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Both success & crisis in East Asia are interpreted, in the Washington Consensus by reference to the laws of the market, & to the economic policies & institutional frameworks of "countries." This approach rules out consideration of the connections between economics & politics, the context of imperfect competition, the role of goal-oriented policies, & regional interdependence. This article provides an introduction to the debate about the main factors used to explain growth in East Asia, & goes on to analyze the regionalization process in a context of growth, crisis, & recovery by "regional contagion.". 21 References. Adapted from the source document.

With the global population set to continue growing, the demand for energy will steadily increase. Fossil fuel resources are in decline, and their use is associated with environmental destruction. The purpose of this thesis is to highlight the need for massive RES deployment in order to facilitate the energy transition into a coal free future and achieve complete decarbonisation until 2050. But we all know that RES is a capital intensive business. Since not all RES technologies are mature enough, this fact reflects on investments since investors tend to be more reluctant towards new forms of RES technologies. This has made financing the RES arguably one of the biggest problems of the 21st century. During the last years, RES projects were and still are supported throughout EU by support schemes providing security to RES producers, either that comes by FIP regimes or tenders, securing a fixed price on the wholesale market price in order to make RES more competitive. Since prices for RES infrastructure, establishment and equipment have significantly been reduced, the ultimate goal is that support schemes will eventually cease to exist. But of course we are not there yet. So in order to close the gap, the granting of state aid is usually inevitable. And as I say, where there is funding (plus in this case state intervention) there is also the need for state aid control. State aid rules are designed to prevent or limit the capacity of Member States to distort the competitive process and intra-community trade in the EU by granting an undertaking with some economic advantage. The thesis analyzes the role of competition and state aid in the EU energy market, examines all the conditions that make an aid fall within the scope of Article 107 par.1 of TFEU (notion of state aid) and presents all exceptional frameworks under which a state aid shall be deemed compatible with the EU market. Throughout this thesis it is established that there is a need for state aid to contribute even more in the energy transition, which raises the question of how the environmental considerations can be integrated into state aid policy. Last but not least, this thesis also discusses the latest tool of the EU towards tackling energy and climate crisis, which is the EU Green Deal, and its correlation with the state aid regime. It also discusses how the current guidelines (EEAG) allow to be broadened in order to promote coherency with the EU Green Deal objectives. As long as state aid is granted on an absolutely necessary basis with the goal of phasing out subsidies once all negative externalities have been internalized, then the distortion of competition would be kept to a minimum and the market failure linked to negative externalities rectified.

This article is focused on the composition & development of the so-called Scandinavian approach to economic policy. The first part describes its three main posts, this is labor market, public sector, & social equality. Two main streams of Swedish labor-market policy are centralized wage bargaining managed by the Rehn-Meidner model under the motto "equal wage for equal work," which was transformed into "equal wage" & the so-called active labor-market policy. The second part deals with macroeconomic policy & progressive market regulation & competition obstacles, & the third part introduces the Swedish tax system with its highly progressive tax rates & its 1985 & 1991 tax reform. 2 Tables, 9 Graphs, 27 References. Adapted from the source document.

Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- U.N. System Development Assistance: Issues for Congress( -- Summary -- Introduction -- Setting the Context: Background, Role, -- and Perceptions -- Origins -- Role in Global Development -- Criticism and Support -- Overview of U.N. Development System Activities -- Country Activities -- Regional Activities -- Headquarters Activities and U.N. System-wide Coordination -- Funding Structure and Trends -- Distribution of Expenditures -- Implications of Core and Non-core Contributions -- U.N. System Share of Multilateral Aid -- Obama Administration Perspectives -- Options and Issues for Congress -- U.S. Funding of U.N. System Development Assistance -- Bilateral Versus Multilateral Aid -- Examples of Current Reform Efforts -- Comprehensive Policy Reviews -- U.N. System-wide Coherence: The Delivering As One Initiative -- Strengths and Weaknesses -- Ongoing Challenges and Policy Issues -- Different Member State Perspectives -- Competition Among U.N. Entities -- Limited Data Collection and Information-Sharing -- Obstacles to Monitoring and Evaluation -- Role of the U.N. Resident Coordinator -- Transitioning from Humanitarian Relief to Development -- Relationships with Other Development Partners -- International Financial Institutions -- NGOs -- Private Sector -- Looking Ahead -- Effectiveness of U.S. Foreign Aid Structures -- Rise of Other Development Actors and Mechanisms -- U.N. System Focus and Priorities -- Reform and the Future of the U.N. Development System -- Appendix A. U.N. Development -- Group Membership -- Appendix B. Abbreviations -- Appendix C. Top Recipients of UNDS -- Funding, 2009 -- End Notes -- United Nations System Funding: Congressional Issues( -- Summary -- Most Recent Developments -- Current Funding Information -- Introduction -- U.N. System Financing: Brief Overview -- Assessed Contributions

Es wird häufig angenommen, dass nationale und grenzüberschreitende Klimapolitik, die aufgrund des Kyoto-Protokolls in den Industriestaaten eingeführt wird, durch die Einschränkung der Nutzung fossiler Energieträger ökonomische Kosten verursacht. Damit kann es zwischen den emissionsintensiven Industrien der Staaten, die Kyoto-Ziele umsetzen müssen, und denen der Staaten ohne eine solche Verpflichtung zu Wettbewerbsverzerrungen kommen. Langfristig kann jedoch technologischer Fortschritt die Klimaschutzkosten signifikant senken und dadurch die Wettbewerbsverzerrung mindern. Dennoch ist nicht auszuschließen, dass die kurzfristigen Wettbewerbsverzerrungen aufgrund einer differenzierten Einführung klimapolitischer Instrumente je nach Sektor durchaus beträchtlich sein können. Vor diesem Hintergrund erscheint es wahrscheinlich, dass die betroffenen Staaten in Erwägung ziehen, nationale klimapolitische Instrumente einseitig handelspolitisch zu flankieren. Eine weitere Schnittstelle zwischen WTO-Handelsregeln und klimapolitischen Instrumenten könnte darüber hinaus durch die Kyoto-Instrumente selbst geschaffen werden. Es ist vorstellbar, dass die Kyoto-Instrumente durch die Schaffung einer neuen internationalen Handelsplattform in Form der Emissionseinheiten handelspolitische Konsequenzen haben. Die politische Koordination zwischen Kyoto-Protokoll und WTOHandelssystem ist daher eine notwendige Voraussetzung, um klare Rahmenbedingungen für die Implementierung klimapolitisch motivierter handelspolitischer Maßnahmen sowie der Kyoto-Instrumente zu schaffen. Dies sollte im Rahmen der laufenden Doha-Runde mit berücksichtigt werden. ; National and transboundary climate policy, introduced to industrialised countries due to the Kyoto Protocol, is often assumed to cause economic costs by restricting the utilisation of fossil fuels. This can result in a distortion of competition between the energy-intensive industries of countries, putting Kyoto-target into practice, and those of countries without such obligation. This assumption is however likely to be a short-term phenomenon. In the long term, technological progress can reduce economic costs for climate protection significantly and thus diminish the distortion of competition. However, one can not exclude the possibility that short-term competition distortion of climate policy could be considerable, depending on the sector. As a consequence, it could be found that climate policy instruments will result in one-sided trade policy. A further interface between climate policy and the trade rules of WTO can be created by the Kyoto instruments themselves. It is possible that the Kyoto instruments will have trade policy consequences by creating a new international trade market for emission units. The political co-ordination between the Kyoto Protocol and the trade system of WTO can finally contribute to the creation of clear basic conditions for trade policy measures with regard to climate protection as well as the Kyoto instruments. This should be tackled without delay in the frame of Doha-Round.

This paper exploits detailed information on local political and socioeconomic networks and a reform of local fiscal equalization in North Rhine-Westphalia (NRW) to identify the role of learning in local tax rate interactions. Using this policy change in spatial lag IV regressions, we find that institutions like counties and jointly used administrations yield significant positive tax interactions whereas geographical neighbors do not react to each other. Common local media trigger tax policy interactions as well. Short-lived reform effects support our findings that social learning within certain networks intensifies tax rate interactions via coordination of local decision makers.

Community pharmacies are balancing between business (selling medicines and other products) and healthcare (using the pharmacists' knowledge in order to improve drug utilization). This balance could be affected by regulations decided upon by politicians, but also influenced by others. The aim of this study was to explore important stakeholders' views on community pharmacy and community pharmacists in Sweden. The method used was that of semi-structured qualitative interviews. Political, professional, and patient organization representatives were interviewed. The results show that informants who are pharmacists or representatives of a professional pharmacist organization generally have a healthcare-centered view on community pharmacy/pharmacists. However, different views on how this orientation should be performed were revealed, ranging from being specialists to dealing with uncomplicated tasks. Political organization representatives generally had a more business-oriented view, where competition in the market was believed to be the main driving force for development. A third dimension in which competition was not stressed also emerged; that community pharmacies should primarily distribute medicines. This dimension was most prevalent among the political and patient organization representatives. One conclusion to be drawn is that no stakeholder seemed to have a clear vision or was willing to take the lead for the development of the community pharmacy sector.

This thesis investigates the interest of oligopolistic competition in an economic and social dimension. The first chapter deals with the sensitivity of trade policy to competition mode. We develop a framework in which we endogenize the competition mode. Our analyses reveal that trade policy leads to the appearance of a mixed Cournot-Bertrand competition between firms.Also, the current pandemic context has led to the resurgence of export restrictions. We find that when they are unilateral, they can contribute to a better management of the pandemic.In the second chapter, we focus on the first social dimension of strategic interactions: the wage bargaining process. In OECD countries, these are conducted between workers' unions and firm managers. We find that when unions have relatively little power, trade integration leads to a deterioration of working conditions. Thus, we show that collective bargaining and monopoly union are two forms of wage bargaining that benefit neither workers nor firms. We then propose an analytical framework based on efficient bargaining that benefits both parties.The second social dimension of strategic interactions is related to antidumping policies discussed in the third chapter. Due to asymmetric information, foreign producers may present their products as high quality while expert groups tend to consider them as low quality in the importing country. As a result, consumers do not correctly perceive the quality of imported goods. We prove theoretically and empirically that this misperception of quality is at the root of dumping. We then deduce the consequences in terms of antidumping proceedings. ; Cette thèse porte sur l'intérêt de la concurrence oligopolistique dans une dimension économique et sociale. Le premier chapitre traite de la sensibilité de la politique commerciale aux modes de concurrences. Nous proposons un cadre d'analyse dans lequel nous endogénéisons le mode de concurrence. Nos analyses révèlent que la politique commerciale conduit à l'émergence d'une concurrence mixte ...

The state of CA has been the nation's leader in the formulation of automobile emission standards. Given that CA is at the center of policy making in the US with regard to automobile emission standards, this study analyzes the factors that have historically shaped the formulation of CA's standards. Policy analysts in this area, to explain the development of the state's pollution abatement policies, largely concentrate on the role of public officials, scientists, policy specialists, & interest group competition. The author of this study, however, centers his analysis on economic elites. He specifically holds that central to the effort to regulate automobile emissions in CA are business elites whose economic interests lie in rising property values & an expanding local consumer base. These locally oriented elites are at the core of what Harvey Molotch refers to as a 'growth coalition.'. Adapted from the source document.

1: What is Economics About?. - 2: Demand and Supply. - 3: Elasticity of Demand and Supply. - 4: Consumption: Analysis and Behavioural Forms. - 5: Production and Cost Functions. - 6: Perfect Competition. - 7: Monopoly and Pricing Power. - 8: Monopolistic Competition and Oligopoly. - 9: Factor Pricing and Equity. - 10: Wages of Labour. - 11: Rent, Interest and Profit. - 12: Markets, Environment and Sustainability. - 13: Money, Banking and Prices. - 14: Macroeconomics: Nature and Significance. - 15: National Income: Variants and Measurement. - 16: Aggregate Demand and Aggregate Supply. - 17: Aggregate Demand: Consumption and Investment. - 18: Aggregate Supply: Factor Incomes and Savings. - 19: Markets in Equilibrium: The IS-LM model. - 20: Monetary Policy: Bases, Goals and Instruments. - 21: Fiscal Policy: Public Revenue and Expenditure. - 22: National Income Distribution. - 23: Inter-temporal and International Income Comparisons. - 24: Open Economies: International Trade, Balance of Payments and Exchange Rates

ABSTRACT The paradigm shift of service comparative advantage into competitive advantage currently affects the business competition of hospital services in Bali especially in BPJS/JKN and globalization. The emergence of Law no. 24 of 2011 on the Social Security Administering Agency, a challenge for the hospital industry, especially private hospitals, the policy has a big impact, especially the government targets in 2019 all the people of Indonesia are protected by BPJS/JKN. Can be imagined with global competition, maintaining the continuity of the hospital business and the obligation to synergize with government policy is a challenge in itself. Therefore, the hospital is required to determine market segmentation and create the right marketing strategy for BPJS/JKN program products by digging inputs and suggestions from internal and external customers, because they are the ones who will directly run and feel the service

Book reviews in this article:The First World War: An Agrarian Interpretation. By Avner Offer.Governing Education: A Sociology of Policy Since 1945. By Andrew McPherson and Charles D. Raab.Bending the Rules—The Baker'Reform'of Education. By Brian Simon.The Education Reform Act: Competition and Control. By Leslie Bash and David Coulby.The 1988 Education Act—A Tactical Guide for Schools. By Martin Leonard.Managing Finance in Schools. By Tim Blanchard, Bob Lovell and Nick Ville.Schools and Parents. By John Partington and Ted Wragg.The Thatcher Effect: A Decade of Change. Edited by Dennis Kavanagh and Anthony Seldon.After Thatcher. By Paul Hirst.Accounting for Public Policy. By David Rosenberg.Managing Competition: Messo‐corporatism, Pluralism, and the Negotiated Order in Scotland. By Chris Moore and Simon Booth.Policing the World: Interpol and the Politics of International Police Co‐operation. By Malcolm Anderson.A Treatise on Social Justice. Volume 1: Theories of Justice. By Brian Barry.

There are important lessons to be learned and analytical frameworks to be adapted and reused from the body of reference provided by the past history of public finance. This makes it possible to approach themes in terms of the actions of policy makers in various operating sectors of the economy: money, foreign exchange, finance, industry, labour relations, international trade, taxation and so on. One other key function carried out by the central authorities is the enactment and enforcement of rules governing competition between economic agents. Furthermore, in many countries, goods and services

Do ties between political parties and businesses harm or benefit the development of market institutions? The post-communist transition offers an unparalleled opportunity to explore when and how networks linking the polity and the economy support the development of func-tional institutions. A quantitative and qualitative analysis covering eleven post-socialist countries combined with detailed case studies of Bulgaria, Poland, and Romania documents how the most successful post-communist countries are those in which dense networks link polit-icians and businesspeople, as long as politicians are constrained by intense political competition. The comparison of original network data sets shows how this combination allowed Poland to emerge with stable institutions. Bulgaria, marred by weak institutions, corruption, and violence, cautions us that in developing economies intense political competition alone is harmful in the absence of dense personal and ownership networks. Indeed, as Romania illustrates, networks are so critical that their weakness is not mitigated even by low political competition. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.