Suchergebnisse

L'articolo analizza da una prospettiva storica l'emersione del modello politico, economico, giuridico cinese, indagandone prospettive e possibili sviluppi nel quadro più ampio delle relazioni internazionali.

Yang, Yang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 125-129). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Table of Contents --- p.iii ; List of Figures --- p.v ; List of Tables --- p.vi ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Literature Review --- p.4 ; Chapter i. --- African Communities in China --- p.4 ; Chapter ii. --- African Diasporas in Other Parts of the World --- p.6 ; Chapter iii. --- Globalization from Below --- p.9 ; Overview of African Traders in Guangzhou --- p.10 ; Fieldwork --- p.18 ; Outline of Chapters --- p.23 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- The Markets and Trade --- p.26 ; The Market --- p.26 ; Chapter i. --- African Shops --- p.30 ; Chapter ii. --- Underground Banks --- p.32 ; Chapter iii. --- Logistics/Custom Clearance Companies --- p.35 ; Chapter iv. --- Clothes Wholesale Markets --- p.40 ; The Clothing Commodity Chain --- p.42 ; Making A Profit in the Trade --- p.48 ; Chapter i. --- Moving Closer to the Producer --- p.48 ; Chapter ii. --- Expanding the Scale and Scope of One's Goods --- p.50 ; Chapter iii. --- Understanding One's Customers --- p.51 ; Conclusion --- p.53 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Street-Smart Entrepreneurship --- p.57 ; Networking --- p.58 ; Playing Tricks and Avoiding Fraud --- p.63 ; Dealing with Chinese Local Politics --- p.69 ; "Morality: ""What I Do is Good for Africa""" --- p.75 ; Conclusion --- p.80 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Bittersweet Relationship with China --- p.82 ; Living in the Chinese Community --- p.83 ; Romance between African Traders and Chinese Women --- p.87 ; A Religious Life under the Control of China --- p.97 ; Conclusion --- p.105 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Conclusion: The Larger Significance of this Trade --- p.107 ; Migration and the Nation-State in the Age of Globalization --- p.108 ; The Informal Economy in China and Sub-Saharan Africa --- p.111 ; Morality and the Informal Economy --- p.114 ; Two Tales of a City --- p.117 ; Epilogue --- p.122 ; Bibliography --- p.125 ; Chapter ...

Ma Lai Yee. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-109). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; Abstract (English version) --- p.ii ; Abstract (Chinese version) --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction ; Political use of the Internet: Utopian or distopian? --- p.1 ; Virtual communities and social movements --- p.4 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Political and Technological Landscape in Hong Kong ; Chapter I) --- Political Background ; The Handover of Hong Kong to China in1997 --- p.7 ; The Tradition of Pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong --- p.8 ; The 1 July Rally in2003 --- p.9 ; Chapter II) --- Technological Background ; Internet Penetration in Hong Kong --- p.11 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Review of Literature ; Chapter I) --- "Internet, Uses and Gratifications and political effects" ; The Uses and Gratifications Approach: Theoretical assumptions --- p.14 ; Uses and Gratifications and the Internet --- p.15 ; Gratifications and Political media use --- p.17 ; "Internet usage, Gratifications and Political effects" --- p.19 ; Chapter II) --- "Social movement, collective identity and the Internet" ; Social Movements in contemporary social context --- p.23 ; Collective Identity in Social Movements --- p.26 ; Identity Formation in Computer-mediated Communication --- p.28 ; The Internet as a Social Movement Medium --- p.30 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Cyberactivism in Hong Kong ; 1 July Protest and Cyber Activism in Hong Kong --- p.36 ; The Case: Yumkung.com --- p.38 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Methodology ; Research Design and Sampling --- p.44 ; Survey Sample Profile --- p.45 ; Content Analysis --- p.46 ; Textual Analysis --- p.47 ; Measurements of variables --- p.48 ; Analytical Procedures --- p.50 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Results and Interpretations ; Gratifications of Yumkung.com from Survey --- p.52 ; Gratifications of Yumkung. com from Content Analysis --- p.54 ; Collective Identity from textual Analysis --- p.60 ; Correlational ...

There has been a misconception that there was no political party in Hong Kong before the 1980s, and that the Hong Kong people cared less about political reforms before the 1990s. This misconception is reinforced by various discourses such as the "lifeboat" theory, the "administrative absorption" theory, and the national characteristic of the Chinese people. Through a historical study of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association in the early postwar period, we come to a clear picture of the history of political development in Hong Kong. First, Hong Kong people were not indifferent to politics, although constitutional reforms made little progress before the 1980s. Second, early form of political party did exist before the 1980s. ; The Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association were more than pressure groups but could be defined as political parties to pursue political, economic and social reforms in Hong Kong. Serving as the bridge between the Government and the people, they were particularly interested in such social issues as the urban development, housing, medicare, economy, education, crime, and hawking. Although the two parties often took a critical stance towards the Government, the Government used them to communicate with the people and to balance of interest of different political forces. The historical role of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association is largely forgotten and little-studied. This is the first academic treatment of these two earliest political parties in postwar Hong Kong. It aims to give a better understanding of the intricate relationship between the Colonial Government and the staff in London, the nature of colonial politics in early postwar Hong Kong, and the legacy of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association in today's Hong Kong. ...

許多學者討論了現代社會之非正規移民;然而,我們對這些移民的主體性知之甚少。世界體系的發展令國家邊界及公民身份政治有所改變,當今世界有超過五千萬非正規移民,理解其生活的志向和追索其現實有一定意義。香港大約有七千名非華裔非正規移民,其中估計75%來自南亞,此研究通過分析香港法外移民的案例,探索非正規移民之理想的建構與達成。儘管香港自從1841年成為英國殖民地後,與這個次大陸關係密切,此現象僅僅追溯到十年前,部分原因來自於後9-11歐美西方的嚴格移民政策之變化。 ; 在香港這個單一民族的社會,貧困的非華裔移民鶴立雞群,收到社會和政治的不公正待遇,為什麼這些移民還要過來?這裡的故事並非人們對非正規移民所想像的人口販賣、恐怖手段和暴力,而是關於移民文化所導致的需要研究出口移民的必要性,以及尋找全球和都市身份的媒體影響,和失足移民假扮成功人士,以掩蓋他們未能實現離家時許下的諾言的羞恥。儘管他們知道被罪化人生的風險和危險,也許還有更重要的未來等待他們的失敗,為什麼南亞人選擇在社會邊緣以非法公民的身份生存,而且繼續複製在海外出人頭地的神話?此研究基於一年的深入訪問和超過三個月的參與觀察,觀察香港非法南亞人的人生軌跡,分析他們如何建構非法的夢想,實現了什麼志願,以及如何延續由始至終以渴望成功打造的幻覺。 ; Many scholars have discussed irregular migration in contemporary societies; however, we know little of the subjectivities of these migrants. With considerable developments in the world system marking changes in the policing of national borders and politics of citizenship, it is of some significance to understand the processes that drive the motivations and trace the realities of over fifty million irregular migrants living in the world today. This research sheds light on the construction and realization of aspirations for irregular migration by examining cases of extralegal migrants in Hong Kong, where estimates suggest that 75 percent of the approximately 7,000 strong irregular non-Chinese migrant population comes from the South Asia. Despite Hong Kong's close connections to the subcontinent since the city's establishment as a British colony in 1841, this particular phenomenon dates back only ten years, stemming partially from strict changes in migration in the post-9/11 Euro-American West. ; In a society that is as ethnically homogenous as Hong Kong where the poorer non-Chinese immigrants clearly stand out and are open to social and political injustice, why do these migrants still come? The stories heard here are not of trafficking, terror and violence as one might expect from cases of irregular migrants, but instead, of cultures of migration creating obligations to engage in out-migration, media influence encouraging the search for global and cosmopolitan ...

在過去的二十年中,隨著1989 年的革命(以及之後突進的新自由主義經濟政策),信息和通信技術(ICT)的擴散,世界經歷了急劇變化。但高等教育,尤其是英文文學研究有没有根據這一時期的文化、經濟、社會和政治的情況來修正呢?本論文探討從現代主義美學和片面國家論述的小說(英文書寫的),過渡到一個文化和政治驅動並行的後現代形式,及反映一個日益全球化和全球意識的二十一世紀引人注目的問題。通過當代小說的新自由主義全球化的測試 ──或者也被稱為後現代的情况和晚期資本主義的文化邏輯──我們了解世界據稱走向非殖民化只不過掩飾另一種殖民方式,導致葛蘭西的霸權理論效果,使馬克思主義理論的社會力量轉變成促使不同階級的政治權力形式,取決於一個非常關鍵的因素- 共識。 ; The world has experienced rapid changes in the last twenty years concomitant of the Revolutions of 1989 (and the subsequent onrush of neoliberal economic policies) and the proliferation of Information and Communication Technology (ICT), but has higher ed,and particularly, the study of English literature modified in accordance to the cultural, economic, social, and political circumstances of the period? This thesis explores the compelling question by illustrating the transition of contemporary literary fiction (written in English) from modernist aesthetics and one-sided national discourse into a culturally and politically driven postmodern form to parallel and reflect an increasingly global and globally aware 21st century. Through contemporary fiction's examination of neoliberal globalization - or perhaps what is also known as the postmodern condition and cultural logic of late capitalism - we come to understand a return of colonization in a world allegedly moving towards decolonization. What results is the Gramscian theory of hegemony, which gives rise to a Marxist theory of the transformation of social forces into forms of political power adequate to different class projects that depends on a very crucial factor - consensus. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Tchan, Chrystal Ching. ; "December 2012." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-110). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Table of Contents --- p.ii ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Nationalism and the Decline of Empire --- p.15 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- The Reflexive Resurgence of Local and National Formations in Hari ...

在香港,若逝世者生前沒有宗教信仰或指定的喪葬儀式,家人通常都會為他舉行道教葬禮。黎志添教授認為道教葬儀在香港已經習俗化。事實上,在一般情況下,進行道教葬儀根本不能反映死者生前信奉的宗教信仰。為何道教葬儀在香港會成為大部份香港人的習俗?我認為,道教葬儀音樂已成為香港人不言而喻的一種身份。 ; 港人一般不會關心葬儀,就算舉辦也不會深究儀式內容。但他們卻認為儀式中的音樂代表了他們的身份。在實地考察中,我發現道教葬儀音樂包含了不少廣東音樂的元素,曲牌《一錠金》就是其中的例子;事實上,採用道教儀式是香港人認同本土中國人身份的表現。 ; 在實地考察中,我發現研究道教殯儀音樂可有多個視角,其音樂及宗教元素更蘊含多層意義。本文以樂師的活動為切入點,以政治身份角力的角度,研究香港道教殯儀音樂。 ; In Hong Kong, a Taoist funeral is usually held for a deceased person by his or her family if the deceased did not have any religious belief or preference. In most cases, a Taoist funeral is a mere convention rather than a reflection of choice or religious affiliation of the deceased. To explore the reason of this ritual popularized in this particular region, I would like to suggest that the music played in a Taoist funeral is part of Hong Kong people's identities. ; Most Hong Kong people, in fact, would avoid the idea of death, not to mention death rituals. When they do, they usually have little knowledge of the Taoist ritual. Most, however, consider the music to be an essential part of the ritual, which reflects to a great extent, their identity. They do, however, consider that the music played represent their identity. ; During the fieldwork for this thesis, I identified a number of traditional Cantonese music pieces in the ritual. For example, the Cantonese tune "Yi-ding jin"一錠金has been playing a significant role. Ordinary Chinese people, as a matter of fact, accept that the music in Taoist funeral rituals represent their identity. ; I have come to understand that there are many layers in a Taoist funeral. The musicians, the ritual, and the Taoist philosophy are part and parcel of the funeral other than the music. Through extensive fieldwork and interviews, I attempt to draw a clear picture of Taoist funeral music activities in the Hong Kong community and explore the entwined relationship between politics and identity dynamics within Hong Kong Taoist funeral music. For a long time, perhaps even today, the identity of the Hong Kong people has remained a controversial ...

本文论述陈冠中的长篇小说《盛世:中国,2013》揭示了一种出现于晚期社会主义中国的焦灼感。这种普遍却又隐秘的集体心态体现了当代中国人在两种信念之间的摇摆状态:毛时代遗留下的中国社会主义传统,以及"改革开放"后萌生的个人主义信条。陈冠中分别以"好地狱"与"伪天堂"的意象来概括两种社会形态下的内部矛盾。一方面,"好地狱"中所拥有的中国革命精神既成就了中国"反帝反封建"无产阶级革命的胜利,同时又不可避免地导向了"文化大革命"的发生。另一方面,生活在"伪天堂"中的人们虽然尝到了物质生活所带来的甜头,却也不得不思量为其付出的文化、政治代价。尽管许多人将陈冠中提出的"伪天堂"概念解读为中国现实的缩影,本文却不鼓励中西读者止步于此。在"好地狱"与"伪天堂"中进行非此即彼的抉择无疑固化了这种二元对立的思维范式,而无从冲破现实的窘境。本文希望通过对小说系统而细致的阅读向读者展示《盛世》突显了当代中国人在面对"好地狱"与"伪天堂"时焦虑、矛盾、无所适从的心态。而想要走出这种心态,必须先摆脱"好地狱"与"伪天堂"所设下的思维禁锢。 ; This thesis argues Chan Koon-Chung's The Fat Years (2009) reflects a collective anxiety in late socialist China. The anxiety concerns the tension that is immanent to a receding belief in the emancipatory potential of Maoist Communism and a growing recognition of the failure of the liberatory potential of a turn to individualism. For Chan, this anxiety is written in terms of a "Good Hell" and a "False Paradise." The Good Hell refers to the egalitarian revolutionary spirit, which nonetheless powered the terror of the Cultural Revolution; while the False Paradise refers to the miscarried promises of the turn to capitalism. What Chan presents the reader with, then, is not a simple choice between a Good Hell and a False Paradise, but a confusing or "sticky" world in which China's middle class hesitate to devote themselves to either paradigm. Of course, such indecision does not benefit the State, and so Chan shows how the Central Government ultimately attempts to position the middle class. It does so by monumentalizing the past, which is to say creating an abrupt rupture between "now" and "then," and therein disconnecting history from the present. In this way, the world of confusion turns into an unbearable one where individual will is only permitted if one first surrenders to Government ideology. Chan's wager is that China's middle class should once again embrace the sense of confusion that comes from the complicated psychological state of the unreconciled ideas embedded in the "Good Hell and False Paradise" complex. Only in this way can one begin to examine ...

過去50年,香港媒體有關藥物成癮的主要概念主要來自對海洛因(俗稱「白粉」)吸毒者的想像。「吸毒者」通常被視為「對工作和家庭不負責任」,並且被描繪成「以犯罪獲得金錢購買毒品來紓緩嚴重的斷癮症狀。」然而,近年來,大部份青少年吸毒者吸食軟性毒品如氯胺酮和搖頭丸,而非海洛因。對青少年吸毒者而言,在道德和醫學概念上的「吸毒」定義並不符合他們的毒品經驗,原因是他們在使用藥物後並無嚴重的斷癮症狀。這種傳統毒品觀念與青少年吸毒者經驗之間的「矛盾」對戒毒和預防教育產生很大障礙。 ; 本研究旨在找出現有主流媒體、戒毒機構及青少年吸毒者對「吸毒」的詮釋。本研究首先對禁毒政策進行歷史分析,以找出禁毒政策和現有的道德和醫學毒品論述之間的關係。另外,本研究對1978年至2008年的100個禁毒廣告及由1979年至2009年的26部禁毒電視新聞紀錄片進行文本及論述分析,以整合過去30年來本地媒體所運用的毒品論述。再者,本研究在一所福音戒毒中心(基督教得生團契)及一間社區戒毒輔導中心(香港路德會青欣中心)分別進行14個月及10個月民族誌考察,以檢視社工及青少年吸毒者如何運用主流媒體流行的毒品論述。 ; 本研究發現主流媒體經常使用一種包含道德及醫學論述的「過來人」敘事法(go through narrative)。這種敘事法主要以吸毒「過來人」作為關鍵主體,去描述吸毒者最「真實」的「浪子回頭」故事,並且組成了主流的「浪子回頭」論述(Prodigal Son Returns Home Discourse),為吸毒者建立了一個「浪子」身份。另外,本研究亦發現媒體中常見的「過來人」敘事法亦常被社工及戒毒過來人應用,並將吸毒定性為生活方式問題。青少年吸毒者對主流論述的「浪子」身份表現出不同程度的適應,但這種敘述自我身份的靈活性仍被局限於「過來人」敘事法及其容許的論述原素(discursive components)當中。 ; 在理論層面上,本研究歸納出形成社會異類身份的主流論述所涉及的社會、組織、及互動層面的因素。而且,本研究亦歸納出在主流論述控制下,社會異類者體現自我身份自主性的策略,包括:「漠不關心」(Indifference)、「完整接受」(Adoption)、「自我適應」(Adaptation)及「自我肯定」(Affirmation)。透過靈活表述社會異類行為的性質,他們肯定個人身份及對抗主流論述。然而這種敘述自我身份的靈活性仍被局限於主流論述原素當中。 ; For over 50 years, the major conception of drug addiction in Hong Kong media comes from the imaginations of heroin addiction. Drug addicts are usually presented as irresponsible for job and family, and they commit crimes to get money to buy drugs in order to relieve serious withdrawal symptoms. However, in recent years, most youth addicts use 'recreational drugs' like ketamine and ecstasy rather than heroin. The moral and disease conceptions of drug addiction are not applicable in their drug-taking experiences because many youth psychotropic drug addicts find no severe withdrawal and tolerance symptom. The 'gap' between the conventional drug discourses and the experience of youth drug users produces dissonance among addicts, drug rehabilitation and preventive education. ; This study aims at figure out the existing meanings of drug addiction in the mass media and drug rehabilitation. Firstly, a historical analysis on the government anti-drug policy was conducted to figure out the relationship between ...

公共事務知識對許多政治過程都有至關重要的意義。通過獲取公共事務知識,個體公民得以認清切身利益,並由此與公共生活形成一種認識論上的聯系。了解公共事務,也是公民進行有效協商和政治參與的前提。盡管西方政治傳播文獻對此多有探討,中國語境下的"知識獲取"研究卻相對匱乏。中國的媒介環境正處於劇烈變革之中:盡管國家管控依然存在,但市場化改革不斷深入,近年來互聯網逐漸跃升为信息交換、意見表達與社會動員的主流平台。媒介環境的變遷為研究"知識獲取"提供了意義豐富的語境。 ; 本研究旨在探索中國大學生通過不同傳播渠道獲取公共事務知識的机制。本研究的實證數據來源於一項針對北京、上海和廣州在校大學生的問卷調查。調查共收回1,135份有效問卷,回收率為78%。該研究使用多元回歸分析與觀察變量通經分析(Path analysis with observed variables)對樣本數據進行分析。 ; 本研究的主要發現有三個方面。首先,數據顯示新媒體渠道(如新聞網站和社交媒體)或已經開始取代傳統媒體渠道(如報紙和電視),成為最常規的新聞源。新聞獲取模式的改變,進一步導致不同媒介"致知"效果的變化。與以往研究不同,本研究發現新媒體新聞曝露可以增加使用者的公共事務知識,但傳統媒體的新聞曝露卻沒有類似效果。面對面的交談可以增加人們的公共事務知識和政治信息效能。然而社交媒體討論只能增加人們的政治信息效能,卻對實際的知識獲取沒有貢獻。 ; 其次,本研究認為,檢測媒介的"致知"效果時,將媒介使用操作化為"媒介注意力"並不一定優於"媒介曝露"。孰優孰劣取決於我們所關注的媒體類型。結果顯示,"媒介曝露"能更好地檢測新媒體對知識獲取的影響,而"媒介注意力"則更有效地檢測傳統媒體對知識獲取的影響。這個區別並不只是一個技術問題,它關涉到知識獲取研究的理論假設。不同操作化所帶來的效果區別,可能與媒介使用模式的變化以及媒介使用時信息處理模式的改變有所關聯。 ; 第三,中國公共事務知識的生產與傳播是一個政治建構的過程。媒介管控與互聯網治理則是這個建構過程的重要機制。主流媒體供給"主流知識"並以其構建一個關於社會現實的"主流認知"。研究發現,事實上還存在一部分"另類知識"。中國的媒介體系推廣"主流知識"並且減少"另類知識"流通。本研究同時發現,盡管存在管控,新媒體渠道可以散播"另類知識"。 ; Public affairs knowledge plays a vital part in many political processes. By gaining public affairs knowledge, individual citizens discern their own interests and concerns, thus epistemologically connecting themselves to public life. Knowledge about public affairs is also a prerequisite for effective deliberation and political engagement. Though it has attracted much attention in Western political communication scholarship, knowledge acquisition has not been fully extended to the context of China. Few studies have examined public affairs knowledge in China's rapidly transitioning, yet still controlled, media environment, where the Internet has lately risen to be a dominant platform for information exchange, opinion expression, and social mobilization. ; This study explores how people can gain knowledge about public affairs through different communication channels in China's complex media environment. The data come from a paper-and-pencil survey of college students in Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou. The survey generated 1,135 valid responses, ...

近幾年,中國人民每天都要面對多種環境問題,環境保護促成新的社會運動及實政方式 。數十年來,中國政府一直以強調經濟發展為先,因此,如何能將環境管理與中國社會的其他部分相協調仍沒有一個清晰的答案。本文將以中國西部城市成都為例,分析環保意識在不同社會族群中的興起。 ; 本文通過三個要素來檢驗環境意識:意識形態、感知和行動。自千禧年始,中國政府開始宣傳"生態文明"的觀念,它是中國共產黨給出的有關如何進行可持續發展的意識形態方面的答案。"生態文明"作為一個單一維度結構,特別強調要在不影響經濟增長的前提下加強對環境的保護。這個概念通過地方政府、非政府組織的項目、學術研究及媒體報道等多種方式滲透中國社會。通過利用民族志的研究手法來探討成都市民日常要面對的交通問題、消費主義、食品安全及城市化等議題,本論文著重研究"生態文明"作為一個單維觀念,是如何與普通市民讓成都變得"更灰"或"更綠"的方式相協調的。市民讓成都變得"更灰"是因為相關行為可幫助他們維持或積累更多社會資本。而讓成都變得"更綠"則是一種草根的環保意識形態,通常被描述為"很環保"。"很環保"是個自相矛盾的講法,一方面它帶有"過時"的意味,而另一方面它又帶有"上流"的感覺。 ; 本研究針對245 戶人進行了社會調查,結果顯示相較底層社會的市民而言,上層社會的市民普遍認為環境的好壞對他們生活的影響更大。類似於垃圾分類、節約用水、減少空氣污染等環保行為不同程度的與受訪市民的社會階層、年齡及居住地點有關。一方面,調查顯示市民們對於"生態文明"的理解五花八門,伸展至多個維度,另一方面,通過檢驗環境意識形態、對環境的感知和環保行動三者的交集後,我們發現,在環保問題上,中國民眾可被分為三大不同族群 。這包括,發展組,他們因國家宣傳的單維"生態文明"政策而受益;環境組,他們最受"很環保"這個意識形態的影響;以及"不知所從"組,他們因環保行動又"過時"又"上流"的雙面性而感到不知所從 。大部分身處權利中心的人都屬於發展組,理論上講,由發展組人士組成的國家可借引入"生態文明"這個單維結構而變得更穩固,因為"生態文明"的結構單維性讓"不知所從"組的人更樂意接受一個集權政府,並寄希望於後者可以替他們解決環境問題。但是,由於國家無法從多個維度介入民眾對於"生態文明"的地方詮釋,更多的市民因此將會趨於加入環境組人士,持與他們類似的對抗態度,而這將會讓國家陷入難以走出的困局。 ; In recent years, as the Chinese people have had to face environmental issues in their everyday lives, environmental protection has come to stimulate new social movements and forms of governance in China. After decades of state emphasis on economic growth, it has yet to be made clear how this new concern for environmental governance resonates with different segments of Chinese society. Thus, this thesis analyzes the rise of environmental consciousness among different social groups in the Western Chinese city of Chengdu. ; Environmental consciousness is examined according to three components: ideology, perception and action. At the turn of the millennium, the Chinese state started to promote Ecological Civilization (生態文明), the CCP's ideological answer to Sustainable Development. With a singular emphasis on enforcing environmental protection as long as it does not interfere with economic development, this unidimensional structure of Ecological Civilization has been introduced to Chinese society through local government ...