Suchergebnisse

The author asks if the establishment of democratically autonomous local community-based authorities (LCAs) in the UK would create intolerable geographic differences in public service provision. Main topics include the decline of local democracy in the UK & the trend toward a new local-central relationship with integrated government service (IGS). The article concludes that LCAs provide vital services & that there exist many unique local problems that must be solved at the community level. J. R. Callahan

Examines the concept of community as a means of implementing renewable natural resource management. Decades of exclusionary conservation policies failed to protect resources & have had undesirable distributive effects. The poor populations that have most needed the resources have been marginalized & disempowered. A central role for community in conservation may improve the opportunities of poor rural communities. Presently, over 50 countries have reported attempts to form partnerships with local communities in conservation & have made new attempts to distribute the benefits of environmental management within the community. Conceptualizations of community in conservation & resource management are explored, including community as a small spatial unit, as a homogeneous social structure, & as shared norms. Implementation of community-based natural resource management policies will require an understanding of the community, including the multiplicity of actors & interests, institutions & processes, & the production of community. Careful images of community are required to understand its internal differences & processes, its interactions with the outside world, & the institutions that structure their interactions. L. A. Hoffman

Tests the hypothesis that the higher the level of perceived conflict about an issue in a community, the higher the level of knowledge attained about that issue. Data are drawn from 2 case studies in MN of a dispute concerning (among other environmental issues) whether control & regulation of power lines ought to be regionalized. Analysis indicates that individuals tended to get their first information about the issue from the mass media, but, as time passed, they got more of their information from interpersonal communication. As the intensity of the conflict increased, a reciprocal effect occurred among media & discussions with other persons. Thus, intensity of conflict is closely associated with amount of knowledge about the conflict. This relationship particularly holds true for technical knowledge about an issue over which there is a great deal of conflict. It is concluded that the conflict-knowledge hypothesis is valid. 7 Tables, 6 Figures. D. Ryfe

Considers the plight of refugees to argue that security involves membership in a political community in which all members respect one another & have some say in shaping their lives. The viable state can be both a guarantor of security & a threat to human security. An exploration of the relationship between security & community examines the degree to which the concept of emancipation hinders or advances the development of a critical security agenda & how improved forms of political community can correct the moral deficits of modern sovereign states. It is contended that "the prospects for reforming world politics & its constituent sovereign parts are much greater than realists allow." Communicative action/ethics will not totally eliminate strategic action; it will simply be relegated to a lesser role in world politics. The Kantian notion of a "cosmopolitan condition of general political security" is drawn upon to conclude that security requires the establishment of political structures that guarantee participation in dialogic arrangements & the willingness to spread those arrangements across domestic & international politics. J. Lindroth

Community-driven open access journals foster the idea of a biblio-diverse publishing ecosystem and challenge the prevalent commercialization of academic publishing. But despite their importance, their existence is threatened. With little to no budget they operate mostly on "gifted labor" (Adema/Moore, 2018, 8) by their editorial teams and free support by public infrastructures. The first part of this article describes the model, key functions, and governance principles of community-driven open access journals within the business of global academic publishing. In promoting fair, resilient, and gratis open access, they contribute to the evolution of an inclusive and biblio-diverse publishing ecosystem. In the second part I will detail ways to support community-driven open access journals, e.g., through substantial funding, coaching, and networking. Following-up on this, I will end with introducing a network developed by the Alexander von Humboldt Institute for Internet and Society that provides information materials and increases visibility for these journals.

Explores the social impacts of individuals' nationalist feelings, particularly in light of the world's growing internationalism. Historical & contemporary examples of nationalism & factors contributing to it are cited, comparing it to patriotism & citizenship. Nationalist conflicts are reviewed, describing how differences in minority & majority groups in terms of color (race) & language can lead to exploitation, particularly economically. It is argued that, with increased border crossing, nationalism may ebb, but nationalities will remain. K. Hyatt Stewart

Explores the social impacts of individuals' nationalist feelings, particularly in light of the world's growing internationalism. Historical & contemporary examples of nationalism & factors contributing to it are cited, comparing it to patriotism & citizenship. Nationalist conflicts are reviewed, describing how differences in minority & majority groups in terms of color (race) & language can lead to exploitation, particularly economically. It is argued that, with increased border crossing, nationalism may ebb, but nationalities will remain. K. Hyatt Stewart

Suggests that racism is not an innate human characteristic, but instead a historic & cultural belief that national elites promote to preserve their favored status. Cultural & institutional practices have been used to obscure economic class interests in favor of racialized social identities. As the world moved from an agricultural to an industrial economy, the opportunity to employ the available black labor force was consciously ignored by the social elites. It is argued that the incorporation of black labor into the industrial economy would have lifted the population out of poverty -- a prospect that the elites could not allow. Instead, a new social order was created through the import of poor Europeans & East Indians to diffuse the impact of black political potential. 51 References. M. Greenberg

Article 8 of the European Community (EC) Treaty defines EC citizens in economic terms, but laws providing for the free movement of persons between member states suggest that EC citizens might also have certain social rights. After outlining these limited social rights, the troubling question about the legal basis for EC social policies is addressed. How a broader interpretation of the principle of equal treatment, as provided in Article 6 of the EC Treaty, might expand the substantive content of EC citizenship is also discussed, as are the potential consequences of any extension of EC competence in the social field. M. Maguire

Considers how to connect the philosophical & geographical discourse on place with that about the democratic political community. An exploration of the idea of democratic place-making reveals the relationship of place with particularism as well as the explicit & implicit role played by place in discussions of political community. Consideration is given to moral issues surrounding debates about the European Union (EU); different visions of political community that frame discussions about the EU's future; the tension in democratic theory between its defense of universal justice & practical aspects of governance in limited places; & how the connection between place & subject demonstrates that visions of democratic political community involve both implicit geographies & conceptions of self. Emphasis is placed on the need for a spirit of "cosmopolitan place" which grounds individuals in a local context while simultaneously advancing their ability to empathize across borders. It is concluded that the establishment of "good places" in democratic societies requires maintaining a balance between particularistic & universalistic ends. J. Lindroth

Considers how to connect the philosophical & geographical discourse on place with that about the democratic political community. An exploration of the idea of democratic place-making reveals the relationship of place with particularism as well as the explicit & implicit role played by place in discussions of political community. Consideration is given to moral issues surrounding debates about the European Union (EU); different visions of political community that frame discussions about the EU's future; the tension in democratic theory between its defense of universal justice & practical aspects of governance in limited places; & how the connection between place & subject demonstrates that visions of democratic political community involve both implicit geographies & conceptions of self. Emphasis is placed on the need for a spirit of "cosmopolitan place" which grounds individuals in a local context while simultaneously advancing their ability to empathize across borders. It is concluded that the establishment of "good places" in democratic societies requires maintaining a balance between particularistic & universalistic ends. J. Lindroth

Examines the paradox inherent in international relations whereby international law & diplomacy favor state autonomy in domestic affairs while multilateral treaties & international institutions allow for collective action against governments violating generally accepted norms of behavior. It is contended that this paradox is based on the character of sovereignty, which specifies that "individual states are independent, but not autonomous, from the collectivity of states." At issue is establishing the conditions under which the international community has assumed the right & responsibility to intercede to protect individuals & groups in sovereign states. The manner in which the principle of sovereignty limits & empowers state collectivities to enforce international norms is explored, highlighting the dialectic of sovereignty arising from the Westphalian system in which sovereignty is both a constitutive principle & derivate. Attention turns to scrutinizing international communities as conceptually independent of the states that constitute them, arguing that only with general consensus can a broad-based community of states legitimately intervene in the affairs of a sovereign. Because international norms change over time, how & why some rules & practices emerge during certain historical periods must be considered to explain the conditions necessary for legitimate multilateral intervention without violating sovereignty. Three conditions are seen as prerequisite for the existence of the kind of pluralistic international communities necessary to account for the relative consensus needed to legitimate intervention: (1) There must be a least a modicum of consensus among major powers of the fundamentals of international politics. (2) The consensus principles must enjoy broad support from smaller states & their key domestic groups. (3) There must be a universal membership organization with the authority to create & enforce norms of behavior. Those specific norms & principles on which the community is based are looked at. The principles of legitimate post Cold War multilateral intervention are next assessed, delineating four generally accepted principles, eg, in cases where governments commit a consistent pattern of gross human rights violations deemed "shocking to the conscience of mankind." Some policy & theoretical implications are touched on in conclusion. J. Zendejas

In this article the authors seek to sort out what is old and what is new in the situation, identity and public behaviour of teachers [- starting their reflections at the beginning of the 20th century to present]. Although they touch upon teacher's training and their performance, their emphasis is upon their interactions with community and state. The observations are based upon the archives, secondary literature and periodical press of the tsarist period, secondary literature of the Soviet and post-Soviet eras and the current press. The single paragraphs are headed as follows: Teachers and the state; Teachers and the community; Identity and professional cohesion; Mobilization; Teachers since the financial collapse of 1998. (DIPF/Orig./Kr.).

Introduces an edited collection of papers theorizing the nature of virtual reality & its significance for transformations of identity & community in postmodern society. Employing poststructural & postmodern theory, contributions interrogate the relation of cyberspace as an environment in which truth does not correspond to adequate knowledge about reality, but instead, composes a reality equipped with an alternative epistemology. In this context, a unified notion of the real becomes less important than recognition established through interactions between virtual bodies. The implication of this alternative epistemology for politics is that cyberspace cannot reconstruct a traditional assembly or agora because it cannot produce a consolidation of the general will. Absent the possibility of consensus, cyberspace-driven political actions are relegated to subversive forms of resistance that tend to be reactive rather than proactive. Thus, while cyberspace enables certain kinds of political struggles, it is also deeply implicated in institutionalized forms of previrtual politics & inequalities. 21 References. D. Ryfe