definition. The meaning of the memory of their experience was shaped by the very way in which they defined and re-defined themselves and their experience, as they encountered marginalisation, hostility and distrust as they reintegrated to mainland Japanese society. After analysing the process of repatriation, this thesis will attempt to map out the process by which this initially marginalised group became acceptable, by integrating its narrative within an official discourse. ; Après la Seconde guerre mondiale, plus de 6,5 millions de sujets japonais, dont la moitié était des civils résidant dans les territoires japonais d'outre-mer, ont été rapatriés au Japon. Le Japon n'avait pas prévu l'éventualité d'un rapatriement en cas de défaite, et les Alliés, s'ils avaient planifié le retour des soldats japonais, n'avaient pas préparé le retour des civils. Pourtant, le ...
After the Second World War, Japan saw the return of more than 6.5 million Japanese nationals, of which about half were civilian overseas residents of Japan's colonial empire. Japan had no plan for the evacuation of foreign territories in the event of defeat, and but although provisions had been made by the Allies for the repatriation of the military personnel, the return of civilians was initially outside their scope, and left to the Japanese. The Allies would later assign military transports to help with the task of ferrying millions of men, women and children back to the mainland. However, despite this lack of previous planning, the repatriation of Japanese nationals was fast and efficient: between October 1945 and December 1946; over 5.1 million Japanese were brought back to the mainland. Some, however, had to wait until the second half of the 1950s. Once in Japan, the returnees found that a new identity had been imposed on them, one that stemmed from their shared experience as returnees: that of hikiagesha, or repatriates. Joined by their war experiences, they found themselves part of a heterogeneous group with an identity that still awaited definition. The meaning of the memory of their experience was shaped by the very way in which they defined and re-defined themselves and their experience, as they encountered marginalisation, hostility and distrust as they reintegrated to mainland Japanese society. After analysing the process of repatriation, this thesis will attempt to map out the process by which this initially marginalised group became acceptable, by integrating its narrative within an official discourse. ; Après la Seconde guerre mondiale, plus de 6,5 millions de sujets japonais, dont la moitié était des civils résidant dans les territoires japonais d'outre-mer, ont été rapatriés au Japon. Le Japon n'avait pas prévu l'éventualité d'un rapatriement en cas de défaite, et les Alliés, s'ils avaient planifié le retour des soldats japonais, n'avaient pas préparé le retour des civils. Pourtant, le rapatriement des civils japonais fut, dans sa majeure partie, rapide et efficace. Entre octobre 1945 et décembre 1946, 5,1 millions de Japonais purent rejoindre le Japon. Pour d'autres, le processus put durer jusque la fin des années 1950. Une fois au Japon, les rapatriés, confrontés à un Japon en ruines, se virent imposer une nouvelle identité, celle de hikiagesha, personne rapatriée. La mémoire et l'identité des rapatriés, confrontés à l'hostilité et la méfiance de la population de métropole, connurent plusieurs mutations pour finalement se réintégrer au sein du mémoriel discours dominant sur la guerre. Après une analyse des processus de rapatriement, cette thèse se penchera donc sur la formation de l'identité des rapatriés en tant que groupe, leur mémoire, et comment ce groupe au départ marginalisé est parvenu à intégrer son récit mémoriel au sein du discourra officiel.
Mōteatea are the orally sung literature and one of its most famous composers was Ngāti Tuwharetoa and Ngāti Maniapoto's Puhiwahine. This paper will explore the political philosophy and theory contained within Puhiwahine's waiata pakanga (war song) 'Mā Wai Rā' written for Ngāti Toa relations particularly their war leader, Te Rangihaeata. The observations from these forms of indigenous oral literature are based in a form of emerging indigenous philosophy called whakaaro based philosophy and method. Additionally, the author introduces a Kaupapa Māori Research method Marae ā-Rorohiko which outlines how social media, in particular Facebook, can be used as a form of group validity or qualitative data gathering. The analysis of the moteatea will focus on building a first person understanding of Māori philosophy and undestandings of mōteatea settler colonialism, colonisation and the centrality of mana and aroha in Māori society. It will reveal the that Puhiwahine had a deep understanding of Māori philosophy and what was to come from her people. It will also provide new understandings around the white possessive doctrine and mana motuhake.
Este artículo analiza las estrategias jurídico-políticas empleadas por los gobiernos de Puerto Rico y los EEUU para atender la crisis económica y fiscal que ha afectado a Puerto Rico desde el año 2006. Este análisis socio-jurídico se realiza desde utilizando como marco de referencia el concepto de estado de excepción desarrollado por el filosofo italiano Giorgio Agamben. Sin embargo, este artículo propone una nueva dimensión de ese paradigma que es definida como el estado de excepción interno. Este paradigma atiende tres dimensiones de análisis no elaboradas por Agamben, y que pueden ser definidas por la correlación entre colonialismo, economía-neoliberal y excepcionalidad. Así, el artículo cuestiona la efectividad de las estrategias jurídico-políticas implementadas por los gobiernos mencionados para atender la crisis y propone una reinterpretación de la historia jurídico-política del desarrollo económico colonial. De esta forma, se propone el abandono de las formas jurídicas y a-históricas de análisis económico y se propone la repolitización de las soluciones a la crisis. Con todo esto, el artículo propone un diálogo sobre la necesidad de descolonizar la imaginación política puertorriqueña y las alternativas a la crisis económica. ; This paper analyses the legal-political strategies employed by the Puerto Rican and US government so as to address the economic and fiscal crisis that has been affecting Puerto Rico since 2006. This socio-legal analysis is developed from the perspective of the state of exception, which was proposed by the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben. However, this paper proposes a new dimension to this paradigm, one that can be described as the internal state of exception. This paradigm addresses three dimensions of analysis that have not been developed by Agamben, and which can be defined by the correlation between colonialism, neoliberal economy and exceptionality. Thus, the paper examines the efficacy of the legalpolitical strategies implemented by the governments so as to address the economic and fiscal crisis. In addition, it also proposes a reinterpretation of the legal-political history of colonial-economic development. In this way, the paper proposes the abandonment of the legal and a-historical form of economic analysis and proposes the repoliticization of the solution to the crisis. Therefore, the paper aims to establish a dialogue regarding the necessity of the decolonization of the Puerto Rican political imagination and of the alternatives to the aforementioned crisis.
Japan's seizure and early governance of Taiwan and Korea, both of which would become its most important subject territories, is widely understood by historians as being informed by the context of late nineteenth century "new" imperialism. The belief, widely held in the West at the time, that the measure of a nation's strength was dependent on the reality of its political control over territories outside of the metropole, was accepted by Meiji era Japanese elites. Believing that they had, in large part, successfully navigated the inaugural decades of a wide ranging policy of promoting economic modernization, these elites could more confidently hope that their nation's recent technological, educational, and economic strides would translate into a capacity to project power outwards. Based on such confidence that, owing to it's growing modernization, Japan had truly escaped the lot of the colonized in Asia and, moreover, could enter the ranks of the colonizing nations, rhetoric justifying colonialism on nation-strengthening grounds was more attractive near the century's close. This paper compares Japan's colonial policy in Taiwan and Korea during 1895-1945. Faculty Mentor: Linda Walton
