Suchergebnisse

After a brief historical sketch of the earlier educ'al systems salient features of the present systems are identified: (1) integration with system of the trusteeship power. In British sphere local autonomy in educ'al policy exists up to the end of the secondary Sch while the French territories are unified with that of France. (2) Degree of educ'al uniformity & methods of control: there is a universal pattern of inspection, an examination system, & defined standards for admission to higher training & employment, & control of teacher training & conditions of service. (3) Appearance of an educ'al ladder: selection for further opportunities utilizes IQ & achievement tests; & (4) universal primary schooling: compulsory educ has become a policy but adequate provision of facilities & teachers still poses problems. Though educ has exerted a powerful force for soc change there are few studies of this relationship. Educ has had a relationship to: (1) occup'al mobility, (2) urbanization, & (3) changes in Ru life: particularly affecting the status of women. Variables by which the impact of educ on soc change in Africa may be measured are suggested. D. L. Levine.

A descriptive overview of a continent whose environment is considered under: (1) barriers to early penetration, (2) physical environment as a limiting factor, (3) geology & topography, (4) climate & natural vegetation, (5) diversities in modes of life, (6) international trade, (7) & (8) prospects for change. 'Throughout much of Africa...the course of man's life is still dictated in large measure by the physical environment.' Essential features of landscape are conditioned by climate and vegetation. While there is much uniformity of conditions over wide land areas altitude makes for variation: & is rainfall. The modes of life may be categorized into: cultivators, pastoralists, or 'mixed farmers.' Except for some cultivation of the vineyards of French N. Africa & horticulture around Cape Town, methods of cultivation are primitive. Keeping of livestock is limited by the incidence of diseases. Scientific methods have begun to control these but these operations have been impeded by the presence of wild game, & social habits which measure wealth in terms of the number of livestock. Pop figures are uncertain; an estimate of 1.75 million + 25% is commonly used. Under this estimate the mean pop density is 15 per square mile which suggests under pop. There is wide variation in this with Kenya having more than 300 per square mile & N. Rhodesia 6. The variations in pop density & topography creates the problem of overpop in some areas. This has been met in the past by migration following the needs of mining & estate labor. Recently the development of land reclamation projects & other integrated econ developments have opened by the possibility of utilizing surplus pop locally rather than creating a migratory labor stream. Vested employer interests have voiced opposition to such internal planning. Urbanization is new & rapidly increasing, which has had a growth parallel with commercial & admin've developments. Existing Ur centers have continued to grow & numerous small centers have developed; thus in the Gold Coast there are some 60 towns with 4,000+ inhabitants. Prospects for change will be affected by pol reorganization, new concepts of econ development such as the British Colonial Development Corporation & the French Fonds d'Investissement pour le Developpe ent Economique et Social des Territoires d'Outre-Mer, & by comprehensive econ planning such as the Volta River scheme in W. Africa.

Survey of the economic, social and medical conditions of the Spanish dependencies in 1952. D. Bystryn.

A detailed critique of the range and scope of the process of acculturation, or Westernization, in modern Africa. Pre-European social organization is a characterization in terms of small autonomous local communities, dispersed tribal societies, and native state systems. The coastal impact of Western traders after the 15th cent. modified these indigenous forms, but it was after Europeans began to govern, that the observable effects of Westernization began to produce the patterns and trends in African social organization which are observable today. The principal general results of European penetration are: (1) pacification of internecine conflict and (2) the growth of a market economy. With the former came a gradual acceptance of European political and juridical institutions, and with the latter, a need for European education, religion, and forms of economic association. The author, while not disclaiming that Western influence has produced disorganization in native social institutions, is careful to show the structural and functional development of new patterns of association, obligation and collective interests, resulting in a gradual restructuring of societies in West Africa, a process still going on and primising a beneficial outcome. M. F. Lewis.

Since the 1946 Constitution, the oversea countries dependent on France are subdivisions of the French Republic, which is a unitary state with one territory, one nationality for all inhabitants, one constitutional law, one legislature and one executive. However the overseas territories are distinct entities in law. Their citizens have now the right to vote and are represented in assemblies. Although the subjects of the trusteeships territories are not French nationals, they enjoy the same rights and liberties as if they did in fact have French nationality. (Author's abridged summary).

Francophone and Anglophone dichotomy, to a large extent, remain the bane of African unity. This divide was created by the artificial borders and new languages imposed by the colonialists on Africans, with little or no regard to the already existing ethnolinguistic boundaries and developmental structures on the continent. With the imposition of colonialism, new economic and political structures were quickly introduced and implemented to run the colonies effectively. The colonial masters understood the importance of language as the best conveyor of culture, history, values, and identity and, thus, utilized it to their utmost advantage in the conquered territories. The indigenous languages were systematically and aggressively replaced by European languages, thereby suppressing the African languages and culture. With time, black culture, traditions, and values were erroneously classified as barbaric, fetishistic, and uncivilized. At the same time, European languages became the official and recognized languages of the colonies, were taught in schools, and used in commerce. Linguistic and cultural imposition were practical tools to buttress the roots of colonialism in Africa. More than six decades after the end of colonial rule, independent African states are still identified as Francophone, Anglophone, and Lusophone countries, in line with the inherited colonial languages. This artificial split between Anglophones and Francophones is one of the numerous factors contributing to Africans' disunity and alienation. This study seeks to build the bridge, recommending ways in which this and other political, geographical, and cultural divides could be addressed to pave the way for a more unified Africa to become an influential global actor soon.

In this paper, I argue that animal domestication, speciesism, and other modern human-animal interactions in North America are possible because of and through the erasure of Indigenous bodies and the emptying of Indigenous lands for settler-colonial expansion. That is, we cannot address animal oppression or talk about animal liberation without naming and subsequently dismantling settler colonialism and white supremacy as political machinations that require the simultaneous exploitation and/or erasure of animal and Indigenous bodies. I begin by re-framing animality as a politics of space to suggest that animal bodies are made intelligible in the settler imagination on stolen, colonized, and re-settled Indigenous lands. Thinking through Andrea Smith's logics of white supremacy, I then re-center anthropocentrism as a racialized and speciesist site of settler coloniality to re-orient decolonial thought toward animality. To critique the ways in which Indigenous bodies and epistemologies are at stake in neoliberal re-figurings of animals as settler citizens, I reject the colonial politics of recognition developed in Sue Donaldson and Will Kymlicka's recent monograph, Zoopolis: A Political Theory of Animal Rights (Oxford University Press 2011) because it militarizes settler-colonial infrastructures of subjecthood and governmentality. I then propose a decolonized animal ethic that finds legitimacy in Indigenous cosmologies to argue that decolonization can only be reified through a totalizing disruption of those power apparatuses (i.e., settler colonialism, anthropocentrism, white supremacy, and neoliberal pluralism) that lend the settler state sovereignty, normalcy, and futurity insofar as animality is a settler-colonial particularity.

In October 2017, the Institute on Inequality and Democracy at UCLA Luskin in partnership with the Center for the Study of Race, Politics, and Culture at the University of Chicago convened a symposium on the theme, "Race and Capitalism: Global Territories, Transnational Histories." A part of the national Race and Capitalism project led by Michael Dawson and Megan Ming Francis, the symposium sought to highlight how the study of racial capitalism in the United States must be situated in the long history of global systems of colonialism, imperialism, and development. With this in mind, the program was organized around four key themes: diasporas of racial capitalism; the land question; imperialism and its limits; race, capitalism, and settler-colonialism. Bringing together scholars from many different institutions, the symposium was also a space for shared work across different disciplines in the social sciences and humanities. Writings and presentations by four scholars, Nathan Connolly, Keisha-Khan Perry, Allan Lumba, and Alyosha Goldstein, anchored a day of debate and dialogue. This collection provides a glimpse of their key provocations as well as of the questions and comments posed by invited interlocutors. It is not a culmination but instead a benchmark in the ongoing efforts to build collaborative scholarship concerned with race and capitalism. Central to our concerns has been the question of what this might mean for a new generation of curriculum and pedagogy and for the next generation of scholars, our graduate students. We hope that the conceptual and methodological frameworks and interrogations presented here are useful in the endeavor of speaking back to our disciplines and speaking across our disciplines.

In October 2017, the Institute on Inequality and Democracy at UCLA Luskin in partnership with the Center for the Study of Race, Politics, and Culture at the University of Chicago convened a symposium on the theme, "Race and Capitalism: Global Territories, Transnational Histories." A part of the national Race and Capitalism project led by Michael Dawson and Megan Ming Francis, the symposium sought to highlight how the study of racial capitalism in the United States must be situated in the long history of global systems of colonialism, imperialism, and development. With this in mind, the program was organized around four key themes: diasporas of racial capitalism; the land question; imperialism and its limits; race, capitalism, and settler-colonialism. Bringing together scholars from many different institutions, the symposium was also a space for shared work across different disciplines in the social sciences and humanities. Writings and presentations by four scholars, Nathan Connolly, Keisha-Khan Perry, Allan Lumba, and Alyosha Goldstein, anchored a day of debate and dialogue. This collection provides a glimpse of their key provocations as well as of the questions and comments posed by invited interlocutors. It is not a culmination but instead a benchmark in the ongoing efforts to build collaborative scholarship concerned with race and capitalism. Central to our concerns has been the question of what this might mean for a new generation of curriculum and pedagogy and for the next generation of scholars, our graduate students. We hope that the conceptual and methodological frameworks and interrogations presented here are useful in the endeavor of speaking back to our disciplines and speaking across our disciplines.

Offers a historical, multidisciplinary perspective on African political systems and institutions, ranging from Antiquity (Egypt, Kush and Axum) to the present with particular focus on their destruction through successive exogenous processes including the Atlantic slave trade, imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism or globalization.