Suchergebnisse

Odnos društva i prostora karakteriziran je dinamikom načina života, vrijednosti, normi i običaja koji pokreću razvojne procese. U taj odnos kulture i prirode, čovjek unosi društvene vrijednosti kojima djeluje na prirodne resurse. Stoga, socio-prostorna analiza uključuje različite aspekte: ekološki, ambijentalni, ekonomski, socijalni, kulturni, a odgovornost za različite procese kojima se prostor transformira može se pripisati različitim socijalnim akterima, među kojima lokalna zajednica ima posebnu ulogu. Suvremene planerske prakse, na temelju koncepata komunikativnog planiranja, sve više naglašavaju primjerenost pristupa "odozdo" i važnost uključivanja lokalne zajednice u sve faze planiranja i implementacije prostornih strategija. Pri tome treba naglasiti konsenzus oko dvije vrijednosti: ekološke i socijalne održivosti. Na njima se, posljedično, oblikuju i kriteriji djelovanja. Ekološka održivost odnosi se na zaštitu cjeline života i životnih uvjeta. Socijalna održivost odnosi se na uvođenje participativnog procesa, postizanje uravnotežene zajednice, socijalne kohezije i zajednice koja je pravedna, raznovrsna, povezana i demokratična. Ovim se nastoji osigurati razvoj koji bi bio ekološki održiv i socijalno nekonfliktan. Analiza socio-prostornog razvoja Sjeverozapadne Hrvatske obuhvatila je pet županija:. Na prvoj razini analizirani su prostorni planovi pet županija s ciljem da se utvrdi u kojoj mjeri uključuju dimenzije socijalne i ekološke održivosti. Na drugoj strani razmatrani su rezultati dva istraživanja stavova lokalnog stanovništva u pogledu participacije u zajednici i stavova o okolišu i rizicima. Rezultati su pokazali da je koncept ekološke održivosti prihvaćen od strane lokalnog stanovništva i uključen u plansku dokumentaciju. S druge strane, koncept socijalne održivosti nije uključen u županijske planove. Lokalna javnost kao partner, participacija, informiranje i jačanje lokalne demokracije nije implementirana u prostorne planove. Anketna istraživanja pokazala su da su ekološke vrijednosti visoko su izražene i čine dobru vrijednosnu osnovu razvoja. U pogledu praksi socijalne održivosti, oko 30% lokalnih stanovnika ovog prostora, u svakodnevnom životu sudjeluje u participativnom procesu. Rezultati upućuju na potrebu da se usklade normativna razina i svakodnevne prakse. Ideju o lokalnoj javnosti kao partneru u planiranju potrebno je afirmirati i na normativnoj razini, kroz prostorne planove, kako bi se ojačale demokratske procedure i stvorio okvir za efikasnije djelovanje civilnog sektora koji već i sada djeluje u lokalnim zajednicama. ; The relationship between society and space is characterized by lifestyle dynamics, values, norms and habits that drive development processes. In such interactions between culture and nature, people bring social values by which they affect natural resources. Therefore, socio-spatial analyses include different aspects: ecological, ambient, economic, social, cultural, while responsibility for the different processes that transform space can be associated with different social actors. Among them, the local community has a special role. Contemporary planning practices based on communicative planning concepts, more than ever, emphasize the relevance of the bottom-up approach as well as the importance of including local community in every phase of planning and implementing spatial strategies. To this end, it should be stressed that there is a consensus on two values: ecological as well as social sustainability, which in turn, also shape criteria for acting. Ecological sustainability refers to protecting conditions for life and life as a whole. Social sustainability refers to implementing participation, achieving balanced community, social cohesion and a just, diverse, connected and democratic community. In this way, we should try to ensure ecologically sustainable and socially unambiguous development. The analysis of socio-spatial development in North-west Croatia includes five counties. In the first stage, spatial planning documents are analysed in order to answer the extent to which they include dimensions of social and ecological sustainability. At the next stage, results of the two surveys are discussed regarding locals' attitudes about community participation as well as environmental attitudes. The results show that the concept of ecological sustainability is incorporated within planning documentation, and well-accepted by residents. On the other hand, the sociological sustainability concept is not included in the official planning documentation. The ideas of partnering with local community, and participating, informing and strengthening local democracy are not implemented in the spatial planning documents. Surveys have shown that high levels of ecological sustainability are a positive basis for development. Regarding social sustainability practices, approximately 30% of respondents have experience in participation processes in the local community. These results suggest a need to harmonise normative acts with life practices in the field of participation. The idea of the local public as partner in the planning procedures should be affirmed also at the normative level throughout spatial planning documents, in an attempt to improve democratic procedures and ensure the institutional framework for civil society actions that are already present in the local community.

Raspravljajući o porijeklu hrvatske nacije, autor u prvom dijelu odbacuje tvrdnju da se ona razvijala kao tzv. "jezična nacija". Također osporava gledište da je u tome bitnu ulogu imalo jugoslavenstvo. Zatim pokazuje da je hrvatska nacija nastala u procesu međusobnih interakcija socijalnih i povijesnih vrijednosti, koje su napokon odredile njezinu individualnost spram svake druge zajednice na cjelokupnom prostoru Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. Sve je to autor dokazao u drugom dijelu rasprave, gdje analizira hrvatski nacionalno-politički program, koji je nastao za revolucije 1848/49. godine. U njemu su hrvatski liberali i demokrati jasno odredili individualnost hrvatske nacije i hrvatske države (ujedinjene Trojedne Kraljevine Hrvatske), i to kao jedinstvene, samostalne i autonomne moderne države u sklopu konfederalnog političkoga i društvenog sustava Srednje Europe (austrijske konfederacije). ; In the present paper the author deals with the origin and development of Croatian nation, and creation of the modern Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in the first half of the 19th century, especially during the 1848/49 revolution, at several levels: idea about nation, ideology, political and social programmes, political actions, institutions, and political community. If considered from the point of view of new socio-political processes, when transformation of a people into a modern national-political community takes place, we can see that Slavic peoples in the middle and south-eastern Europe formed multinational states, but followed some quite clear courses: formation of individual ethnic and national communities within a plural social system. Being aware of these historical processes, at the time of formation of their own national communities, these Slavic peoples (according to the level of their social and political organizations), especially in 1848, asked for a change of traditional societies and reorganization of the existing empires, not only by the language national principle, but also by the principle of sovereignty, policy of federalism and confederalism and the principles of international law and international agreement. All this should have made possible formation of essentially new political communities: individual national states within equal and democratic multinational communities, but within a new middle-class society. However, considered from the point of view of formation of the identity and individuality of Croatian nation, which is the subject of this paper, it is indisputable that Croatian national political programme and programme of confederalism as well as legal principles compatible with them (like natural and national laws, Croatian historical and constitutional laws, international law and international agreements), which were the values Croatian politicians based their national policy on since 1848, had the essential influence on the explicit quality of Croatian national-political individuality, and thus, looking historically, on the integration of Croatian nation and creation of Croatian political and state community (the united State of Croatia). The subject and vey complex structure of that political programme had an impact onto clear definition of Croatian national-political community (the united Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in relation to other political communities in such a multinational state as it was the Habsburg Monarchy. And that state, in their eyes should have been formed (within the new middle-class society, and a democratic and parliamentary system) on confederal basis, by means of international agreements between quite equal ethnic/national states: within the middle European Austrian confederation. In any case, Croatian nation (if we consider its national integrative processes in terms of events, in terms of idea and ideology and/or in terms of ethnic identity) was not formed nor developed as solely the so-called "language nation", as historiography would like it. For, neither is ethnos (not even ethnic community, or people, or nation, or ethnic identity) only a language-cultural category, nor the Croatian politicians and reformers took only language and culture to determine Croatian people and nation. On the contrary, Croatian nation was formed in the process of interactions of social and historical values which defined its individuality in relation to any other community on the whole area of middle and south-eastern Europe. Also, Croatian nation was not formed only as a natural community (determined by natural conditions of work and society and genealogic structure, i. e. determined by undefined Slavic union and/or undefined Slavic ethnic identity), but, in the course of processes of modernization, it was formed first of all as a historical community, based on group institutions of its own historical community. In other words, Croatian nation was formed on its own cultural, political, state and public-law traditions. It is quite clear that in this process neither Slavism, nor Illyrism, nor Yugoslavism had any role more important that the secondary one, not even for the definition of any particular ethnic identity. Illyrism and Yugoslavism had declarative ideological meaning, expressed through the idea of still non-existing community. On the contrary, Croatianism (as a national principle, as a community and as a legal, state and political system) was an expression of existence of Croatian community as reality. Thus, if we want to discuss the integration of Croatian nation and formation of Croatian political community, i. e. the united State of Croatia, we should realize that these processes were influenced by numerous values and structures, especially spiritual-cultural, political, economic, legal and social. However, the importance of political system and all its substructures – political action, political organization of the community, political programme and formation of a modern national state — should also be noted. Formation of Croatian political and state community, which was clearly stated in the Croatian national and political programme of 1848/49, assumed: 1) associating the segments of Croatian people into one political people, within one integral Croatian political community; 2) uniting of all Croatian provinces into one united Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia, Dreieiniges Koenigreich Kroatien). And these were the most important determinants which led to the political homogeneity and formation of Croatian nation and Croatian modern state.

This is a critical examination of the most elaborate statement of the general will theory. Bosanquet contrasts our "lower," merely "actual" will -- described as a series of momentary & passing, ignorant, routine, commonplace, irrational, barren, mutually conflicting violations -- with our "higher," "true," "real" will, which is a comprehensive & coherent system of stable & long-term, well-informed violations that require self-sacrifice & are expressed in "the great moments of life." His central thesis is that the individuals' "real" will is the "general will" of the community that has been internalized & makes up the individual's "higher," "better" self. The theory is meant to solve the problem of political obligation by showing that, when obeying the law, the individual obeys only himself/herself, & his/her freedom is not curtailed but rather affirmed. The author argues that Bosanquet's argument fails at both crucial steps: it does not succeed in contrasting our "actual" & our "real" will, nor in identifying the latter with the "general will" of our community. The individual will is not embedded in his/her community law the way the theory makes it out to be, & if we have a moral obligation to obey the law, it is not grounded as much in the "general will" of community as in our own "higher," "true" will. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established. ; The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established.

The author summarizes several years of debate between liberal & communitarian philosophers. The wrangle between those two major lines of political philosophy in the 1980s concentrated on two issues: the foundation & the justification of a political community & the preservation of a system of political community & the motivation of its members to support it actively. Regarding the first issue, liberalism has defended successfully its universalistic attitude towards human rights. Partly it took into consideration communitarian critique, admitting that the universal validity of human rights need not be justified by abstract & rational contractual structure but by the fact that liberal values have become an unavoidable element of the tradition of modern political communities. Regarding the second issue, liberalism had to accept the communitarian attitude towards the importance of republican virtues for the preservation of a political community. The proposals for such mediation of liberalism & communitarianism are included in the concepts of constitutional patriotism & communitarian participative democracy. Adapted from the source document.

Proces proširenja jedan je od ključnih vanjskopolitičkih instrumenata Europske unije. Proširenje je Europskoj uniji pomoglo reagirati na velike promjene nastale slomom socijalističkih sustava u Europi, te učvrstilo demokraciju, ljudska prava i stabilnost u državama srednje i istočne Europe koje su postale članice Europske unije. Ostatak istočnog susjedstva Europska unija obuhvatila je politikom Istočnog partnerstva s kojim je, bez obećanja perspektive članstva, planirala sličan scenarij. Međutim, nakon šest godina ta se inicijativa nije pokazala adekvatnom u rješavanju problema istočnog susjedstva, niti je približila države Istočnog partnerstva europskim vrijednostima u onoj mjeri kako je to zamišljeno unutar Europske unije. Pored toga, neuspjeh u realizaciji političkih ciljeva Istočnog partnerstva još jednom je ukazao na nedostatak jedinstva unutar Europske unije i na postojanje različitih interesa u pogledu istočnih susjeda. U isto vrijeme, nove okolnosti u istočnom susjedstvu – promjena geopolitičkog konteksta, ruska vanjska politika, Ukrajinska kriza, pojava alternativne integracije u formi Euroazijske ekonomske zajednice – pozivaju na konkretniju ulogu Europske unije prema susjedima na istoku i na redefiniranje politike Istočnog partnerstva. Ovaj rad bavi se pitanjem budućnosti politike Istočnog partnerstva, s posebnim naglaskom na mogućnost uključivanja istočnog susjedstva u širi kontekst europske politike proširenja. Iako do novih proširenja sasvim izvjesno neće doći u dogledno vrijeme, Europska unija trebala bi barem predložiti neka nova rješenja kako bi se nastavio proces približavanja država Istočnog partnerstva Europskoj uniji. S obzirom na trenutnu ekonomsku i političku situaciju u Europskoj uniji, promjene je realno očekivati jedino kroz reformu postojećih inicijativa – Istočnog partnerstva i Europske politike susjedstva. ; The enlargement process is one of the key foreign policy instruments of the European Union. Expansion of the European Union helped respond to major changes resulting from the collapse of the socialist system in Europe, and consolidate democracy, human rights and stability in the Central and Eastern European countries that became members of the European Union. European Union included the rest of the eastern neighborhoods within the policy of the Eastern Partnership with whom, without the promise of the membership perspective, planned a similar scenario. However, after six years, this initiative neither hproved to be adequate in solving the problems of the eastern neighborhood, nor brough closer the countries of the Eastern Partnership to the European values; as it was conceived within the European Union. In addition, the failure of the implementation of the political goals of the Eastern Partnership once again pointed to the lack of unity within the European Union and the existence of different interests regards eastern neighbors. At the same time, new developments in the eastern neighborhoods – changing geopolitical context, Russia's foreign policy, Ukrainian crisis, the emergence of alternative forms of integration in the Eurasian Economic Community – calling for a specific role of the European Union towards its neighbors to the east and to redefine the Eastern Partnership policy. This paper addresses the question of the future of the Eastern Partnership policy with emphasis on the possibility of including the eastern neighborhood in the wider context of EU enlargement policy. Although new enlargement quite certain will not be seen be in the foreseeable future, the European Union should at least propose some new solutions in order to continue the process of rapprochement of the countries of the Eastern Partnership to the EU . Given the current economic and political situation in the European Union, the real changes can be expected only through reform of existing initiatives – Eastern Partnership and the European Neighbourhood Policy.

Geneza i razvoj specijalne policije u Republici Hrvatskoj nerazdvojan je i paralelan proces sa stvaranjem, izgradnjom, razvojem i djelovanjem hrvatske države, koji svoje izvorište ima u Domovinskom ratu. Hrvatska je već dokazala odlučnost u borbi protiv terorizma, što možemo identificirati kroz nekoliko ključnih faza razvoja međunarodnih odnosa i koalicija: aktivno uključivanje u antiterorističku međunarodnu koaliciju, odnosno ulazak u Vijeće sigurnosti Ujedinjenih naroda i suradnja u okviru Europske unije, te integracija u NATO i pristupanje organizaciji Atlas, mreži specijalnih policijskih postrojbi Europske unije. Takav pristup međunarodnoj suradnji možemo promatrati u kontekstu jačanja unutarnjeg sigurnosnog sustava Republike Hrvatske, a uključivanje specijalne policije u organizaciju Atlas kao jasnu poruku integriranja Hrvatske u međunarodnu antiterorističku koaliciju. ; The genesis and development of special police units in the Republic of Croatia is an inseparable and parallel process with the creation, development and activity of the Croatian state with its origins in the Croatian War of Independence. The Republic of Croatia has already demonstrated its determination in the fight against terrorism. It can be identified through several key phases of the development of international relations and coalitions: the active participation in the anti-terrorist international coalition, i.e. the involvement in the United Nations Security Council and the cooperation within the frameworks of the European Union, the integration into NATO alliance and the accession to the Atlas Network. This approach to international cooperation can be viewed in the context of strengthening internal security system of the Republic of Croatia, while the involvement of special police units in the Atlas Network can be seen as a clear message of the integration of the Republic of Croatia in the international anti-terrorist coalition.

One of the rules of international economic relations is that small countries are more dependent on intense international economic cooperation than are large states. This cooperation is not, in principle, completely liberalized, but depends on a number of multilateral & bilateral agreements. Aspiring to put in order its own economic position internationally, Croatia was first directed to regulate its relations with the European community. In these efforts, Croatia was faced with unequal treatment compared to Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, & Slovenia. The author shows that this unfavorable attitude toward Croatia is partially the result of political demands & the interests of the European community. Adapted from the source document.

The problem with sovereignty is that it is marked by traditional paradoxes: namely, it represents a stance that presumes an institutional solution, & simultaneously empowers all institutions of a given community (& thus is above them). Sovereignty has the form of a legal instance, but it is also the prerequisite of an entire (positive) legal system of a community; it manifests itself always as a political problem, but nowhere is its solution purely political; & finally, sovereignty is considered a fundamental national categorical (constitutional) basis for existence of a nation, but simultaneously it is always considered, affirmed, &, to some degree, determined in the international context. Adapted from the source document.

Three events characterize the development of the European Community in 1992 & 1993: the completion of a unified European market, the signing of the European Union Contract, & the establishment of a European economic space with EFTA countries. One of the main hindrances is the fact that the decisions taken are being implemented in different ways from one member state to another, which creates difficulties in the accomplishment of the European Community's aims. These can be classified into three basic groups: the development of an economic & monetary union, the strengthening of institutions & the democratization of the European Community, & the defining of a common foreign security policy. Adapted from the source document.

The author shows how Fichte's concept of the nation, although modern, originates in a long philosophical tradition that postulates the importance of the community above that of the individual. Fichte's original philosophy of humanity, inspired by enlightenment & especially Kant, he later transferred to the abstract ethical unit of nation. In it the concept of humanity (later 'nation') is the most general community toward which the individual aspires to become a member because of his longing for the absolute. The general understanding of nations transforms into Fichte's later philosophical hypostasis of the German nation. According to Fichte, only the German nation, as a community tied by a "living language" has general human importance & a world historical mission to be accomplished in the future. The German nation, however, must become a dynamic unit through elevating its people above political & social divisions. This occurs through the education of individuals for love of the nation, based on "true" philosophy (Fichte's philosophical teachings). The author concludes that the concept of a nation in Fichte's later works (in which the relationship between the individual & the state is an educational dictatorship & the complete destruction & individuality) creates a fertile ground for totalitarian, nationalistic ideology. 27 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the meaning of law in Kant's practical philosophy for the constitution of a political community. First, he defines the specific character of modern knowledge by referring to Heidegger & Fink & how this knowledge is reflected in Kant's philosophy of morality & law. Then he goes on to define the external legislation & list its applications. After the author has defined Kant's concept of law, he shows how freedom & its security -- not happiness, well-being, or interest -- are central to Kant's political philosophy. Freedom becomes the foundation of all activities & laws, & freedom can only be based on law & not morality. Thus, individual freedom is possible solely within a law-abiding community. Adapted from the source document.

Iako je sudbina neprofitnih medija u posljednje vrijeme vruća tema, ne znamo skoro ništa o publikama neprofitnih medija u Hrvatskoj ili o njihovom odnosu prema demokratskoj politici i političkim institucijama. Nakon rasprave o očekivanoj ulozi neprofitnih medija u demokraciji, u radu se empirijski istražuje opseg i karakter publika neprofitnih medija u Hrvatskoj te njihov politički interes, informiranje, povjerenje u medije, osjećaj političke djelotvornosti te politička participacija u odnosu na publike matičnih (mainstream) medija. Analiza je provedena na podacima prikupljenim anketnim istraživanjem na reprezentativnom uzorku korisnika interneta u Hrvatskoj (N=1208). Deskriptivna, regresijska i latentna klasna analiza pokazale su da četvrtina korisnika interneta u Hrvatskoj prati neprofitne medije i da publike neprofitnih medija imaju jači politički interes, osjećaj unutarnje političke djelotvornosti, informiranije su i više politički participiraju od publika matičnih medija. Publike neprofitnih i matičnih medija ne razlikuju se značajno u ukupnom korištenju medija, stupnju povjerenja u medijski sustav te u osjećaju vanjske djelotvornosti. Rezultati idu u prilog pozitivnom doprinosu neprofitnih medija demokratskom potencijalu medijskih publika, a daju naznake i o mogućem obliku polarizacije online medijskih publika. ; Although non-profit or third-sector media are recently a contentious and widely discussed issue in Croatia, there is hardly any knowledge about the audiences of non-profit media and their relationship towards democratic politics. Theoretical framing of the normative role of non-profit media in democracy preceeds the empirical analysis of its role for the audiences in Croatia. The size and characteristics of non-profit media audiences are described and these audiences are compared to mainstream media audiences in terms of political interest, political information consumption, trust in the media, political efficacy and political participation. Analysis is based on data gathered through survey of a representative sample of Internet users in Croatia (N=1208). Descriptive, regression, and latent class analysis showed that 26% of Internet users follow non-profit media and that non-profit media audiences in Croatia have higher political interest, political efficacy, inform themselves more and engage more in politics. Audiences of non-profit media do not differ significantly in overall media consumption and trust in the media in comparison with the mainstream media audiences. The results have implications about the democratic potential of third-sector media in Croatia, and provide insights into a possible shape of polarization of online audiences.

This paper discusses the dilemmas regarding the nature of the European Union in contemporary political science and in the field of European Studies as a multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary field. The first part focuses on the evolution of the European Union from the original European Coal and Steel Community, via the European Economic Community, to its growth into a political union. The Maastricht Treaty, which lay the foundations of the European Union as a political union of its member states, instigated a debate on the actual nature of this supranational union as political construct. Consequently, the author analyses the various characteristics of the European Union, which is manifest in various forms, and asserts that it has some "state-like features" and some "organisation-like features", which are characteristic of international organizations. In the approach to the European Union as a supra-state community, some essential traits of both federation and confederation are simultaneously manifest, corresponding to two tendencies in the development of the European Union as a super-state. Moreover, there is the conception of the European Union as an empire. Finally, this paper specifies the tasks of present-day political science and the need to find a new heuristic instrument, which, according to the author, can be found in the conception of the political system that was introduced in political science (comparative politics) by Gabriel Almond and David Easton. Such an approach, which is nowadays further developed by Jean-Pierre Quermonne, Wolfgang Wessels and Simon Hix, is additionally strengthened by the fact that various models of democratic practice are being incorporated in the European Union in opposition to the basic, legitimacy-related democratic deficit, models which confirm the possible conclusion regarding a European Union as a complex community with many faces. Adapted from the source document.

Nakon završetka Drugog svjetskog rata Europa koja je najviše pogođena ratnim razaranjima i gubicima krenula se obnavljati uz vanjsku pomoć SAD-a odnosno kroz "Marshallov Plan" kako bi se stalo na kraj ratovima na europskom kontinentu te u konačnici osnovala Europske integracije. Neuspješni pokušaji nametanja svojih političkih i ekonomskih programa rezultirali su stvaranjem Europske ekonomske zajednice bez UK-a. Države unutar Zajednice ostvarivale su veće stope rasta gospodarstva, a UK je nakon dvije odbijenice 1973. godine ušao u Zajednicu. Nakon ulaska u Zajednicu, UK je za sebe osigurao mnoge pogodnosti: očuvanje funte kao nacionalne valute, dobivanje rabata iz EU proračuna, odbijanje Schengenske pravne stečevine i izuzimanje od dublje integracije. Takav odnos u konačnici je rezultirao referendumom o ostajanju u Europskoj uniji, a građani UK-a su tijesnom većinom odlučili se za izlazak iz Unije. U započetim pregovorima UK će morati ispregovarati uvjete izlaska te nove trgovinske sporazume s Unijom i ostatkom svijeta. Ako ne dođe do produljena pregovora o izlasku, UK će 29. ožujka 2019. godine prestati biti članicom EU-a. ; After the end of World War II, Europe started to renew its economy with the US mediation through the "Marshall Plan". The plan was to end the war on the european continent and ultimately create European integrations. Unsuccessful attempts to impose their political and economic programs resulted in the creation of the ECC without UK. The countries within the Community had higher rates of growth in the economy, and the UK finaly joined the Community in 1973. in its third atempt. After joining the UK, the UK has provided many benefits for itself. The most important benefits were Preserving the pound as a national currency, retaining rebate after each year, rejecting the Schengen agreement and exempting from deeper integration. Such a relationship ultimately resulted in a referendum on EU retention, and UK citizens decided to leave the Union. In the on-going negotiations, the UK will have to ...