Suchergebnisse

Rad "Društveno-političke prilike u ivanićkom kraju između dva svjetska rata" u prvom redu nastojat će prikazati događaje koji su obilježili međuratno razdoblje u tri općine ivanićkog kraja (Ivanić-Grad, Kloštar Ivanić, Križ). Uz demografski, društveni i gospodarski razvoj, posebna će se pažnja posvetiti okolnostima dinamičnih političkih zbivanja u tom kraju, koja su obilježila razdoblje od 1918. do 1941. godine. ; The area of municipalities Ivanić-Grad, Kloštar Ivanić and Križ in the times of monarchist Yugoslavia (from 1918 to 1941), went through a period of transformation. This territory had a fairly diverse social and economic structure, in which there was industry, commerce and trade, along with agriculture and livestock farming. The entire area had a centuries-long tradition of education, for which there was relatively little illiterates. Moreover, the idea of linking citizens to achieve common economic and social interests was very strong among the population. After 1918 all adult male citizens of Yugoslavia got universal suffrage. Therefore the Croatian people hoped that their rights would expand even further, while the new state government wanted to build a unitary and centralized state. Citizens of Ivanić area started the struggle for the preservation of their democratic and national rights. One of the biggest and earliest armed resistances to the regime's ideas, known as the Kriæ Republic, proved in 1920 that people were not happy with the situation in their environment. Despite of proclamation of Yugoslav dictatorship, with time the authorities would find that the thoughts and actions of citizens are very difficult to control. The citizens themselves in almost absolute numbers sided with the ideas of Croatian Peasant Party and the concept of political struggle for democratic, social and economic rights of Croatian people in the monarchist Yugoslavia. Therefore, the attacks against ideas and symbols of the regime became an everyday reality. In the years following the assassination of King Alexander there was a limited democratization of the state. They were also marked by an increasing activity of the HSS. This all led to the creation of the Banovina of Croatia in 1939. However, only a year and a half later, Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Croatian Banovina will disappear in a whirlwind of World War Two.

The study of Hobbes' "theory of politics" begins with contrasting the different views on his theory found in the works of H. Arendt & M. Foucault, as well as in the recent methodically crucial works of J. F. Spitz. Their common denominator is that they all contest Hobbes' theory state & sovereignty, as a fatal epoch-making trap. The essay approaches Hobbes through evaluating contemporary political theory & his most important inquiry into the understanding of state as a legal & political project of Modernity (A. Passerin d'Entreves, B. Kriegel & Q. Skinner). Based on this inquiry, & on the critical reading of Hobbes' Leviathan, the author shows that the understanding of Hobbes' theory of the sovereign state conclusively depends on the epistemological status of the concept of the "state of nature." The main dilemma is if the state of nature should be understood as a logical construct with an ambition for ontological status or a hypothetical state reflecting the historical context of Hobbes' era? The main problem of the state of nature does not rest in a struggle for power between power-seeking individuals, but in the fact that people are fatally divided & conflicted in their religious & political convictions. To leave such state of religious civil wars permanently, is possible only, if the tasks of a representative sovereign are understood as society-building in diachronic dimension. However, even if a sovereign successfully fulfills his fundamental task of society-building, the developed civil society will not correlate with this basic type of sovereign absolute state, but with a new type -- liberal & democratic state. References. Adapted from the source document.

Addresses some institutional & structural elements of the emerging European post-Cold War security environment. In the early 1990s, at the level of institutionalization of European security, a plethora of institutions came into being whose purpose has been to gradually incorporate the former communist states into an integral security structure. Also, international security was formalized in international organizations covering Europe. Thus, one of the key challenges to the European security system has been the need for melding its central components into a consistent system. The author also describes some current processes & developments within the European security setting that will shape the European security structure in the future as well. This setting has been, & will undoubtedly continue to be, affected by various international (regional & global) & national factors in the European economic, political, & security space as well as by the joint efforts of European states (their leaders) & international security organizations to provide common security in Europe. The author concludes that the European international system today includes many organizations & institutions that, with an appropriate division of labor & cooperation, may help set up a common & integral European security system that would efficiently ensure the security of individual states as well as of Europe as a whole. 1 Figure. Adapted from the source document.

One of the most significant results of European convergence is an increase in the number of channels for the "European" policy activities of subnational actors. These actors are no longer limited to bilateral political relations & national i.e. state actors, but are to cooperate & communicate with different actors in different arenas of decision-making & make use of various channels of influencing the European policy process. The question of subnational mobilization has become extremely significant in the theory of European convergence, particularly following the major reform of the EU cohesion policy of 1988 & the introduction of the partnership principle. In that sense, the mobilization of subnational actors is closely linked to the evolution of the EU cohesion policy. Tt should be noted that despite this, the EU cohesion policy is primarily the essential catalyst of subnational mobilization & thus not "exclusively" linked to the public policy realm; it has increasingly become a prominent feature of other public-policy areas. And finally, hand in hand with the elaboration of the common cohesion policy (related to subnational mobilization) the concept of the so-called multilevel governance was formulated in the context of the European integration, in the sense of identifying the environment in which the processes of the formation & the implementation of common European policies are today taking place. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

One of the most significant results of European convergence is an increase in the number of channels for the "European" policy activities of subnational actors. These actors are no longer limited to bilateral political relations & national i.e. state actors, but are to cooperate & communicate with different actors in different arenas of decision-making & make use of various channels of influencing the European policy process. The question of subnational mobilization has become extremely significant in the theory of European convergence, particularly following the major reform of the EU cohesion policy of 1988 & the introduction of the partnership principle. In that sense, the mobilization of subnational actors is closely linked to the evolution of the EU cohesion policy. Tt should be noted that despite this, the EU cohesion policy is primarily the essential catalyst of subnational mobilization & thus not "exclusively" linked to the public policy realm; it has increasingly become a prominent feature of other public-policy areas. And finally, hand in hand with the elaboration of the common cohesion policy (related to subnational mobilization) the concept of the so-called multilevel governance was formulated in the context of the European integration, in the sense of identifying the environment in which the processes of the formation & the implementation of common European policies are today taking place. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Sustainability reporting has grown in importance and transparency over the years. The reporting has in many countries gone from being voluntarily to become mandatory. This is the case within the EU, which adopted the non-financial reporting directive (2014/95/EU) in 2014. Sweden applied the directive in 2017 in the Annual Account Act. At the same time as the requirements have increased research has showed there is a gap between the content of the disclosed reports and companies' actual sustainability activities. To create a reliable and transparent external sustainability report there is a need to take internal activities into account and collect data for reporting from internal management and control systems. Previous research has also recognised that sustainability needs to be a part of the corporate strategy in order to ensure that sustainability becomes a part of the business operations. In order to contribute to a deeper understanding of any deficiencies between the information provided in sustainability reports and the internal activities the aim of this study is to investigate and explain the implementation of environmental strategies in company's management and controls system. Swedish companies operating in industries with a high environmental impact, the forest-, paper-, mining-, and steel industry, are selected as research objects in this study. A deductive method in combination with a hermeneutic method is applied. Management control systems, corporate sustainability strategy, legal requirements, the Global Reporting Initiative and accounting postulates form the theoretical framework. The empirical result shows there is a gap between the communicated environmental strategies and the implementation in the company management control system in each of the three industries. The result of the study raises questions regarding what the goal is for the communicated environmental strategies and to what extent the strategies are implemented. Another conclusion is that the companies in the three industries do not comply with the GRI framework, when reporting a limited number of environmental performance indicators. In addition, despite of a mandatory regulation for disclosing of non-financial information and the use of a common framework there is no common reporting standard for companies in the studied industries. External stakeholders need to have access to relevant non-financial information to assess companies' impact on the environment. Current legislation and standard frameworks provide a high level of flexibility regarding what to report. In order to achieve a common standard this study shows a need to add a conceptual sustainable framework for accounting and reporting, enforcement mechanisms and regulated common standards to achieve a more transparent and reliable reporting practice.

This dissertation studies the development of the environmental issue from a discursive perspective. Through an analysis of views on nature and the environment in several NGOs and main political organs, the dissertation tries to explain how a certain view became hegemonic. The analysis pertains to the period between the publication of Silent Spring in 1962 and the introduction of the concept sustainable development by the UN in 1987. From a realistic starting point and with critical discourse analysis (CDA) as its method, the dissertation aims to identify causal powers and mechanisms that have generated and institutionalized the environmental discourse. An analytical model is developed and applied on three levels; a sociolinguistic, institutional, and macrosocial level; which also reflect the methodological progression of the study from description to explanation. The result shows that the discursive practice was hegemonized by a Western view promoting economic growth. This discourse gradually gained ground at the expense of an anti-systemic discourse which posited structural societal changes as the answer to environmental problems. Mechanisms such as the exclusion of some views and actors from common discursive practices were crucial for the process of homogenizing the discourse and developing consensus. Through incorporating that part of the environmental movement which did not fight the dominant economic and political system, the UN turned it into support for its own project, which is part of the process of hegemony. At the same time the environmental objectives of the hegemonic discourse were established in the institutional spheres. The institutionalization of the environmental issue changed the focus from social critique to a question of development and technology, something which helped displace the original critical and partially anti-systemic character of environmental discourse. Through turning the critical and negative account of the situation into a more harmonious and hopeful vision, for instance in terms of sustainable development, a foundation was laid for the later development of ecological modernization. When the hegemonic discourse invested the concept of sustainable development with emphases on progress and economic growth, it encapsulated the environmental issue within the framework of the prevailing social system. ; With summary in English and Spanish/Con resumen en inglés y en español

Poremećaj kockanja ponavljajuća je kockarska aktivnost koja narušava opće stanje ili uzrokuje značajan problem za osobu. Prevalencija je ove bolesti u svijetu između 0,01 i 10,6 % u odrasloj populaciji, a među adolescentima je i češća. Najvažniji su okidači poremećaja kockanja velika dostupnost i pristupačnost kockanja, odnosno mogućnost kockanja online. Veći rizik za nastanak ovog poremećaja imaju muškarci, samci, osobe u socijalno depriviranoj okolini. Međutim, kao kritično razdoblje osjetljivosti mozga za razvoj ovisnosti pa tako i poremećaja kockanja nameće se doba adolescencije. U Hrvatskoj čak 12,9 % srednjoškolaca zadovoljava kriterije za problematično kockanje. Budući da poremećaj kockanja uzrokuje značajne psihosocijalne posljedice i da je povezan s brojnim psihičkim i fizičkim komorbiditetima, nužno je osmisliti kvalitetne preventivne intervencije. U svijetu i u našoj zemlji postoje brojni preventivni programi namijenjeni adolescentima, a najuspješniji su oni dužeg vremenskog trajanja koji obuhvaćaju multiple aspekte ovisnosti i utječu na promjene u ponašanju. Prevencija ove bolesti značajan je javnozdravstveni imperativ koji treba obuhvatiti pojedinca, obitelj, socijalno okruženje uz odgovarajuću zakonsku regulativu, financijsku podršku, interdisciplinarnu profesionalnu suradnju i znanstvenu evaluaciju učinkovitosti primijenjenih programa. ; Gambling disorder is a recurrent gambling activity that disrupts the general condition or causes a significant problem for a person. The prevalence estimates of this illness in the world range between 0.01 and 10.6% in the adult population, and it is even more common in adolescents. The most important triggers of gambling disorder are the high availability and accessibility of gambling, i.e., the possibility of online gambling. Men, single people, and people living in a socially deprived environment are at a higher risk of developing gambling disorder. However, the critical age of brain sensitivity for the development of addiction, including gambling disorder, is adolescence. In Croatia, as many as 12.9% of high school students meet the criteria for problem gambling. Given that gambling disorder causes significant psychosocial consequences and is associated with numerous psychic and physical comorbidities, it is necessary to design highquality preventive interventions. There are numerous preventive programmes in the world and in our country aimed at adolescents, the most successful being those of a longer duration that cover multiple aspects of addiction and affect changes in behaviour. Prevention of this disease is a significant public health imperative that should involve individuals, family, social environment and appropriate legislation, financial support, interdisciplinary professional cooperation and scientific evaluation of the effectiveness of the applied programmes.

Zbog intenziviranja poljoprivredne proizvodnje i napuštanja rubnih pojaseva poljoprivrednih područja diljem Europe bioraznolikost stalno opada. Da bi se smanjio negativan utjecaj intenzivne poljoprivredne proizvodnje, u Zajedničku poljoprivrednu politiku Europske Unije uvrštene su agrookolišne mjere kao dio Programa ruralnog razvoja. Jedna od mjera za povećanje bioraznolikosti jest i uspostava cvjetnih pojaseva koji bi trebali osigurati veću brojnost korisnih kukaca (oprašivača, predatora i parazitoida) i time povećati bioraznolikost. Cilj istraživanja, koje je provedeno tijekom 2014. i 2015. na četiri lokaliteta, jest vizualnim pregledima utvrditi posjećivanje oprašivača i ostale entomofaune na implementirane cvjetne pojaseve i usporediti njihovu brojnost s brojnošću na tipičnom poljoprivrednom krajoliku. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da na implementiranim cvjetnim tracima unutar obradivih površina zasijanih poljoprivrednim kulturama ima znatno veći broj oprašivača kao i ostale faune u odnosu na kontrolne površine. Utvrđene su i razlike u brojnosti oprašivača na cvjetnim tracima s obzirom na godinu njihove uspostave. ; Due to the intensification of agricultural production and abandonment of the field margins across Europe biodiversity is steadily decreasing. To minimize the negative impact of intensive agricultural production, within the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union, agri-environment measures as part of the Rural Development Programme are established. One of the measures to increase biodiversity is the establishment of flower strips, which should provide greater numbers of beneficial insects (pollinators, predators and parasitoids) and thereby increase biodiversity. The aim of this research, which was conducted during 2014 and 2015 at four locations, is by the visual inspections determine the number of visiting pollinators and other beneficial insects on implemented floral strips and compare their number with a typical agricultural landscape. The results show that the implemented flower strips within arable crops have significantly increased the number of pollinators and other fauna in relation to the control plots. Differences between floral strips in numbers of pollinators were determined according to a year of establishment.

Knowledge and valuation of ecosystem services are important components for reaching the governmental goals for improving the natural environments. Recreational fishing has more than one million practitioners nationwide.Knowledge about the fishers and their catches increases the ability to assess whether the ecosystem services are retained. In addition, it gives means for evaluating the actions for the conservation, restoration and sustainable use of oceans, lakes and rivers. Knowledge of recreational fishing is also needed in order to follow up the details in its environmental objectives relating to outdoor recreation, tourism industry and the governmental goals in the open-air policy. The EU's common fisheries policy, the Swedish environmental policy and Swedish fisheries policy all emphasize that ecosystem-based management should be implemented. Thus, there are needs for knowledge of the ecosystems which are exploited by humans. Fish populations are important components of aquatic ecosystems, and are affected by the surrounding environment, while they themselves affect the structures of the aquatic food-webs. Fishes often have regulatory functions in the ecosystems, and thereby contribute to valuable ecosystem services in addition to the more obvious services as providing food and recreation for humans. Mostly issues regarding the impacts of fishing-related activities on fish populations have been focused on commercial fishing. A widespread and intensive commercial fishing may lead to the depletion of stocks or, at worst, a collapse of the fish populations; the fish population reaching such low levels that recovery may be difficult. In recent years the knowledge of the impact of recreational fishing on aquatic systems has increased, but still the effects of recreational fishing on ecosystem are relatively poorly studied, compared to commercial fisheries. For many, it may be difficult to accept that recreational fishing may affect fish populations; each fisher/angler favour just their own fisheries without bearing in mind that although the small influence from each individual fisherman may be small, it will be significant when many fishermen harvest from the same stock. Recreational fishing and its effects on the aquatic ecosystems are often neglected in fisheries science, mainly due to the lack of data to estimate recreational fishing harvest with a sufficient resolution to calculate the effort and landings of recreational fisheries. In this report, we try to give an overall picture of the fish species needing increased knowledge in order to get an estimate of harvest in recreational fisheries and thereby the effect on fish populations. Furthermore, we also try to give a picture of international studies and finally to give examples of methods concerning how and to what extent one may conduct studies in Sweden. Our proposal is largely based on combining different surveys in specific areas that we believe can be used to scale-up the results. We suggest data collation of recreational fishing is concentrated to areas with public waters, because in other water bodies the land owner has sovereignty under the law. The focus areas we point out are those already having some data collection, both in terms of recreational fishing and environmental monitoring / stock assessment and where there are non-fishing protective areas nearby. Collection of data should not be made in all areas at every year; three areas are suggested to become intensive areas (data collection every year) and the remaining areas data collection will take place every three years - on a rolling schedule. The sampling methods we recommend are national survey (i.e. mail and telephone surveys), recording of catches in fishing tourism, voluntary catch registration of individual anglers, collection of data from fishing competitions, on-site inventory of fishing effort (e.g. count fetter and trailers), inventory of catch per effort (e.g. by creel-surveys) and fish tagging studies. For the west coast we propose one focus area, Älgöfjorden. At the coasts of Bohuslän County and the northern part of Halland County the fishing pressure is high for lobster and crab and therefore a focus area should be established in this area. We suggest that data are collected by on-site visits for inventorying fishing effort (counting numbers of pots / buoys / fishing people), combined with catch registration can return an estimates on catch per effort, and this can then be applied to a larger area. Another potential focus area is the area around Torhamn (Blekinge) which, for example, is popular area recreational fishing for pike. Torhamn is one of three national reference areas for coastal fish monitoring on the East Coast and has been monitored since 2002. It is also desirable to study aspects of fishing mortality in recreational fisheries. To our knowledge, there are no national studies that have explored the effects of catch-and-release in natural environments over long periods of time. The Bråviken Bay is a relatively limited and well-defined area having considered high recreational fishing pressure, but large time series from fish monitoring programmes are lacking. This site will give good opportunities for studying pike, pikeperch and to some extent also sea trout, data collection is suggested to take place every third year. An adjacent area is Kvädöfjärden having fish monitoring time series from 1989. Closely situated to Kvädöfjärden is Licknevarpefjärden where fishing has been prohibited since 1970. Additional areas that are of interest to follow up with some regularity are Asköfjärden, Gålö and / or Lagnö in the Stockholm archipelago. In the future it might be fruitful to shift data collection intensity between Torhamn in Blekinge and an area in Stockholm archipelago. Such decision should be based on factors like where the most practical solutions / contact network can be found. In the Gulf of Bothnia angling with nets, traps and similar gears are relatively widespread. We suggest that Långvind Bay in Gävleborg County, is an area for the study of recreational fishing in a relatively sparsely populated county and is most likely typical for large parts of the Gulf of Bothnia. Data collection is suggested to take place every year. As for the Gulf of Bothnia the recreational fishery in the Bothnian Bay are mainly targeting the whitefish, sea trout and, to some extent also perch. By monitoring the recreational fisheries in Kinnbäcksfjärden near Piteå, we hope to be able to describe the local recreational fishing patterns and then apply these values for catch per effort for most of the coastal strip of the Bothnian Bays. Recreational fishing is widespread in all of the five largest lakes in Sweden, and there is a need for data collection in all five. In Lake Vänern, Lake Vättern and Lake Mälaren there are fish monitoring data of good quality and regularity. However, in the two smallest lakes, Lake Hjälmaren and Lake Storsjön in Jämtland County, few test fishing areas and few studies regarding recreational fishing have been made. For Lake Vättern we suggest that data collection is done every year; especially the archipelago in the northern part of the lake will be an excellent area for the study of recreational fishing for pike. In the other four lakes we propose that data collection is made every third year. By studying recreational fishing - its practitioners, scope, gear-use, and harvest, it will be possible to achieve a more detailed view of how recreational fishing is done and how it varies along the Swedish coast and in the five largest lakes. Such knowledge is important for the managers of common fisheries resources and the monitoring of environmental status and evaluating the recreational goals established by the Swedish governments.

Uvod: Moždani udar ima visoku smrtnost kako u svjetskim okvirima tako i kod nas. Značajno financijski opterećuje kako republički tako i županijske zavode za zdravstveno osiguranje. Glavnina bolesnika ostaje trajnim invalidima, a uz velika financijska izdvajanja i upornu fizikalnu terapiju oporavi se mali broj bolesnika (jedna trećina). Osim medicinskog osoblja koje sudjeluje u tretmanu bolesnika oboljelih od MU, veliku ulogu u oporavku imaju obitelj i bolesnikovo šire i daljnje okruženje. Cilj rada: je utvrditi broj i distribuciju bolesnika liječenih od moždanog udara u 2017. godini, procijeniti ishode liječenja te utvrditi vrstu antikoagulantne terapije na otpustu. Definirati i analizirati faktore rizika s osvrtom na primarnu i sekundarnu prevenciju. Procijeniti postojeću skrb bolesnika, uz definiranje mjesta i uloge medicinske sestre. Metode: Ciljni parametri prikupljeni su iz medicinske dokumentacije koja je nastala tijekom liječenja bolesnika. Varijable, prikupljene iz elektronskih otpusnih pisama unesene su u elektronički zapis ispitanika u program Microsoft Excel, po posebno izrađenoj tablici podataka. Rezultati: Sudjelovalo je 167 bolesnika, 86 žena (51,50%) i 81 muškaraca (48,50%). Najzastupljeniji faktori rizika bili su hiperlipidemija i hipertenzija, fibrilacija atrija i dob iznad 70 godina. Od moždanog udara 2017. god. umrlo je 45 bolesnika (26,90%), više muških (53,30%), s neurološkim deficitom ostalo je 56 bolesnika (33,50%), više muških (53,60%), a djelomično ili potpuno oporavljenih je bilo 66 (27,00%), više kod žena (59,00%). U tretmanu fibrilacije atrija (67,00%), mali dio bolesnika je na Warfarinu i NOACs, 88 njih (52,30%) u odnosu na 134 na acetilsalicilnoj kiselini (80,20%). Postoji statistički značajna razlika u vrsti i broju čimbenika rizika MU u odnosu na dob i spol ispitanika. Stariji bolesnici skloniji su većoj smrtnosti. Muški spol je faktor rizika i među muškarcima veća je ukupna smrtnost. Zaključak: Prepoznavanje i sustavno provođenje politike unaprjeđenja i očuvanja zdravlja uz aktivnosti na području primarne, specijalističke i bolničke zdravstvene zaštite osnovni su preduvjeti postizanja uspjeha u prevenciji moždanog udara. U stvaranju takvog okruženja nužna je suradnja zdravstva s drugim strukturama javnog života. ; Introduction: Stroke has high mortality both in the world and in us. Significantly financially burdens both the republic and county health insurance bureaus. The majority of the patients remain with permanent invalids, and with a small amount of financial resources and persistent physical therapy, a small number of patients (one-third) recover. In addition to the medical staff involved in the treatment of patients with MU, a major role in recovery has the family and the patient's wider and further environment. Aim: The aim of the study was to determine the number and distribution of stroke patients in 2017, to evaluate the outcomes of the treatment and to determine with whom the patients were relieved from the department (antiagregation, new oral anticoagulants, warfarin). Also, risk factors will be defined and analyzed with reference to primary and secondary stroke prevention. Existing patient care will be evaluated, along with the definition of the nurses' place and role in the treatment of this type of patient. Methods: Target parameters were collected from medical documentation that was generated during patient treatment. Variables, collected from electronic resignation letters were submitted to the electronic record of the respondents in the Microsoft Excel program by a specially made data table. Results: A total of 167 patients, 86 women (51.50%) and 81 males (48.50%) participated in the study. The most frequent risk factors were hyperlipidemia and hypertension, more frequent in the male population, while atrial fibrillation and age over 70 were more common in women. From a stroke in 2017, 45 patients (26.90%), more males (53.30%) died, with 56 (33.50%), more male (53.60%), and partially or completely recovered, with a neurological deficit 66 (27.00%), more in women (59.00%). In the atrial fibrillation treatment (67.00%), as the most frequent risk factor, a small part of the patients were on Warfarin and NOAC, 88 (52.30%) versus 134 on acetylsalicylic acid (80.20%). Research has shown that there is a statistically significant difference in the type and number of stroke risk factors in relation to age and sex of respondents. It has been found that elderly patients with greater comorbidity are more likely to be more mortally affected. It was also found that the male gender risk factor in the investigated population and that in the male population the total mortality was higher. Conclusion: Recognizing and systematically implementing a general policy of improving and preserving health as well as activities in the area of primary, specialist and hospital health care are the basic preconditions for achieving success in the prevention of cerebrovascular diseases. In creating such an environment, it is necessary to co-operate with other sectors of public life.

This study takes as its point of departure the theorizing on citizenship and globalization. Today it is common to discuss a "flexible" citizenship beyond the paradigm of the nationstate, which, besides its legal aspects of rights and obligations, also includes identification with and participation in various communities, primarily political ones. "Politics", in this context, is considered to be constituted on the micro-level, discursively between individuals (e.g. Laclau and Mouffe 1985). The aim of the study is to, through the study of collective meaning making, contribute to the theory building about citizenship and globalization. The study consists of three cases, each of which attracted much media attention, with varying degrees of proximity and distance. The construction of political community, on various levels on the globalization scale (subnational, national, transnational) within the collective meaning making, is studied. The aim of the study also includes the analysis of the discursive resources that are used for the making of meaning. "External" discourses such as media messages and interpersonal communication are analyzed as well as "internal" ones: e.g. values, norms, identifications and experiences. In addition, the study aims at localizing the construction of meaning and community within the structural context , and relating it to current structures of power. The thesis is concluded with a suggestion of how to relate the discursive construction of political identity to deliberative democracy theory. The empirical material is collected by means of focus-groups interviews, including 2–5 people, with a total of 133 respondents. The transcribed material is analyzed by means of critical discourse analysis, CDA. The study identifies two different types of identity constructions: processes of nationalization, where the experienced Swedish identity and community function normatively in the making of meaning, and processes of subnationalization, among those groups that somehow felt excluded from and mistreated by the national (Swedish) environment. The thesis concludes that the collective making of meaning within an assumed national community contains ideological elements and works to a large extent in the service of power. However, the subnationally compressed communities create meaning in an oppositional manner, compared with the nationalized community and in relation to structures of power. Active citizenship is thus best located in conflict, among groups that experience exclusion and oppression in different situations (Mouffe 1995b). If this is right, the focus must shift from consensus to communication, efforts to open up discursive bridges between the hegemonic community and dissident voices should be made (c.f. Aronowitz 1995). An important space for transgressing communication is of course the media. However, the study shows that the media must deal with some problems before they are ready to serve as discursive bridges, for instance the tendency to make the factual antagonisms subordinate to homogenizing emotional reporting. In addition, there seems to exist a need for the political institutions to move beyond the paradigm of the nation-state, and find other frameworks for the democratic processes, not least at the subnational level. Thus, instead of discussing either a global or a national citizenship one could, with Habermas (2001), reflect on a postnational citizenship relating to the reflexive transformation of national civic sovereignty into subnational and supranational citizenship.

Opći cilj istraživanja prikazanog u ovom radu jest teorijsko i empirijsko razmatranje različitih modela urbanog upravljanja na primjeru urbano-okolišnog sektora Grada Zagreba, pri čemu se posebna pažnja daje mogućnostima i preprekama za integrirano urbano upravljanje, s fokusom na koordinaciju i participaciju. Tema je razrađivana kroz različite teorijske pristupe s namjerom holističkog obuhvata područja istraživanja. Tipologija urbanog upravljanja koju su razvili DiGaetano i Strom (2003) koristi se za analizu i interpretaciju tipova upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru Grada Zagreba. Vezano specifično uz integrirano upravljanje, istraživanjem je obuhvaćena horizontalna integracija, kao dimenzija integriranog upravljanja, odnosno njezina dva aspekta: a) segment integriranog urbanog upravljanja koji pretpostavlja intenzivniju i kvalitetniju suradnju i koordinaciju formalnih aktera unutar gradske uprave; te, b) participacija neformalnih aktera u procesu donošenja odluka i kreiranja javnih politika. Aspekt koordinacije formalnih aktera interpretiran je u ovom radu temeljem teorije koordinacije javnih politika, pri čemu se preuzimaju sukcesivne razine ostvarivanja koherentnosti u oblikovanju javnih politika koje je razvio Peters (2004). U dijagnostičke svrhe utvrđivanja suradnje različitih gradskih tijela u urbano-okolišnom sektoru u ostvarivanju zajedničkih ciljeva korišten je i Metcalfeov (1994) pristup analizi izmjere kapaciteta koordinacije javnih politika. Što se tiče participacije neformalnih aktera, u interpretaciji se koristi tipologija razine participacije koju je izradila Arnstein (1969) kao i klasifikacija jednosmjernih i dvosmjernih participativnih metoda od Anokye (2013). U kontekstu ovog istraživanja razmatra se i redistribucija moći između formalnih i neformalnih aktera izražena kao odnos snaga u kojem su u poziciji moći formalni akteri, a neformalni akteri svojim djelovanjem dovode u pitanje granice i raspodjelu moći (Arnstein, 1969). Istraživanje je dizajnirano kao studija slučaja urbanog upravljanja u Gradu Zagrebu korištenjem metode polu-strukturiranog intervjua i fokusne grupe uz pregled relevantnog normativnog i strateškog okvira. Istraživanjem je utvrđen hibridni tip upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru, specifičnije, korporativno-klijentelistički tip urbanog upravljanja. Uočene specifičnosti u modelu upravljanja odnose se na nepovjerenje neformalnih aktera u tijela lokalne samouprave što je dodatno naglašeno uvjerenjem kako lokalna samouprava počiva na principima klijentelizma i pomanjkanja odgovornosti te sektorskom i piramidalnom sustavu upravljanja s koncentracijom moći u samome vrhu gradske vlasti. Navedeno je u suprotnosti sa integriranim modelom upravljanja koje pretpostavlja ostvarenje moći kroz pozitivan kontekst "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), odnosno, ostvarenje moći kroz suradnju i konsenzus, partnerstvo i procese kolektivnog djelovanja. Koordinacija odabranih gradskih ureda unutar urbano-okolišnog sektora svrstana je, sukladno Petersu (2004) na najnižu razinu negativne koordinacije, te sukladno Metcalfeu (1994), na četvrtu razinu koja isto spada u negativnu koordinaciju s obzirom na manjkavosti koje se očituju u: preklapanjima u obavljanju poslova, pri čemu se ističe nedostatak adekvatne koordinacije aktivnosti i projekata (izostanak strukturirane koordinacije) odnosno komunikacije (različite informacije, različite vizije, različite i nepovezane aktivnosti, nedostatak adekvatne baze podataka koju bi mogli koristiti svi uredi i sektori), kako unutar ureda i sektora (naglasak na nepostojanje adekvatne horizontalne koordinacije), tako i među sektorima (nepostojanje adekvatne međusektorske koordinacije), ali i spram civilnog sektora (u vezi programa i aktivnosti od zajedničkog interesa). Naposljetku, razina participacije u urbano-okolišnom sektoru prema Arnsteininoj gradaciji participacije spada u kategoriju tokenizma. Općenito, građane se ne potiče na preuzimanje aktivne uloge prilikom donošenja relevantnih odluka u domeni djelokruga lokalne samouprave kao ni na ostvarivanje partnerstva sa formalnim akterima. Sukladno klasifikaciji metoda participacije prema Anokye (2013), utvrđeno je prisustvo dominacije jednosmjernih uz ponešto dvosmjernih metoda participacije u kategoriji tokenizma. Navedeno upućuje na instrumentalni pristup (Hordijk, 2015) u participaciji neformalnih aktera koji, iako su uključeni u procese odlučivanja, nisu ravnopravni političkim akterima. Na tragu Arnsteininog (1969) poimanja moći, rezultati istraživanja s jedne strane ilustriraju moć kao asimetričnu (centraliziranu) odnosno hijerarhijsku (podređenost većine i zapovijedanje manjine) strukturu koju karakterizira koncentracija moći u samome vrhu upravljačke strukture (Ured Gradonačelnika), a što kod nekih formalnih kao i kod neformalnih aktera stvara osjećaj bespomoćnosti. S druge strane, nalazi ilustriraju moć kao procesnu, što je vidljivo kroz primjere suradnje među akterima koji ukazuju kako neformalni akteri višom razinom participacije u nekim slučajevima dovode uvriježene hijerarhije u pitanje. Međutim, pritom je isključivo riječ o partnerstvu, ali ne i o delegiranju moći ili pak građanskom nadzoru koje Arnstein svrstava u najviše razine građanske moći. ; The general purpose of the research presented in this thesis is to theoretically and empirically consider different models of urban governance based on the example of the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Particular attention is given to the opportunities and barriers to integrated urban governance with a focus on participation. The research engages with different theoretical approaches with the intention to have a holistic approach to the subject of research. The typology of urban governance developed by DiGaetano and Strom (2003) is utilized for the analysis and interpretation of types of governance present in the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Specifically with regard to integrated governance, the research encompasses horizontal integration – as a dimension of integrated governance – and particularly its two aspects: a) the dimension of integrated urban governance which implies more intensive and enhanced cooperation and coordination between formal actors within the city administration; and b) informal actors' participation in the decision making process and the process of creating public policies. The coordination of formal actors' is interpreted through public policies coordination theory by way of adopting successive levels of coherence implementation when shaping public policies as developed by Peters (2004). Metcalfe's (1994) approach to the analysis of public policies capacity coordination is also utilized as a diagnostic tool with the aim of determining the level of cooperation among the different city offices within the environment sector. With regard to capturing the participation of informal actors, the study utilizes Arnstein's (1969) typology of the level of participation, as well as the one-way and two-way classification of participation methods developed by Anokye (2013). In the context of this study, the redistribution of power between formal and informal actors is conveyed as a struggle between formal actors being in the position of power, and informal actors who through their activities question the boundaries and distribution of power. The research was designed as a case study of urban governance in the City of Zagreb. Semi-structured interviews and focus groups were conducted, and relevant legal and strategic documents were analyzed. The research has identified a hybrid governance model, more precisely, a corporate-clientelist model of urban governance. The governance model's specificities are reflected in the informal actors' distrust of local level administration, further emphasized through the conviction that the local administration relies on a clientelist agenda, lack of responsibility, and sectorial and pyramidical system of governance whereby the power resides in the highest echelons of city government. The highlighted findings are contrary to the model of integrated governance that presupposes empowerment through a positive context of "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), through cooperation and consensus, partnership and collective actions. The coordination of examined city offices within the sector of environment is categorized, according to Peters (2004), as the lowest level of negative coordination, and, according to Metcalfe (1994), on the fourth level, which also represents negative coordination, given the noted shortcomings: overlaps in activities conducted and specifically lack of adequate levels of coordinating activities and projects (lack of structured coordination), lack of communication (different information, different visions, different and disconnected activities, lack of an adequate database to be used by all offices and sectors), both within offices and sectors (lack of adequate horizontal coordination) as well as between sectors (lack of adequate inter-sectorial coordination), but in relation to the civil sector (with regard to programs and activities of common interest). Finally, the level of participation in the environment sector, in accordance with Arnstein's participation gradation, falls into the category of tokenism. Overall, citizens are not encouraged to assume active roles in the local administration's decision-making process or realize partnerships with formal actors. Based on Anokye's (2013) classification of participation methods, the study identifies the dominance of one-way participation methods and a handful of two-way participation methods in the tokenism category. This points to an instrumental approach (Hordijk, 2015) to the participation of informal actors', who, although involved in the decision-making process, are not equal to political actors. Drawing on Arnstein's (1969) understanding of power, the study illustrates, on one hand, power as asymmetrical (centralized) and hierarchical (subordination of majority, command of minority), characterized by the concentration of power at the top of the local government structure (Mayor's office), which, in turn, creates a feeling of helplessness both among certain formal as well as informal actors. On the other hand, the study results illustrate that power can also be understood as a process which is exemplified with instances of cooperation between actors showing that informal actors when achieving a higher level of participation bring established hierarchies into question. However, this is strictly reserved for partnership, and not for the delegated power or citizen control which are ranked by Arnstein as the highest levels of citizens' power.

Opći cilj istraživanja prikazanog u ovom radu jest teorijsko i empirijsko razmatranje različitih modela urbanog upravljanja na primjeru urbano-okolišnog sektora Grada Zagreba, pri čemu se posebna pažnja daje mogućnostima i preprekama za integrirano urbano upravljanje, s fokusom na koordinaciju i participaciju. Tema je razrađivana kroz različite teorijske pristupe s namjerom holističkog obuhvata područja istraživanja. Tipologija urbanog upravljanja koju su razvili DiGaetano i Strom (2003) koristi se za analizu i interpretaciju tipova upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru Grada Zagreba. Vezano specifično uz integrirano upravljanje, istraživanjem je obuhvaćena horizontalna integracija, kao dimenzija integriranog upravljanja, odnosno njezina dva aspekta: a) segment integriranog urbanog upravljanja koji pretpostavlja intenzivniju i kvalitetniju suradnju i koordinaciju formalnih aktera unutar gradske uprave; te, b) participacija neformalnih aktera u procesu donošenja odluka i kreiranja javnih politika. Aspekt koordinacije formalnih aktera interpretiran je u ovom radu temeljem teorije koordinacije javnih politika, pri čemu se preuzimaju sukcesivne razine ostvarivanja koherentnosti u oblikovanju javnih politika koje je razvio Peters (2004). U dijagnostičke svrhe utvrđivanja suradnje različitih gradskih tijela u urbano-okolišnom sektoru u ostvarivanju zajedničkih ciljeva korišten je i Metcalfeov (1994) pristup analizi izmjere kapaciteta koordinacije javnih politika. Što se tiče participacije neformalnih aktera, u interpretaciji se koristi tipologija razine participacije koju je izradila Arnstein (1969) kao i klasifikacija jednosmjernih i dvosmjernih participativnih metoda od Anokye (2013). U kontekstu ovog istraživanja razmatra se i redistribucija moći između formalnih i neformalnih aktera izražena kao odnos snaga u kojem su u poziciji moći formalni akteri, a neformalni akteri svojim djelovanjem dovode u pitanje granice i raspodjelu moći (Arnstein, 1969). Istraživanje je dizajnirano kao studija slučaja urbanog upravljanja u Gradu Zagrebu korištenjem metode polu-strukturiranog intervjua i fokusne grupe uz pregled relevantnog normativnog i strateškog okvira. Istraživanjem je utvrđen hibridni tip upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru, specifičnije, korporativno-klijentelistički tip urbanog upravljanja. Uočene specifičnosti u modelu upravljanja odnose se na nepovjerenje neformalnih aktera u tijela lokalne samouprave što je dodatno naglašeno uvjerenjem kako lokalna samouprava počiva na principima klijentelizma i pomanjkanja odgovornosti te sektorskom i piramidalnom sustavu upravljanja s koncentracijom moći u samome vrhu gradske vlasti. Navedeno je u suprotnosti sa integriranim modelom upravljanja koje pretpostavlja ostvarenje moći kroz pozitivan kontekst "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), odnosno, ostvarenje moći kroz suradnju i konsenzus, partnerstvo i procese kolektivnog djelovanja. Koordinacija odabranih gradskih ureda unutar urbano-okolišnog sektora svrstana je, sukladno Petersu (2004) na najnižu razinu negativne koordinacije, te sukladno Metcalfeu (1994), na četvrtu razinu koja isto spada u negativnu koordinaciju s obzirom na manjkavosti koje se očituju u: preklapanjima u obavljanju poslova, pri čemu se ističe nedostatak adekvatne koordinacije aktivnosti i projekata (izostanak strukturirane koordinacije) odnosno komunikacije (različite informacije, različite vizije, različite i nepovezane aktivnosti, nedostatak adekvatne baze podataka koju bi mogli koristiti svi uredi i sektori), kako unutar ureda i sektora (naglasak na nepostojanje adekvatne horizontalne koordinacije), tako i među sektorima (nepostojanje adekvatne međusektorske koordinacije), ali i spram civilnog sektora (u vezi programa i aktivnosti od zajedničkog interesa). Naposljetku, razina participacije u urbano-okolišnom sektoru prema Arnsteininoj gradaciji participacije spada u kategoriju tokenizma. Općenito, građane se ne potiče na preuzimanje aktivne uloge prilikom donošenja relevantnih odluka u domeni djelokruga lokalne samouprave kao ni na ostvarivanje partnerstva sa formalnim akterima. Sukladno klasifikaciji metoda participacije prema Anokye (2013), utvrđeno je prisustvo dominacije jednosmjernih uz ponešto dvosmjernih metoda participacije u kategoriji tokenizma. Navedeno upućuje na instrumentalni pristup (Hordijk, 2015) u participaciji neformalnih aktera koji, iako su uključeni u procese odlučivanja, nisu ravnopravni političkim akterima. Na tragu Arnsteininog (1969) poimanja moći, rezultati istraživanja s jedne strane ilustriraju moć kao asimetričnu (centraliziranu) odnosno hijerarhijsku (podređenost većine i zapovijedanje manjine) strukturu koju karakterizira koncentracija moći u samome vrhu upravljačke strukture (Ured Gradonačelnika), a što kod nekih formalnih kao i kod neformalnih aktera stvara osjećaj bespomoćnosti. S druge strane, nalazi ilustriraju moć kao procesnu, što je vidljivo kroz primjere suradnje među akterima koji ukazuju kako neformalni akteri višom razinom participacije u nekim slučajevima dovode uvriježene hijerarhije u pitanje. Međutim, pritom je isključivo riječ o partnerstvu, ali ne i o delegiranju moći ili pak građanskom nadzoru koje Arnstein svrstava u najviše razine građanske moći. ; The general purpose of the research presented in this thesis is to theoretically and empirically consider different models of urban governance based on the example of the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Particular attention is given to the opportunities and barriers to integrated urban governance with a focus on participation. The research engages with different theoretical approaches with the intention to have a holistic approach to the subject of research. The typology of urban governance developed by DiGaetano and Strom (2003) is utilized for the analysis and interpretation of types of governance present in the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Specifically with regard to integrated governance, the research encompasses horizontal integration – as a dimension of integrated governance – and particularly its two aspects: a) the dimension of integrated urban governance which implies more intensive and enhanced cooperation and coordination between formal actors within the city administration; and b) informal actors' participation in the decision making process and the process of creating public policies. The coordination of formal actors' is interpreted through public policies coordination theory by way of adopting successive levels of coherence implementation when shaping public policies as developed by Peters (2004). Metcalfe's (1994) approach to the analysis of public policies capacity coordination is also utilized as a diagnostic tool with the aim of determining the level of cooperation among the different city offices within the environment sector. With regard to capturing the participation of informal actors, the study utilizes Arnstein's (1969) typology of the level of participation, as well as the one-way and two-way classification of participation methods developed by Anokye (2013). In the context of this study, the redistribution of power between formal and informal actors is conveyed as a struggle between formal actors being in the position of power, and informal actors who through their activities question the boundaries and distribution of power. The research was designed as a case study of urban governance in the City of Zagreb. Semi-structured interviews and focus groups were conducted, and relevant legal and strategic documents were analyzed. The research has identified a hybrid governance model, more precisely, a corporate-clientelist model of urban governance. The governance model's specificities are reflected in the informal actors' distrust of local level administration, further emphasized through the conviction that the local administration relies on a clientelist agenda, lack of responsibility, and sectorial and pyramidical system of governance whereby the power resides in the highest echelons of city government. The highlighted findings are contrary to the model of integrated governance that presupposes empowerment through a positive context of "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), through cooperation and consensus, partnership and collective actions. The coordination of examined city offices within the sector of environment is categorized, according to Peters (2004), as the lowest level of negative coordination, and, according to Metcalfe (1994), on the fourth level, which also represents negative coordination, given the noted shortcomings: overlaps in activities conducted and specifically lack of adequate levels of coordinating activities and projects (lack of structured coordination), lack of communication (different information, different visions, different and disconnected activities, lack of an adequate database to be used by all offices and sectors), both within offices and sectors (lack of adequate horizontal coordination) as well as between sectors (lack of adequate inter-sectorial coordination), but in relation to the civil sector (with regard to programs and activities of common interest). Finally, the level of participation in the environment sector, in accordance with Arnstein's participation gradation, falls into the category of tokenism. Overall, citizens are not encouraged to assume active roles in the local administration's decision-making process or realize partnerships with formal actors. Based on Anokye's (2013) classification of participation methods, the study identifies the dominance of one-way participation methods and a handful of two-way participation methods in the tokenism category. This points to an instrumental approach (Hordijk, 2015) to the participation of informal actors', who, although involved in the decision-making process, are not equal to political actors. Drawing on Arnstein's (1969) understanding of power, the study illustrates, on one hand, power as asymmetrical (centralized) and hierarchical (subordination of majority, command of minority), characterized by the concentration of power at the top of the local government structure (Mayor's office), which, in turn, creates a feeling of helplessness both among certain formal as well as informal actors. On the other hand, the study results illustrate that power can also be understood as a process which is exemplified with instances of cooperation between actors showing that informal actors when achieving a higher level of participation bring established hierarchies into question. However, this is strictly reserved for partnership, and not for the delegated power or citizen control which are ranked by Arnstein as the highest levels of citizens' power.