Polemically oriented towards Plessner's "Belated Nation" and the introductory presentations in the debate about this book at the Faculty of Political Science, the author is of the opinion that the German case is the one of a belated attempt at empire-creation, and that all the nations in the world are "late" - except for the Dutch. By referring to the literature on politico-economic history and the model and comparative analysis of the nation-state as a complex politico-economic community within the world system of the West, the author thinks that Schieder's typology of the creation of European nations is not plausible, neither theoretically nor factually/historically. (SOI : PM: S. 30)
Summary: The governance at the national level has commonly been measured as poor or good governance by researchers in the area of public sector reforms. They have rarely attempted the numeric estimation of the concept but used different socioeconomic indicators as proxies. Governance is a multidimensional concept that cannot be accurately elaborated by a single indicator. In the literature there exists a gap for gauging the governance in the form of an index. The current study has attempted to ameliorate different dimensions of governance by including forty two social, political, economic, demographic and environmental indicators. These indicators are firstly merged into thirteen sub-dimensions and then into five dimensions. The dimensions have been transformed in to governance index. The trend of the index shows that governance has not only progressed very slowly but it remained desperate in the study period. The contribution of this study is to provide governance index named KU index for Pakistan in annual time series for the years 1980-81 to 2010-2011. The index explained the level of governance in different eras and is ultimately connected with public sector reforms. It can be used by researchers as an explanatory factor for various political, socioeconomic and regional strategic phenomenon. Furthermore, the criterion of estimation of governance may be adopted for other economies and comparative analysis may be done.Рeзимe: Упрaвљaњe нa нaциoнaлнoм нивoу je oбичнo oцjeњивaнo oд стрaнe истрaживaчa у oблaсти рeфoрми jaвнoг сeктoрa кao дoбрo или лoшe. Oни су риjeткo пoкушaвaли нумeричку прoцjeну кoнцeптa, вeћ су кoристили рaзличитe сoциo-eкoнoмскe пoкaзaтeљe кao приближнe вриjeднoсти. Упрaвљaњe je мултидимeнзиoнaлни кoнцeпт кojи сe нe мoжe прeцизнo oбjaснити сaмo jeдним индикaтoрoм. У литeрaтури пoстojи jaз у мjeрeњу упрaвљaњa у oблику индeксa. Tрeнутнa студиja je пoкушaлa ублaжити рaзличитe димeнзиje упрaвљaњa укључуjући чeтрдeсeт двa друштвeнa, пoлитичкa, eкoнoмскa, дeмoгрaфскa и eкoлoшкa пoкaзaтeљa. Oви пoкaзaтeљи су првo спojeни у тринaeст пoддимeнзиja и oндa у пeт димeнзиja. Димeнзиje су прeтвoрeнe у индeкс упрaвљaњa. Tрeнд индeксa пoкaзуje дa je упрaвљaњe нe сaмo нaпрeдoвaлo врлo спoрo, вeћ je билo лoшe у пoсмaтрaнoм пeриoду. Дoпринoс oвe студиje je oмoгућити индeкс упрaвљaњa пoд нaзивoм KU индeкс Пaкистaнa зa гoдишњe пeриoдe: 1980-1981. и 2010-2011. Индeкс je oбjaсниo нивoe упрaвљaњa у рaзличитим пeриoдимa, тe je пoвeзaн с рeфoрмaмa jaвнoг сeктoрa. Moжe сe кoристити oд стрaнe истрaживaчa кao oбjaшњaвajући фaктoр зa рaзнe пoлитичкe, друштвeнo-eкoнoмскe и рeгиoнaлнe стрaтeшкe фeнoмeнe. Нaдaљe, критeриjум прoцjeнe упрaвљaњa мoжe бити усвojeн зa другe eкoнoмиje и мoгу сe урaдити кoмпaрaтивнe aнaлизe.
Predmet ove disertacije je teorijska analiza regulatornog, komunikološkog, tehnološkog i socio-kulturnog okvira u kome nastaje i širi se "govor mržnje", kao i analiza sadržaja i analiza efekata govora mržnje u internet komunikaciji u Srbiji. Cilj disertacije bio je da preciznije definiše sadržaj govora mržnje i kontekst u kome on nastaje, da u odnosu na kulturološke specifičnosti Srbije preciznije utvrdi granicu između mere u kojoj je neophodno omogućiti nesmetanu slobodu izražavanja i ograničiti širenje govora mržnje. Osnovna hipoteza u ovom radu bila je da je koncept govora mržnje višeznačan i da njegovo razumevanje zavisi od geografskog, kulturnog i uopšte socijalnog konteksta u kome se on manifestuje. Govor mržnje na internetu negativno utiče na javnu komunikaciju te samim tim i na proces formiranja javne sfere. Budući da tako ometa kvalitetnu raspravu o problemima od društvenog značaja, govor mržnje otežava donošenje demokratskih odluka i na direktan način urušava demokratske vrednosti u društvu. U istraživanju je sprovedena komparativna analiza evropskih i nacionalnih pravnih akata u oblasti govora mržnje i slobode izražavanja, dat je kritički pregled ključnih međunarodnih naučnih studija i istraživanja govora mržnje na internetu, kao i institucionalna analiza postojećih mehanizama za suzbijanje govora mržnje. Pored toga sprovedena je analiza odabranih aktera i analiza sadržaja internet stranica na kojima je plasiran govor mržnje prema određenim manjinskim grupama u Srbiji. U istraživanju je identifikovan, opisana i problematizovan fenomen govora mržnje na internetu u kontekstu javne komunikacije u Srbiji. U definisanju samog pojma govora mržnje, kroz komparativnu analizu različitih izvora, uočeno je da njegovo identfikovanje zavisi od toga šta se u određenom društvenom, političkom i kulturnom konetkst smatra za osnovni problem koji želi da se reši ovakvim definicijama. Posebno je istaknuta razlika u shvatanju govora mržnje u različitim pravnim tradicijama u svetu. Pored toga, u široj 4 javnosti kao i u različitoj stručnoj literaturi često nije dovoljno dobro definisana jasna granica govora mržnje u odnosu na uvrede, klevete, negaciju nekih istorijskih događaja ili opravdavanje zločina, vređanje simbola, kritiku javnih ličnosti, različitih političkih stavova i religija. Nedovoljno jasna granica između dozvoljenog i potencijalno zabranjenog izražavanja dovodi do nesporazuma i neefikasne borbe protiv govora mržnje koji bi potencijalno mogao da izazove ozbiljne negativne posledice. Oštra kritika nekog pojedinca ili neke grupe veoma lako može biti protumačena kao govor mržnje, a takav pristup zapravo zatvara prostor za diskusiju o nekom problemu i na direktan način sputava slobodu izražavanja, te ugrožava deliberativan proces u demokratskom društvu. ; The topic of this dissertation is the theoretical analysis of the regulatory, communication, technological and socio-cultural framework in which the "hate speech" is being developed, as well as analysis of the content and analysis of the effects of hate speech in online communication in Serbia. The aim of the dissertation was to more precisely define the content of hate speech and the context in which it arises, and in relation to the cultural specifics of Serbia, more precisely determines the boundary between the measure in which it is necessary to provide unhindered freedom of expression and limit the spread of hate speech. The main hypothesis in this work was that the concept of hate speech is multidimensional and that its understanding depends on the geographical, cultural and general social context in which it manifests itself. Hate speech online has a negative impact on public communication and, consequently, on the process of forming a public sphere. Since it hinders the quality debate on the problems of social coercion, hate speech makes it difficult to make democratic decisions and directly undermines the stability of democratic values in society. The study has conducted a comparative and normative analysis of European and national legal acts in the field of hate speech and freedom of expression, as well as other international scientific studies and research in order to better understand the problem of hate speech online, as well as institutional analysis of existing mechanisms for combating hate speech. In addition, an analysis of selected actors of hate speech was conducted through an analysis of the content of the websites where hate speech was addressed to certain minority groups in Serbia. The research described the phenomenon of hate speech online as a complex phenomenon needed to be analysed from several angles to show more clearly all the problems and all the challenges of its precise definition. In defining the notion of hate speech itself, through a 8 comparative analysis of various sources, it is noted that it depends on what is considered to be a basic problem which particular country wants to solve with such definitions. There is a particular difference in understanding of the hate speech in various international legal traditions. In general public, as in various professional literatures, the definition of hate speech is often not clear enough in relation to insults, defamation, denial of some historical events or justification of crimes, insulting symbols, and criticism of public figures, political affiliations and religions. The insufficiently clear boundary between permitted and potentially prohibited expression leads to misunderstandings and ineffective fight against hate speech that could potentially cause serious negative consequences. A sharp critique of an individual or of a group can easily be interpreted as hate speech, and such an approach actually closes the space for discussion and directly suppresses freedom of expression and endangers the deliberative process in a democratic society.
Američka administracija zainteresovala se još pedesetih i šezdesetih godina prošlog veka za zemlje severne Afrike, kada su one stekle nezavisnost. Krajem Hladnog rata, američki zvaničnici pozvali su sve severnoafričke zemlje da se uključe u proces globalizacije svetske ekonomije, a posle događaja iz septembra 2001. godine u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, njihovi istraživački centri počeli su ozbiljnije da proučavaju islamske pokrete unutar i izvan islamskog sveta. Predmet istraživanja ove doktorske disertacije je određivanje američkih spoljno-političkih interesa i vrednosti prema islamskim pokretima na severu Afrike na početku XXI veka. Naučni cilj ovog istraživanja je naučno objašnjenje američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, posebno uzroka promene u američkoj spoljnoj politici i njen budući pravac kretanja prema političkim partijama i pokretima, nakon revolucija arapskog proleća i dolaska ovih islamskih partija na vlast u Tunisu, Egiptu i Libiji. To podrazumeva naučnu deskripciju i klasifikaciju značajnih islamskih pokreta na severu Afrike s naglaskom na njihov uticaj na američku spoljnu politiku. Društveni cilj ove teze je da ponudi naučno zasnovane osnove za razvoj odgovarajuće američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, uključujući i ulogu nezavisnih istraživačkih centara kao i sredstava informisanja u kreiranju američke spoljne politike. Najveću primenu u ovoj disertaciji imale su statistička i komparativna metoda, kao i analiza sadržaja dokumenata kao metoda prikupljanja podataka. Rezultat, odnosno naučni doprinos doktorske disertacije zasniva se na dva bitna činioca. Prvo, ova tema nije razvijena u naučno delo u našoj i savremenoj naučnoj literaturi, dakle radi se o originalnoj doktorskoj disertaciji. I drugo, zbog naučnog cilja odnosno naučnog objašnjenja američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, kao i njihovoj klasifikaciji. Društveni značaj i očekivani rezultati odnose se na sprovođenje američkih spoljno-političkih interesa i vrednosti, i proučavanja uticaja međunarodnog terorizma i radikalnih islamskih pokreta na američku spoljnu politiku, posebno u procesu globalizacije. ; The American administration has shown interest during the 1950-1960's for the North Africa countries, after their independence. By the end of the Cold War, the US officials has invited all North African countries to engage in the process of globalization of the world economy, and after the events during September 2001 in the USA, their research centers has begun more serious to study the Islamic movements inside and outside the Islamic world. The subject of this doctoral thesis is to determine US foreign policy interests and values towards the Islamic movements in the North of Africa at the beginning of the XXI century. The scientific objective of this research is the scientific explanation of US foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, particularly the causes of changes in US foreign policy and their trends towards political parties and movements, after the Arab spring revolutions and the arrival of these Islamic parties to power in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. It includes scientific description and classification of the significant Islamic movements in the North of Africa, with an emphasis on their impact on US foreign policy. The social objective of this thesis is to offer science-based foundation for developing the appropriate US foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, including the role of independent research centers and the media in the creation of American foreign policy. The most used methods in this doctoral thesis were statistical and comparative methods, as well the content analysis for collecting the data. The result, ie scientific contribution of this doctoral thesis is based on two important factors. First, this theme has not been developed as scientific work in our and modern literature, so this is an original doctoral thesis. And second, because of the scientific explanation of American foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, as well as their classification. The social significance and expected results relates to the implementation of US foreign policy interests and values, and studying the impact of international terrorism and radical Islamic movements towards American foreign policy, especially during the process of globalization.
