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The objective of this work is to investigate some effects of FDl on the Portuguese economy. As Portugal has been a relevant host country to foreign investment, particularly since its adhesion to the European Community (1986), we consider that the analysis of FDI impact at this point in time may bring some empirical light to the controversy between the pros and the cons of multinational proliferation. Given the eminently empirical character of this problem, the diversity of activities covered by the investment projects and the dimension of an all-industries study, we decided to focus on one sector only. The automotive sector, which absorbed an average of 50% of total FDI in the manufacturing industry between 1986 and 1992, seemed like a natural choice for examination. This paper is divided into three chapters: in the first, a brief introductory reference is made to the determinants of FDI in Portugal, with particular stress on government incentives; in the second we examine, empirically, some effects of FDI on the automotive sector; in the third chapter we analyze in some detail the two major FDI projects that took place in Portugal during the last 15 years, Renault and Auto Europa, from the standpoint of their effects on the Portuguese economy. The work ends with some conclusions and policy matters. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Choctaws at the Crossroads examines the political economy of the Choctaws at the end of the twentieth century. Forcibly relocated in the 1830s from the lower Mississippi Valley to the southeastern corner of Indian Territory, the Choctaws today are a dynamic and complex rural ethnic community in Oklahoma. Many work as nonunionized laborers for large corporations, yet they seek to maintain some aspects of their traditional way of life. Combining fieldwork and archival research, Sandra Faiman-Silva uncovers the processes by which the local economic and social practices of the Choctaws have become intertwined with and, in some respects, dependent on corporate and global economic forces. Low wages and often temporary work force the Choctaws to supplement their income through tribal economic assistance and through traditional practices of horticulture, fishing, craft production, canning, and residence sharing. Faiman-Silva finds a troubling paradox in this strategy. Such traditional economic activities are central to Choctaw identity and way of life and are outside the non-Indian controlled, capitalist system; at the same time, these practices help sustain the power and profits of corporations. This sensitive and theoretically informed study makes an important contribution to understanding the historic, economic, and social conditions of contemporary Native Americas. ; https://vc.bridgew.edu/fac_books/1055/thumbnail.jpg

Inhaltsangabe:Einleitung: Im Dezember 1996 trat ein neues internationales Umweltabkommen in Kraft, die 'United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification in those Countries Experiencing Serious Drougt and/or Desertification, Particularly in Africa'. Seit Anfang der 70er Jahre hatte das Thema Desertifikation auf der internationalen Tagesordnung gestanden, auf der Rio-Konferenz schließlich konnten sich die afrikanischen Staaten mit ihrer Forderung nach einer Wüstenkonvention durchsetzen. Gang der Untersuchung: Die Arbeit untersucht die Geschichte der internationalen politischen Beschäftigung mit Desertifikation als Fallstudie für die Frage nach dem Einfloß von Wissen auf Prozesse der internationalen Politik. Konkret geht es um die Frage, inwieweit Wissenschaft aufgrund ihres vermeintlich neutralen Charakters im anarchischen Raum der internationalen Politik kooperationsfördernd sein kann, wie es Funktionalisten und Neo-Funktionalisten im Gegensatz zu Strukturalisten behaupten. Die Fallstudie stellt damit einen 'Test' der gängigen, vom amerikanischen Politologen Peter-Michael Haas begründeten Epistemic-Community-Literatur dar, die wiederum auf den Neofunktionalisten Ernst Haas aufsetzt. Die sorgfältige Studie zeigt, daß das Zustandekommen der Konvention nicht auf einen wissenschaftlichen Konsens der mit Desertifikation befaßten Wissenschaftler zurückzuführen ist. Im Gegenteil hat sich Desertifikation als wissenschaftliches Konzept zwar im Lauf der letzten fünfundzwanzig Jahre halten können, unterlag dabei jedoch einem starken Bedeutungswandel und ist vor allem bis heute im Kern seiner Bedeutung umstritten. Somit zeigt sich, daß eine Gemeinschaft von 'Desertißkationswissenschaftlern' nicht als Explanans für die Konvention als global gebotenem Umweltabkommen herhalten kann. Gleichzeitig deckt die Fallstudie auf, daß die Entwicklungsländer die Einigung über die Konvention auf der UN-Konferenz für Umwelt und Entwicklung 1992 zwar als Verhandlungserfolg für sich verbuchen können, daß dieser jedoch nicht ohne einen Wandel im Verständnis der Entwicklungshilfepraxis staatlicher und nichtstaatlicher Organisationen möglich gewesen wäre. Der 'bottom-up'-Prozeß der Entwicklungshilfe, essentieller Bestandteil der Desertifikationskonvention, soll unter Einschluß der lokal betroffenen Bevölkerung eine effektivere Bekämpfung der sich verschlechternden Erträge von Böden in Trockengebieten ermöglichen. Gleichzeitig konnten die Entwicklungsländer sich nicht durchsetzen mit ihrer Forderung, im Vertragstext finanzielle Transferleistungen von Nord nach Süd festzuschreiben. Weder Strukturalismus noch Funktionalismus bieten eine befriedigende Erklärung der Desertifikatioszusammenarbeit. Während die Fallstudie die Hoffnung auf Wissenschaft als kooperationsfördernden Faktor in der internationalen Politik entkräftet, gibt sie gleichzeitig Hinweise darauf, daß andere Faktoren als nur die Staaten in der internationalen Politik eine möglicherweise zunehmend wichtige Rolle spielen.

Albert Aftalion is certainly one of the best known French economists of the first half of the twentieth century. The influence he exerted during his lifetime over the scientific community of his homeland was considerable, and he was promptly acknowledged abroad to be one of the leading theorists of the business cycle. While he is best known as one of the inventors of the acceleration principle (Haberler 1937), we will focus on Aftalion's endogenous explanation of non-monetary business cycles and, more specifically, on the theoretical framework supporting Les crises périodiques de surproduction. Though this work can be seen as a mere "(desperate) attempt" to reconcile the law of markets with general overproduction (Abraham-Frois 1987), we argue instead that Aftalion's failure to construct an equilibrium theory of aggregate overproduction can be traced back to his inadequate treatment of aggregate demand. According to him, long roundabout processes are what generate cyclical fluctuations within a setting in which commodities produced and brought to the market always find an outlet. In other words, the law of markets implies market clearing where declines in prices instead of involuntary stock-building occur in the event of a crisis. How demand behaves in such a setting requires careful specification, which is precisely what is lacking in Aftalion's model.

This article is a comparative analysis of the labour management strategies of two base metal refineries: the Electrolytic Refining and Smelting Company of Australia (ER&S), Port Kembla, and the Sulphide Corporation, Cockle Creek. During the period 1895—1930 both companies adopted aspects of an industrial welfarist strategy but at different times and in different forms. ER&S developed a broad‐ranging industrial welfarism that included workplace and community‐based initiatives such as cooperative stores and benefit funds. Long‐term financial security, inaccessibility to outside labour, and interest in North American developments propelled ER&S's interest in welfarism. The Sulphide Corporation was less interested in such long‐term strategies. The smelter at Cockle Creek was more marginal to the Corporation's business and had less secure markets. The British‐owned company was also influenced by a dominant British tradition of management that was less interventionist and less experimental. However, following major economic and political reorganization of the industry brought about by the onset of war in 1914 the Corporation slowly came around to 'on the job' welfarism by 1919. A comparison of these two firms can isolate the specific and general factors that account for this management diversity. Furthermore, it highlights how particular management styles such as industrial welfarism had implications beyond the workplace to the towns and communities where workers lived.

This research evaluates the support for eight liberal arts goals: thinking clearly; knowing the physical universe; cultural awareness; moral awareness; valuing thought; thought/feeling relationships; independent action; and tolerance and concern for others. (1) The survey of 1,014 consists of 541 graduates and 473 undergraduates of a small southern liberal arts university. A low response rate for graduates led to comparisons of returns to the original sample frame in terms of: year graduated, sex composition, and ratings by survey return date. (2) the GER scale consists of 8 subscales and 33 items. Each item is rated by importance and gains in college. Cronbach's Alpha for subscales ranged from .67 to .82 with an overall ∝ =.928. (3) Results. All goals were rated as Very Important to Extremely Important. GER goals were rated more important by undergraduates who were: women, leaders, community volunteers, and those with out‐of‐class experience. Tolerance and Concern for Others was the most important goal. Greatest gains were in thinking clearly. Support of the liberal arts program, defined as a combination of gains and importance, increased from freshman to senior class. Support was unexpectedly strong for more affective components of the program. Limitations of this research are used to suggest future areas of study.

Abused women who decide to leave their partners face a number of obstacles, including increased risk of abuse, lack of social support, and difficulty accessing community resources Post-shelter follow-up programs are a new form of intervention designed to provide support and advocacy to women who wish to establish new lives independently from their abusive partner. This article presents evaluations of two such follow-up programs, consisting of both quantitative and qualitative components. Workers provided the demographic characteristics and answered rating scales regarding safety, self-esteem, and use of social supports for 60 women. Standardized measures of social support and perceived stress were completed by a subset of 28 women when they entered the programs and 3 months later. The women significantly improved their amount of appraisal support, although tangible and belonging support and perceived stress levels did not change significantly. Self-esteem improved significantly for another subset of 12 follow-up program clients. In-depth interviews with 31 of the women identified problematic issues with which the clients reported receiving support from the follow-up program. Clients also outlined their views of the strengths and limitations of the programs. The majority of the women perceived the programs as central in their not returning to an abusive relationship.

Inthe early 1930s, Dr. Konrad Guenther, a longtime advocate of nature conservation, was exhorting the German people to return to "the soil of the homeland." In the past, according to Guenther, whenever the German people had been forced to respond vigorously to the pressure of hard times, they had returned to their "natural" roots. He called on the population to learn about theHeimat(homeland) and its natural environment, 'not only through reason alone, but with the entire soul and personality; for the chords of the German soul are tuned to nature. Let us allow nature to speak, and let us be happy to be German!" The stakes were high, for if the German people failed in this way to unite into a strong, "natural" community, they would become "cultural fertilizer for other nations." Following the fall of the Weimar Republic and the Nazi seizure of power in 1933, Guenther became one of the most vocal exponents of the notion that conserving nature would aid in the cultural unification and "racial cleansing" of Germany. Indeed, Guenther and his fellow conservationists saw their longstanding dream of a nationwide conservation law at last fulfilled under the Third Reich. The 1935 Reich Conservation Law guaranteed state protection of "the nature of the Heimat in all its manifestations"—if necessary through police measures.

This article defines 'regional government' as implying the existence of a directly elected regional assembly. It is possible to justify looking at North East England as a unit within which a debate about the desirability of establishing regional government can take place. Within North East England two different factions in favour of regional government can be identified: the regional Labour local government and union establishment; and radical regionalists generally from the regional intelligentsia. The motivations behind their support for regional government are explored. The mass public has not been mobilised on the issue thus far and is best described as apathetic. The regional business community is cited as an important regional interest that is against regional government. However, its support for regional governance and the generally pragmatic nature of its opposition to regional government suggests that tacit consent for a negotiated scheme may be achievable. In the conclusion it is noted that although some of the forces encouraging support for regional government in the North East are present in other regions, there are a number of regionally specific factors that explain why demands in the North East have been particu larly vocal. If regional governments are to be established in England it might therefore be appropriate for the North East to proceed faster than some other regions.

During the regime of Mao Zedong (1949–76), a number of Western scholars described Chinas modern history as moving from one orthodoxy, the Confucianism of the Qing dynasty, to the Marxism–Leninism– Maoism of the Peoples Republic. The cultural and intellectual pluralism of the intervening years of die early decades of the 20th century, the May Fourth movement, and even the more limited pluralism during the weak Leninist state and watered–down Confucianism of the Kuomintang Republic (1928–49) looked like an interregnum between two orthodoxies.1 When Deng Xiaoping came to power in 1978 and established a milder form of authoritarianism than that of his predecessor, a number of Western scholars revised their views of 20th–century Chinese history. As Deng carried out economically pragmatic policies and relaxed controls over the intellectual community as well as over peoples personal lives and geographic regions, they pointed out that the 1949 divide of the Chinese Communist revolution was not as sharp and as singular a break in modern Chinese history as it had been presented. Rather, it should be seen as part of the ongoing effort to build a strong Chinese state and modern economy, inspired by nationalist pride, going on since the end of the Qing dynasty in 1911.

This report describes a study of people with intellectual disability over the age of 40 years who were still living with relatives in the family home. Previous studies have revealed that there exist different types of social networks and that identifying network type and available informal support is important for planning effective service delivery. The main focus of this investigation was on the structure and characteristics of informal support networks and the pattern of support that occurred.The sample consisted of 32 individuals with an intellectual disability, mean age 46.7 years. Overall, the study found that carers received little support from other family members and the wider community in performing personal and household care tasks. The informal networks of older adults with learning disability operated on a hierarchical basis with primary family members, particularly parents and siblings, providing the bulk of informal support. Other relatives and friends and neighbours played a less significant role in informal care networks. The study also draws attention to the increasing number of elderly carers who, often single‐handedly, provide the primary sources of care for older adults with learning disability. Contrary to what might be expected, it was found that the size of an individual's network, in terms of numbers of localised kin members, was not related to the amount of support the main carer received from others.

On October 23-25, 1995, coinciding with the Bosnia peace talks being held in Dayton, Ohio, Women in International Security (WIIS), an international, nonpartisan educational program; The Friedrich-Eberet Foundation; the U.S. Institute of Peace; and the Army War College's Strategic Studies Institute sponsored a conference, "Ethnic Conflict and European Security: Lessons from the Past and Implications for the Future." Among the participants and attendees were scholars and policymakers from the United States and Europe concerned with the crisis in the Balkans and the larger ramifications of ethnic conflict for European security. This rapporteur's summary compiled by Ms. Maria Alongi captures the primary themes of the conference to include linkages between ethnicity and instability in Europe, the role European and transatlantic security institutions can play in mitigating those tensions, and the various positive roles Russia and the United States can play in resolving or lessening the impact of ethnic conflict. Ms. Alongi concludes that the nature of the threat posed by ethnic conflict to European security is bound inexorably to a political manipulation; an ethnicization of politics. And while the Balkan crisis held the potential for catapulting Europe back to July 1914, the way the international community reacted to head off a further deterioration in the situation provides some basis for optimism. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1203/thumbnail.jpg

15 páginas, 4 figuras, 5 tablas ; The natural feeding of the two most abundant ommastrephid squid (Cephalopoda: Ommastrephidae) in Galician waters was studied and compared. A sample of 334 stomach contents of Todaropsis eblanae (34–222 mm ML) and 267 stomach contents of Illex coindetii (50–379 mm ML) caught by commercial trawlers was examined. A total of 21 (T. eblanae) and 23 (I. coindetii) different prey items, belonging to three zoological groups (Teleostei, Crustacea and Cephalopoda), were taken by these cephalopods. However, 43% of the T. eblanae diet comprised only one fish species, Micromesistius poutassou. The diet of these squid species was significantly influenced by the geographical area (both species), size (T. eblanae) and maturation (I. coindetii). Feeding rate of both species decreased with size, but the percentage of stomachs with food remains increased in maturing and mature females. Weight of prey captured was dependent on available prey sizes and, in small individuals, maximum prey weight was very close to the squid weight. Both squid species are mainly neritic nekto-benthic predators, but I. coindetii seems to have a broader and more pelagic diet. ; This research was supported by a grant from the Basque Government (to M. R.), a Xunta de Galicia grant (to A. F. G.) and a grant from the european Community (EC) Fisheries and Agricultural Research (FAR) ; Peer reviewed

An interstate billboard warns visitors to La Mesa, California: "Attention johns: We take pictures." In 1994, to widespread political accolades, the city initiated a policy of publishing names and pictures of prostitutes' patrons in local newspapers. La Mesa is not alone. If nightmares about the revelation of the contents of Heidi Fleiss's little black book sent shivers down the spines of Hollywood's rich and fa- mous, the tremors have traveled through La Mesa and sent similar shudders across the nation. The anonymous sex once so sought-after for its secrecy has been slapped up on billboards as communities, desperate to disinfect their crime-ridden streets, expose solicitors' secret sins to sunlight. Critics of this practice raise questions about effectiveness and cost. City attorneys and public defenders pose questions about its constitutionality. Newspapers worry about civil liability. Editorials call it inhumane, disproportionate. But police insist that nothing else has worked, and community groups figure perhaps it's worth a try. Past john-shaming schemes, however, have not been without costs. In 1994, a paper in New Jersey listed a young engineer among other prostitution arrestees. The recent widower and father of three killed himself when he saw his name in the paper. Perhaps it's worth answering some questions before giving john-shaming a try.