Suchergebnisse

The European Union's competition policy is one of the most important elements in the functioning of the entire European Community (EC), as its issues oscillate around the shared market. The economic aspect is key to understanding the actions taken around the founding of the European Communities (European Economic Community of 1957). Initially, the EC was predominantly economic in nature, and only after the Maastricht Treaty came into force in 1993 did the European Union reorient itself into a political community. This paper juxtaposes the impact of the European Union's and the United States' economic powers on global economic relations, with a particular explanation of the specifics of how the EU and the US conduct their trade policies, and how this implies mutual trade relations. Then, the European Union's competition policy and its specific features are discussed, which have a decisive impact on the emergence of economic conflicts between the partners from both sides of the Atlantic. An important role is also played here by the issue of ISDS (investor-state dispute settlement) mechanism and differences in the understanding of labor rights in the United States and the European Union. ; Polityka konkurencji Unii Europejskiej stanowi jeden z najważniejszych elementów funkcjonowania całej Wspólnoty Europejskiej (WE), ponieważ jej zagadnienia oscylują wokół wspólnego rynku. Aspekt gospodarczy jest zasadniczy, żeby zrozumieć działania podejmowane wokół założenia Wspólnot Europejskich (Europejska Wspólnota Gospodarcza z 1957 r.). Początkowo WE miała charakter w dominującej części gospodarczy, dopiero po wejściu w życie traktatu z Maastricht w 1993 r. Unia Europejska przeorientowała się na wspólnotę polityczną. W niniejszej pracy zostanie zestawiony wpływ siły gospodarczej Unii Europejskiej i Stanów Zjednoczonych na światowe związki gospodarcze, ze szczególnym wyjaśnieniem specyfiki prowadzenia polityki handlowej przez UE i USA, a także sposobu, w jaki oddziałuje ona na wzajemne relacje handlowe. Następnie omówiona ...

The subject matter of the essay is the tasks of the President of the Energy Regulatory Authority in relation to energy policy in Poland. The essay is divided into two parts. The first part presents basic information about the national regulatory authority, regulation and kinds of energy policy. The second focuses on the tasks of the President of the Energy Regulatory Authority in various areas, such as: energy effectiveness, energy security, renewable forms of energy and competition in the energy market. The article examines the tasks carried out by the President in the past and those which must come into force in the future to modernize the Polish energy market. Finally, the author thrashes out the legal relations between the functions of the President of the Energy Regulatory Authority and the aims mentioned in Polish energy policy. The author pays special attention to the problems of liberalisation in the energy market in Poland.

This paper is focused on the links between reform agendas and their rationales in higher education and in welfare state services across Europe. Lessons learnt from past and ongoing welfare state reforms can be useful in understanding ongoing and future higher education reforms. Research on reforming European welfare states is a missing context in research on reforming European universities. We intend to fill this gap and briefly explore possible links between these two largely isolated policy and research areas. European universities and European welfare states are closely linked today because they are heavily dependent on public funding – and the competition for public funding between the different claimants to it is on the rise. Reforms of both sectors are also closely linked to increasing intergenerational conflicts over public resources in aging societies, and pressures on both sectors are linked to the shrinking tax base, the power of the neoliberal ideology, and changing social attitudes to both welfare and universities. Problems of both sectors and solutions to them are increasingly being defined at a global level through transnational reform discourses. ; This paper is focused on the links between reform agendas and their rationales in higher education and in welfare state services across Europe. Lessons learnt from past and ongoing welfare state reforms can be useful in understanding ongoing and future higher education reforms. Research on reforming European welfare states is a missing context in research on reforming European universities. We intend to fill this gap and briefly explore possible links between these two largely isolated policy and research areas. European universities and European welfare states are closely linked today because they are heavily dependent on public funding – and the competition for public funding between the different claimants to it is on the rise. Reforms of both sectors are also closely linked to increasing intergenerational conflicts over public resources in aging societies, and pressures on both sectors are linked to the shrinking tax base, the power of the neoliberal ideology, and changing social attitudes to both welfare and universities. Problems of both sectors and solutions to them are increasingly being defined at a global level through transnational reform discourses.

Celem artykułu jest zanalizowanie miejsca, jakie w kalkulacjach i polityce zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa Iranu odgrywa Afryka Subsaharyjska. W tym celu zostaną zanalizowane takie aspekty jak ewolucja podejścia do tego subregionu, jego znaczenie w geostrategicznych kalkulacjach Teheranu oraz porównanie założeń z faktycznymi sukcesami. Hipotezą badawczą jest stwierdzenie, że Afryka Subsaharyjska zyskała w ostatnich latach na dużym znaczeniu w polityce Iranu (podczas prezydentury Mahmuda Ahmadineżada), ale polityczna i gospodarcza słabość tego państwa, a także celowe działania Arabii Saudyjskiej, w drastyczny sposób ograniczają możliwość penetracji tego kontynentu przez Iran oraz wyznaczają granice afrykańsko-irańskiego zbliżenia, szczególnie na płaszczyźnie politycznej i militarnej. W ramach prowadzonej analizy istotne są następujące pytania: w jakim zakresie i dlaczego Afryka Subsaharyjska jawi się z perspektywy niektórych irańskich decydentów jako atrakcyjny sub-region? W jakim zakresie i dlaczego poszczególni decydenci (prezydenci) Iranu różnią się w ocenie znaczenia Afryki? W jakim stopniu rywalizacja irańsko-saudyjska przekłada się na skuteczność polityki w Teheranie? ; The aim of this article is to analyze the role of sub-Saharan Africa plays in Iran's calculations and foreign and security policy. In turn, several aspects will be analyzed, including the evolution of Iran's approach towards this sub-region, its significance in Tehran's geostrategic calculations, and a comparison of assumptions and actual accomplishments. The research hypothesis is that, in recent years, the importance of sub-Saharan Africa has grown in Iranian policymaking (during Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's presidency), but the political and economic weakness of this country, as well as the deliberate actions of Saudi Arabia, has drastically limited Iran's penetration capabilities on the African continent and set the boundaries of African-Iranian rapprochement, especially at the political and military level. As part of the analysis, the following questions are relevant: to what extent and why does sub-Saharan Africa appear from the perspective of some Iranian decision makers as an attractive sub-region?; to what extent and why do particular Iranian policy makers (presidents) differ in assessing the importance of Africa?; to what extent does Iranian-Saudi competition impact the effectiveness of Tehran's policy?

The aim of this article is to analyze the role of sub-Saharan Africa plays in Iran's calculations and foreign and security policy. In turn, several aspects will be analyzed, including the evolution of Iran's approach towards this sub-region, its significance in Tehran's geostrategic calculations, and a comparison of assumptions and actual accomplishments. The research hypothesis is that, in recent years, the importance of sub-Saharan Africa has grown in Iranian policymaking (during Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's presidency), but the political and economic weakness of this country, as well as the deliberate actions of Saudi Arabia, has drastically limited Iran's penetration capabilities on the African continent and set the boundaries of African-Iranian rapprochement, especially at the political and military level. As part of the analysis, the following questions are relevant: to what extent and why does sub-Saharan Africa appear from the perspective of some Iranian decision makers as an attractive sub-region?; to what extent and why do particular Iranian policy makers (presidents) differ in assessing the importance of Africa?; to what extent does Iranian-Saudi competition impact the effectiveness of Tehran's policy? ; Celem artykułu jest zanalizowanie miejsca, jakie w kalkulacjach i polityce zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa Iranu odgrywa Afryka Subsaharyjska. W tym celu zostaną zanalizowane takie aspekty jak ewolucja podejścia do tego subregionu, jego znaczenie w geostrategicznych kalkulacjach Teheranu oraz porównanie założeń z faktycznymi sukcesami. Hipotezą badawczą jest stwierdzenie, że Afryka Subsaharyjska zyskała w ostatnich latach na dużym znaczeniu w polityce Iranu (podczas prezydentury Mahmuda Ahmadineżada), ale polityczna i gospodarcza słabość tego państwa, a także celowe działania Arabii Saudyjskiej, w drastyczny sposób ograniczają możliwość penetracji tego kontynentu przez Iran oraz wyznaczają granice afrykańsko-irańskiego zbliżenia, szczególnie na płaszczyźnie politycznej i militarnej. W ramach prowadzonej analizy istotne są następujące pytania: w jakim zakresie i dlaczego Afryka Subsaharyjska jawi się z perspektywy niektórych irańskich decydentów jako atrakcyjny sub-region? W jakim zakresie i dlaczego poszczególni decydenci (prezydenci) Iranu różnią się w ocenie znaczenia Afryki? W jakim stopniu rywalizacja irańsko-saudyjska przekłada się na skuteczność polityki w Teheranie?

In some political and science circles (including Poland) there are articulated views on the crucial role of electoral systems in the process of political competition. Therefore they express the opinion about prevalence of certain electoral arrangements in terms of the implementation of certain political preferences. Often hopes for the reform of the political system are associated with the changes of the electoral systems. In the Great Britain (the United Kingdom) and other English-speaking countries citizens have formed community associations whose aim is the change from the majority to the proportional electoral system. In the effect we have more proportional election result and extension of real electoral bid to a larger number of political parties. On the other hand, in Poland, we have seen the opposite trend. Proponents of single-mandate constituencies depreciate the system of proportional representation. They express the belief in the positive effects of the majority system in the parliamentary elections. Radicals endorse the idea that only those electoral solutions are synonymous with electoral democracy and they are a way to reduce the pathologies of political life. In terms of these issues there have arisen many misconceptions and political myths. The main purpose of this article is to pay attention to trends in the areas of electoral reforms in the world. The author tries to answer the following research questions: 1) What electoral systems were popular in the world in individual periods from the 19th to the 21st centuries? 2) What tendencies appear in changes of electoral systems in the recent years? 3) What is the being of popularity phenomenon of mixed-member electoral systems? In the recent years the most popular electoral systems are: proportional representation with open lists and majority rules in single member-districts. ; W niektórych środowiskach politycznych (w tym w Polsce), a także naukowych artykułowane są poglądy o – decydującej w procesie rywalizacji politycznej – roli systemów wyborczych oraz w związku z tym wyrażane jest przekonanie o przewadze niektórych rozwiązań wyborczych w zakresie realizacji określonych preferencji politycznych. Często nadzieje w zakresie reformy systemu politycznego wiąże się ze zmianami systemów wyborczych. W Wielkiej Brytanii i innych krajach anglosaskich powstały stowarzyszenia społeczne, których celem jest zmiana systemu większościowego na proporcjonalny. Jego zwolennicy opowiadają się za proporcjonalnością wyniku wyborczego i rozszerzeniem realnej oferty wyborczej do większej liczby podmiotów partyjnych. Z kolei w Polsce można zauważyć odwrotną tendencję. Zwolennicy jednomandatowych okręgów wyborczych, deprecjonując system proporcjonalnejreprezentacji, wyrażają przekonanie o pozytywnych efektach systemu większościowego w wyborach do Sejmu. W wariancie radykalnym lansowana jest teza, że tylko powyższe rozwiązania wyborcze stanowią synonim demokracji i są sposobem na ograniczenie patologii życia politycznego. Wokół tej problematyki narosło wiele nieporozumień i mitów politycznych. Celem przedstawionego artykułu jest zwrócenie uwagi na tendencje w zakresie polityki reform wyborczych w świecie i odpowiedź na takie pytania badawcze jak: 1) Jakie systemy wyborcze były popularne w świecie w poszczególnych okresach od XIX do XXI wieku?; 2) Jakie są tendencje w zakresie zmian systemów wyborczych w ostatnich latach?; 3) Z czego wynika fenomen popularności mieszanych systemów wyborczych? W ostatnich latach najbardziej popularnymi rozwiązaniami wyborczymi są system proporcjonalny z listami otwartymi oraz system większościowy z jednomandatowymi okręgami wyborczymi.

The main threat to the economic development of Poland is the danger of overlapping of two processes – the decline in the growth of the working age population and the outflow of young, talented and educated people to richer countries. Therefore, the most important goal of the economic policy should be rapid making up the gap to the average EU level. This can be impeded by the current state of public finances, due to high level of debt. Moreo-ver, there are also other factors, which under certain conditions, may lead to a cumulative negative effect, which in turn would threaten the financial stability of the budget. At the same time, the bases of competitiveness of the economy gradually expire, which requires transition to the competition of a qualitative nature. According to the Author, an oppor-tunity to avoid the threat is to use the global market more extensively. He suggests public innovation in a form of the so-called smart company incubators. ; Głównym zagrożeniem dla rozwoju gospodarczego Polski jest niebezpieczeństwo nałożenia się dwóch procesów – spadku przyrostu ludności w wieku produkcyjnym oraz odpływu młodych, zdolnych i wykształconych osób do krajów bogatszych. Dlatego też, najważniejszym celem polityki gospodarczej powinno być szybkie odrobienie dystansu do średniego poziomu UE. Utrudnić to może obecny stan finansów państwa, z powodu wysokiego poziomu zadłużenia. Ponadto, pojawiają się też inne czynniki, które w określonych warunkach mogą doprowadzić do skumulowanego, negatywnego efektu, który z kolei zagrozi stabilności finansowej budżetu. Jednocześnie stopniowo wygasają dotychczasowe podstawy kon kurencyjności gospodarki, co wymaga przejścia do konkurencji o charakterze jakościowym. Zdaniem autora, szansą dla uniknięcia zagrożenia jest dużo szersze wykorzystanie rynku globalnego. Proponuje innowację publiczną w postaci tzw. inkubatorów inteligentnych firm.

The presence of oil is a major distinguishing feature of the Middle East on a global scale. The countries of the region (especially the subregion of the Persian Gulf), which have oil at their disposal, influence the politics of superpowers, not only toward this part of the world. In the 20th century, oil became an effective instrument of politics toward countries which are the greatest consumers of oil, but are not self-sufficient in this respect. The first half of the 20th century was marked by competition for its largest resources and making the oil-producing countries dependent on policies of great oil concerns. It was also the time of the leading role of the oil cartel of "seven sisters". The second half of the 20th century brought a fundamental change in the balance of power in global and regional oil politics. It involved: a growing awareness among governments and societies in oil-exporting countries of how significant oil is as a tool of effective international politics, gradual nationalization of Western associations in control of oil exploration, a change in the formula of distribution of profits from oil exploration and import among oil associations and governments of the oil-producing countries in favor of the latter, and the foundation of OPEC as an effective subject comprising major oil-exporting countries. In the perception of the United States, providing the US with free access to oil resources in the Middle East when the bilateral agreement was binding and after its dissolution, became a primary goal of politics in this part of the world of successive American administrations. A factor permanently shaping the United States' politics in the Middle East was ensuring the US secure energy.

The geopolitical location of Poland in Central Europe determines the role of platform between the countries of Western and Eastern Europe. This location nowadays and very probably access to Eropean Union's structures and the NATO in near future will support the development of economic relations in Eastern Europe and will enable an additional source of income for the country by transit including through the sea ports. To make this development real it's necessary to expand the transport infrastructure for all means of transport because its present weakness is a barrier for goods transportation and it negatively influences the development of the region and the country - it's irrevocable condition of effective transport policy performing to consider the transit policy. The analysis of changes in transit services realization in Polish ports makes conclude that the transport and transit policy is inefficacious or even there's no such a policy. The statistical data show that the turnover broke down in 1991. The evident transit decreasing in railway transport and inland shipping caused by modification of Polish geopolitical location, economic transformation process in Central Europe, the fall of Soviet Union and Council for Mutual Economic Aid had the unprofitable effect on reloading of goods and transit reloading in Polish ports in the years 1991-96. After 1991, the Ukrainian and Belarusan transit determined by geopolitical factors has appeared. After independence regaining by Ukraine this country faced with the problem of reconstructing transport connections with foreign countries, especially in the direction: Odessa - Gdańsk and Gdynia. The substantially important for Polish- Ukrainian co-operation will be constructing of the transport track linking ports of Black Sea via Lvov and Lublin to ports of Gdańsk Bay: "Via Intermare". This assignment will enable to increase activity of regions crossed by the track and also will strengthen economic relations between Poland and Ukraine. The economic crisis in Central Europe caused not only transit decreasing but also competition among the transit countries. In this competition Poland is rather weak competitor because of insufficient transport infrastructure. Also teh changes of geopolitical location highly influenced the amount and directions of cargoes reloaded in Polish ports. These negative processes are a result of lack of univocally defined aims and instruments of the transit policy. ; Marcin Polom

The Middle East, as one of the most strategic and, at the same time, confl icting areas both in the twentieth and the fi rst two decades of the 21st century, occupies a key place in the foreign policy of the United States. It is the region where, in various forms, American political, economic and military interests are being realized through competition the other actors in the international arena, taking actions to make the states clients of the United States, strengthening dependencies and links with the countries of the region (including Israel), taking initiatives to look for new allies or using military force as a means of implementing foreign policy in the Middle East, as exemplifi ed by the Gulf War, US involvement in Libya and Syria or the war with the so-called Islamic State. The essence of the Middle Eastern US policy has become a kind of sinusoidal variation in reaching for the instruments characteristic for the policy of hard and soft Wilsonianism. While the policy of Barack Obama towards the Middle East was marked by using soft power and an abandonment of the New Crusade and war on terrorism, characteristic for the administration of George W. Bush, Donald Trump presents an uncompromising strategy in accordance with the slogan Make America Great Again and the strategy of building American World Order in the Middle East.

The author analyses the pattern of governance of the right-wing parties in Poland between 2015 and 2019. It bears many features of a concentration of powers as a method of achieving desired goals in the sphere of political competition and public policy along with the use of informal components. The manifestation of concentration of power is centralisation, understood as the transfer of functions of the state from the lower (in particular local government) levels to the higher, as well as strong interference of the central government in many areas of public life that previously remained apolitical. ; Autor analizuje wzorzec rządzenia publicznego widoczny w obozie prawicy w latach 2015–2019. Stawia tezę, że nosi on wiele cech silnej koncentracji władzy jako metody uzyskania pożądanych celów w sferze rywalizacji politycznej i polityki publicznej wraz ze stosowaniem nieformalnych komponentów rządzenia. Przejawem koncentracji władzy jest centralizacja, czyli przenoszenie różnych funkcji państwa z niższych (w szczególności samorządowych) szczebli na wyższe, a także silne ingerowanie w wiele sfer życia publicznego, które wcześniej pozostawały apolityczne (Dziewulski, 1981; Mitchell, 1991).

The paper aims to present the global determinants of the increased competitiveness of the European Union in the 21st century. Its detailed purpose was to determine the position of the European Union vis-à-vis the USA and Japan, to indicate the role of innovation and employment in the increased competitiveness of the EU, the position of the Common Agricultural Policy under the circumstances of increased competition, the increased importance of ser- vices, the position of the European Union as compared to the competitiveness of BRIC, and how the EU functions within WTO principles. The analysis of these research issues indicates that the European Union is facing a number of significant challenges in the early 21st century. Those related to the prices of goods and resources are particularly worth pointing out. They are closely, mutually related and concern political issues in the field of financial markets, de- velopment, trade, industry and external relations. ; The paper aims to present the global determinants of the increased competitiveness of the European Union in the 21st century. Its detailed purpose was to determine the position of the European Union vis-à-vis the USA and Japan, to indicate the role of innovation and employment in the increased competitiveness of the EU, the position of the Common Agricultural Policy under the circumstances of increased competition, the increased importance of ser- vices, the position of the European Union as compared to the competitiveness of BRIC, and how the EU functions within WTO principles. The analysis of these research issues indicates that the European Union is facing a number of significant challenges in the early 21st century. Those related to the prices of goods and resources are particularly worth pointing out. They are closely, mutually related and concern political issues in the field of financial markets, de- velopment, trade, industry and external relations.

The "Revolution of Dignity" has led to the pre-term presidential and parliamentary elections. The article analyzes parliamentary election process and coalition policy of parliamentarian groups. As a result of the campaign, a bipolar model of competition has been shaped (Maidan – Anti-Maidan), while each of them has radical and moderate divisions. Analysis of election programs has shown that in most cases there are national security issues in the first place, including resistance to Russian aggression and conflict resolution. The most important demands included the issue of decentralization, fight against corruption, tax and justice reforms. As a result of the elections, a broad coalition "European Ukraine" has been set with the participation of five political parties related to Maidan. ; Rewolucja Godności doprowadziła do przedterminowych wyborów prezydenckich i parlamentarnych. W niniejszym artykule analizie poddano proces elekcji parlamentarnej oraz polityki koalicyjnej ugrupowań parlamentarnych. W wyniku kampanii ukształtował się dwubiegunowy model rywalizacji (Majdan – anty-Majdan), natomiast w obydwu nurtach zarysował się wyraźny podział na ugrupowania radykalne i umiarkowane. Analiza programów wyborczych wykazała, że w większości wypadków na pierwszym miejscu znalazły się kwestie bezpieczeństwa państwa, w tym przeciwstawienie się rosyjskiej agresji i rozwiązanie konfliktu. Do najważniejszych postulatów należały także kwestie decentralizacji, walki z korupcją, reformy systemu podatkowego i wymiaru sprawiedliwości. W wyniku wyborów powstała szeroka koalicja "Europejska Ukraina" z udziałem pięciu partii politycznych związanych z Majdanem.

For the last thirty years, we observe constant yet poorly coordinated changes in Poland's higher education. The changes result from national demographic, along with social and economic determinants. Moreover, the changes result from the impact of external factors [Antonowicz 2015, Wnuk-Lipińska 1996]. First, the public policy towards higher education institutions – especially typical universities – focuses on the problem of institutional effectiveness and related science funding regulations, Polish universities' participation in global competition, along with legal and institutional infrastructure and organisational culture adequate to new challenges [Jabłecka 2002, Kwiek 2010]. The direction of reforms in Polish science led to multiple fundamental changes in staff recruitment mechanisms (open competitions) research funding mechanisms (grant system and institutional evaluation), student education (courses accreditation), and academic career, i.e. the gradual abandonment of hierarchy in favourof scientific results. We notice changes in almost every sphere of universities' functioning, but in one of those spheres changes occur unusually slow, by which I mean the management structure analysed from the viewpoint of women and men in managerial positions. This article's goal involves the identification of barriers that limit women's access to the highest managerial positions at universities. In particular, I will elaborate the institutional barriers, according to both the subject literature and results of qualitative research that involved seventeen women: female rectors and vice-rectors of the 2016–2020 term of office. (fragment of text) ; Od trzydziestu lat szkolnictwo wyższe w Polsce przechodzi nieustanne, choć mało skoordynowane zmiany, powodowane krajowymi uwarunkowaniami demograficznymi, społecznymi i gospodarczymi, jak również wpływem czynników zewnętrznych [Antonowicz 2015; Wnuk-Lipińska 1996]. Polityka publiczna wobec szkolnictwa wyższego, zwłaszcza klasycznych uniwersytetów, ogniskuje się wokół problemu ...

Bliski Wschód zajmuje kluczowe miejsce w polityce zagranicznej USA. Jest to region realizacji amerykańskich interesów, rywalizacji z innymi aktorami areny międzynarodowej, podejmowania działań na rzecz uczynienia z państw arabskich client states, umacniania zależności z państwami regionu a także wykorzystywania przez USA siły militarnej jako środka realizacji polityki zagranicznej (wojny w Zatoce Perskiej, zaangażowanie USA w Libii i Syrii, wojna z ISIS). Istotą bliskowschodniej polityki USA stała się pewnego rodzaju sinusoidalna zmienność w sięganiu po instrumenty charakterystyczne dla polityki soft i hard wilsonianism. O ile bowiem politykę prezydenta Baracka Obamy wobec Bliskiego Wschodu cechowało odejście od The New Crusade i War on Terrorism charakterystycznych dla George'a W. Busha, o tyle Donald Trump prezentuje strategię (brak strategii?) bezkompromisowości zgodnie z przyjętym w kampanii wyborczej hasłem Make America Great Again i podejmuje działania na rzecz stworzenia American World Order również na Bliskim Wschodzie. Słowa kluczowe: Bliski Wschód, USA, Donald Trump, Barack Obama ; The Middle East, as one of the most strategic and, at the same time, conflcting areas both in the twentieth and the fi rst two decades of the 21st century, occupies a key place in the foreign policy of the United States. It is the region where, in various forms, American political, economic and military interests are being realized through competition the other actors in the international arena, taking actions to make the states clients of the United States, strengthening dependencies and links with the countries of the region (including Israel), taking initiatives to look for new allies or using military force as a means of implementing foreign policy in the Middle East, as exemplifi ed by the Gulf War, US involvement in Libya and Syria or the war with the so-called Islamic State. The essence of the Middle Eastern US policy has become a kind of sinusoidal variation in reaching for the instruments characteristic for the policy of hard and soft Wilsonianism. While the policy of Barack Obama towards the Middle East was marked by using soft power and an abandonment of the New Crusade and war on terrorism, characteristic for the administration of George W. Bush, Donald Trump presents an uncompromising strategy in accordance with the slogan Make America Great Again and the strategy of building American World Order in the Middle East. Key words: the Middle East, the United States of America, Barack Obama, Donald Trump