This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands. ; This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands.
Posthumno objavljen roman Ernesta Hemingwaya Rajski vrt je tekst prepun sukobljenih čežnja, posebice onih između heteroseksualiteta, homoseksualiteta i hermafroditizma. To je također roman koji iskazuje Hemingwayeve osjećaje nesigurnosti kada je riječ o muškosti i hermafroditizmu. U svome protagonistu, piscu Davidu Bourneu, Hemingway predstavlja ne samo osobne čežnje i strahove o seksualnosti nego i način na koji "pisanje" može omogućiti rješenje ovih nesigurnosti. ; Ernest Hemingway's posthumous novel The Garden of Eden is a text rife with competing desires, especially those between heterosexuality, homosexuality, and androgyny. It is a novel that also rehearses its author Ernest Hemingway's ambiguous feelings concerning masculinity and androgyny. Through his writer-protagonist David Bourne, Hemingway dramatizes not only his personal desires and fears about sexuality, but also how "writing" can provide a solution for such insecurities.
U ovom se radu promišlja i analizira odnos individualnog i socijalnog/grupnog identiteta na primjeru suvremene Bosne i Hercegovine. Ukazuje se na tjeskobu i nelagodu pojedinaca i grupa koji grade svoj grupni identitet na obilježjima i vrijednostima druge kulture kojoj zapravo ne pripadaju. Na taj način, pojedinac se fzički nalazi u svojoj zemlji/državi, a pod utjecajem politike i obrazovne politike, duhovno živi u nekom drugom okruženju. Takvi pojedinci najčešće postaju apatridi2, a da toga nisu svjesni, niti oni niti kreatori takve obrazovne politike. Oni se obrazovanjem udaljavaju od vlastite zajednice i kulture u kojoj žive i deklariraju pripadnicima neke druge kulture s kojom ih veže najčešće samo jedan od zajedničkih nazivnika, npr. religija. Na drugoj strani, pojedinci u BiH koji sebe svrstavaju u kategoriju ostali, ne grade svoj identitet isključivo na vjerskoj i nacionalnoj osnovi, oni ne teže biti što različitiji niti ekskluzivniji od ostalih svojih sunarodnjaka, oni svoje odnose s drugima utemeljuju na sličnostima i oni ne poimaju svoj identitet utemeljen isključivo na pripadnosti jednom od konstitutivnih naroda, iako im je to na neki način Ustavom zadano. Grupaciju ostali čine deklarirani patrioti BiH, čvrsto utemeljeni na svojoj zemlji, u svojoj domovini i nastoje graditi i oblikovati kompleksni bosansko-hercegovački socijalni identitet. Ova inverzija u kojoj se iz Ustavom defniranih konstitutivnih naroda zbog krize identiteta regrutiraju apatridi, i gdje ostali, iako im Ustav uskraćuje mnoga prava, postaju istinski patrioti, je jedinstven primjer koji, postoji samo u BiH i koji je uz sve druge okolnosti snažno potaknut obrazovnim sustavom. ; Tis paper considers and analyzes the relationship between individual and social / group identity on the example of modern Bosnia and Herzegovina. It points to the anxiety and discomfort of individuals and groups that build on its identity on the characteristics and values of other cultures which does not belong. In this way, the individual is physically located in your country / state, and under the influence of policy and education policy, the spiritual lives in another okruženju.Takvi individuals usually become stateless, without being aware of it, neither they nor the creators of such educational policies. Tey are educated away from their own communities and cultures in which they live, and declare themselves members of another culture that binds them most ofen only one common denominator, for example, Religions. On the other hand, individuals in BiH who himself into the category of others, do not build your identity solely on religious and national basis, they do not tend to be as diverse or more exclusive than the rest of their countrymen, they do their relationships with others founded on the similarities and they do not perceive their identity is based solely on the origin of these peoples, although it is in some way the Constitution default. Other group consists of BiH patriots declared, frmly established on their land, in their home country and seek to build and shape the complex Bosnian-Herzegovinian social identity. Te inversion in which the Constitution defned the constituent peoples due to identity crisis recruited stateless, and where else, if their constitution denied many rights, they become true patriots, is a unique example of that, there is only in BiH and that is with all the other circumstances strongly driven by educational system. ; Dieses Papier ist der Auffassung, und analysiert die Beziehung zwischen individuellen und sozialen / Gruppenidentität auf dem Beispiel der modernen Bosnien und Herzegowina. Es weist auf die Angst und Beschwerden von Einzelpersonen und Gruppen, die auf ihrer Identität auf die Eigenschafen und Werte anderer Kulturen, die nicht gehört zu bauen. Auf diese Weise wird die individuelle körperlich in Ihrem Land / Staat befndet, und unter dem Einfluss von Politik und Bildungspolitik, die spirituellen Leben in einem anderen okruženju.Takvi Individuen in der Regel werden Staatenlose, ohne es zu wissen, weder sie noch die Schöpfer solcher Bildungspolitik. Sie sind weg von ihren eigenen Gemeinschafen und Kulturen, in denen sie leben, erzogen und erklären sich Angehörige einer anderen Kultur, die sie bindet meist nur einen gemeinsamen Nenner, zum Beispiel. Die Religionen. Auf der anderen Seite, Menschen in Bosnien und Herzegowina, der sich in die Kategorie der anderen, nicht Ihre Identität zu bauen ausschließlich auf religiöse und nationale Basis, sie nicht dazu neigen, so vielfältig und exklusiver als der Rest ihrer Landsleute zu sein, haben sie ihre Beziehungen mit anderen auf die Ähnlichkeiten gegründet und sie nicht wahrnehmen ihre Identität beruht ausschließlich auf den Ursprung dieser Völker basiert, auch wenn es in irgendeiner Weise die Verfassung Standard. Andere Gruppe besteht aus BiH Patrioten erklärt, auf ihrem Land fest etabliert, in ihrem Heimatland und zu versuchen, zu bauen und gestalten die komplexen bosnisch-herzegowinischen soziale Identität. Die Umkehrung, in der die Verfassung defniert die Volksgruppen aufgrund von Identitätskrise rekrutiert Staatenlose, und wo sonst, wenn ihre Verfassung verweigert viele Rechte, wahre Patrioten werden sie, ist ein einzigartiges Beispiel dafür gibt es nur in Bosnien und Herzegowina, und das ist mit all den anderen Umständen stark vom Bildungs angetrieben Systems.
Zamjensko majčinstvo, kao najsloženija metoda medicinski pomognute oplodnje i posljednje sredstvo u borbi protiv neplodnosti, u svijetu pobuđuje velike rasprave, kucajući i na vrata našega zakonodavstva, medicine i pravosuđa, što je osnovni razlog za cjelovito promatranje takve pojave s bioetičkoga motrišta kako bi se ukazalo na kompleksne moralne posljedice koje zamjensko majčinstvo sa sobom nosi u složenim odnosima (zamjenske majke, supružnika, naručiteljskoga para, djeteta). ; Surrogate motherhood as the most complex method of medically assisted reproduction and the last tool in the fight against infertility, stirs great debates around the world, knocking also on the doors of our own legislation, medicine and judiciary, which is the main reason for a comprehensive analysis of this phenomenon from a bioethical point of view in order to show the complex moral consequences that follow surrogate motherhood in the complex relationships (of the surrogate mother, spouses, the client couple, the child).
Autor na temelju novobjavljenih izvora upotpunjuje povijest Lucićeva ljetnikovca u Hvaru. Također pretpostavlja postojanje građevina i prije podizanja ljetnikovca. Uspoređujući Morarijevu vizitaciju iz 1630. g. s tragovima vrata na sjevernom i južnom ulomku ogradnog zida, autor donosi zaključak o izvornoj hortikulturnoj koncepciji sklopa. ; The ground plan of the Lucić Villa in Hvar shows that the perimeter of the building was inherited from an earlier garden. But the lower parts of the northern wall show a structure different to that of the other walls, suggesting the existing of a perimeter wall even before Lucić built his villa. The southern wall of the garden also shows differences in structure, as well as a number of traces of the joining of walls, possibly of older apertures and a number of pigeon holes of unclear purpo- se, which suggests a confirmation of the hypothesis that there was a building there before the operations of Lucić. Not far from the Lucić complex, fifty or so metres to the NE, there were up to the 1950s visible walls, most probably of a Roman villa rustica. This is a site that is today almost entirely devastated but once provided a great many finds, urns, lamps, tegulae, pillars, amphorae and among other things the inscription CIL III, 3091. The existence of older wall structures at the complex, and the undoubted one-time existence of a villa rustica some ten metres to the NE, suggests that the villa was built on the site of a Roman period villa, which would tend to confirm that the heritage of antiquity was truly a precedent for the construction of the villa of Renaissance poet, translator of Ovid, Hanibal Lucić. In a will of 1584 together with a codicil of 1590 Julija Lucić, the daughter in law and general heir to the assets of Lucić, left the villa to the Jesuits or to two priests, should the Jesuits not arrive in Hvar. The oldest visitation of the complex that was carried out on January 20, 1603, by vicar General Andria Nembri says that the garden was at that time lea- sed to Abbot Delfin, and to two priests, the Bishop's nephew Juraj Cedulin, who was then studying in Perugia, and Peregrin Gariboldi, then in Rome to do with his canonicate. In a visitation of 1630 Morari found at the villa the priest Ivan Mekjanić, who had been installed by the beneficiary of the complex Federico Grisogono, nephew of Bishop Cedulin. In the words of Mekjanić, Grisogono was a youth of 24 who had never lived in Hvar. In 1654 Bishop Vicenzo Milani decided to organise the bishopric's seminary in the complex, and ordered an inscription to be carved on the gate of the complex to the effect. The earliest news from the 19th century derives from the session of the local authority during the period of French rule, on February 15, 1809, when the cha- irman Alvis Bučić moved the proposition that the gardens of the Lucić complex should be turned into the city cemetery. However, the impoverishment of the war years spared the gardens from being turned into a municipal facility of this kind; instead of paying a rental to the bishopric, on February 16, 1812 the government was asked to release the area of the one-time Augustinian monastery of St Nic- holas for use as a new cemetery. During the 19th century the villa was let out to many private persons, and from 1933 on it was the farm of the Hvar hotels of the time, to the horror of conservator L. Karaman, concerning which Vladimir Nazor wrote a poetic epistle. During the 1950s it was restored under the guidance of C. Fisković and D. Domančić. As well as the gate in the central part of the north wall of the garden, often thought to be the only entrance into the complex, Lucić's villa has two more entrances, via which the inner areas of the complex could be accessed from the street. The walled up door is visible in the NW corner of the complex, at the spot where the northern and western walls meet, and also alongside the SW corner of the main house of the complex. Comparing the location of the walled-up doors with the Morari description of the complex of 1630, it can be assumed that the original Lucić conception was placing the closed garden into flat area that had a raised paved walkway around all four walls of the garden, placed on sub-walls, arched over with a pergola on small stone pillars. The central walk was there above all to enable access to the well, the centre of the garden, certainly vaulted with a pergola on stone pillars. The original communication was established diagonally, and not perpendicularly across the middle of the garden, which is the case today. Thus the door in the central part of the northern wall of the complex and the door in the southern wall of the gar- den, from which the staircase went on to the southern wall of the complex were made subsequently and do not belong to the original organisation of the complex. According to Morari the garden was planted with citrus trees. The garden then was much more closed and medieval than could be guessed from its current situation, and Lucić, in the retention of the medieval conception of the garden was not isolated; indeed, from an analysis of the literary sources it can be concluded that it stayed that way until the early 17th century. The Lucić garden with its walls that from the parterre provided a view only of the sky and the peaks of the surrounding hills, with the well in the centre, mar- ked with its two tailed mermaids known from the early Middle Ages, was shaped like the space itself: closed and symbolic.
In classical political & politicoeconomic theory, the opposition of the traditional & the modern is set in the very conception of political & social bodies in motion, & in their change power -- vs the antique & medieval conception. In contemporary science, as it is surveyed in this study, the political "duration" & "change" are the key mediation point of all development & change. They are often treated as a modernization rather than a transformation of a genuine polity. This is a significant difficulty in political action & its complex strategy. Strategy of change & development of a polity must include "choice" in evaluations of its proper state & the state of its referring environment, of their predictable internal & external changes, of various options, & of their alternative potential development scenarios in crossing. It is a combination of a prospective history of the complex societal change & development, & of an implementation of its own meaning of action. This combination must be founded in focused specialist analysis of comparative politicoeconomic processes whose foundation is in theories of national & world systems, & in general political & politicoeconomic theory. In a Schumpeterian equilibrium & disequilibrium relation of development of the politicoeconomic system, a permanent unexpected penetration of 'practical action' intensifies the 'Hume's fork' of analytical models without a general theory, especially the theory of the state. Almond & Pye's theory of political development dissociated itself from the development & analysis of an individual political system. Inside political system boundaries it isolated itself from major sources of real political change & development -- instead developing a politological approach to problems of the polity. Convergent general & special theories in social sciences, with a differentiation in disciplinary scientific approaches -- are the necessity of the new political economy as much as theory of complex development & change. Adapted from the source document.
The author presents the complex institutional framework of the youth policy in Croatia using the theoretical insights from network management, described in the edited volume by Kickert, Klijn & Koppenjan Managing Complex Networks, as well as the typology of Theodor Lowi who recognizes four basic types of policies: distributive, redistributive, regulative & constitutive. The analysis shows that the youth policy in Croatia is basically a redistributive policy with elements of regulative policy. It is also shown that the success of the policy depends on strengthening the roof youth organization that could be both a partner & a critic in the working of government. Exploring whether young people have material goods, whether they are represented in the formal decision making bodies & whether they are well informed, the article points to the disadvantaged position of young people in Croatia that corresponds to the concept of social exclusion, which means that young people suffer from the impossibility to influence the circumstances, rules of the game & the future development of the political community where they live. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
The author presents the complex institutional framework of the youth policy in Croatia using the theoretical insights from network management, described in the edited volume by Kickert, Klijn & Koppenjan Managing Complex Networks, as well as the typology of Theodor Lowi who recognizes four basic types of policies: distributive, redistributive, regulative & constitutive. The analysis shows that the youth policy in Croatia is basically a redistributive policy with elements of regulative policy. It is also shown that the success of the policy depends on strengthening the roof youth organization that could be both a partner & a critic in the working of government. Exploring whether young people have material goods, whether they are represented in the formal decision making bodies & whether they are well informed, the article points to the disadvantaged position of young people in Croatia that corresponds to the concept of social exclusion, which means that young people suffer from the impossibility to influence the circumstances, rules of the game & the future development of the political community where they live. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
Summary Combined electoral systems were in expansion at the end of the 20th century and thus some authors considered them to be the electoral model for the future. Accordingly, there has been an increasing number of academic attempts to define and conceptualise these complex electoral systems. So far, two major interpretative streams emerged: structural (or mechanical) which is linked with Canadian scholars of election studies A. Blais and L. Massicotte, and the outcome-approach, largely developed by American scholars M.S. Shugart and P.M. Wattenberg. However, there is still much to add to these two interpretations. The author argues that a combined electoral system is specific for its combining of two elements: 1) the elections are based on two different levels of voting and of distribution of seats (name-based and list-based) and 2) they develop a specific model of voting -- with two votes per each voter (one for an individual candidate and the other for a list). When combined, these two elements create institutional setting for electoral competition, and thus the candidates and the parties are requested to develop more complex electoral strategies than in other types of electoral systems. Adapted from the source document.
The origins, evolution, & present state of political economy as a field of scientific inquiry & academic course of study are discussed. The beginnings of political economy in the 17th century are outlined, & the discipline's development & branching during the next two centuries are noted. At the turn of the 20th century, political economy established itself as an autonomous economic science, but became marginalized in the research & teaching of economics for most of the century when it was appropriated by Stalinist ideology. Today, political economy is viewed as (1) one of the constitutive theories of political science; (2) a complex theory of development & change enabling the design of strategic scenarios of initiating, regulating, & implementing particular trends; (3) an economic analysis of politics & political institutions & processes; (4) a political analysis of economic institutions & processes; (5) a complex analysis of public policy as pertaining to economic activities; (6) an analysis of the relationships between the state & the economic sector; (7) an analysis of political-economic history; (8) a political-economic analysis of society; & (9) a political-economic analysis of the world economy (the political economy of globalization). The curriculum of a study course in political economy offered at the U of Ottawa & U of Zagreb is outlined. 124 References. Adapted from the source document.
Transnational companies are the key drivers of foreign direct investments & major actors in international trade. They are involved in more than two-third of international trade & determine its direction, composition & volume. The relationship between transnational companies & international trade is complex & interwoven, raising the following question: are transnational companies substitutes or complements of international trade? The author explores this relationship. She studies the role of these companies in international trade as a whole & in foreign trade of domestic & host countries. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
The Dubrovnik Republic existed as an autonomous political community, in complex geopolitical conditions, for no less than 450 years (1358-1808). Throughout this period the political system was neither changed nor was it seriously endangered from within. This makes the Dubrovnik Republic a unique phenomenon. The text puts forward a concise analysis of the historical-political circumstances, of the Republic's political & legal system, & of its republican ideology. Furthermore, three important theorists of the Dubrovnik republican ideology are contextualized, namely Nikola Gucetic, Tomo Basiljevic & Ivo Nadali. A closer look is provided into Gucetic's theoretical views on Dubrovnik republicanism. Adapted from the source document.
Polemically oriented toward Helmuth Plessner's Belated Nation & the introductory presentations in the debate about this book at the Faculty of Political Science, the author is of the opinion that the German case is a belated attempt at empire creation, & that all the nations in the world are "late" -- except for the Dutch. By referring to the literature on politico-economic history & the model & comparative analysis of the nation-state as a complex politico-economic community within the world system of the West, the author thinks that Schieder's typology of the creation of European nations is not plausible -- either theoretically or factually/historically. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.
Predmet je diplomskog rada poslovno pregovaranje u afričkim zemljama. Poslovno pregovaranje složen je i dugotrajan proces u kojem dvije pregovaračke strane nastoje postići određeni poslovni sporazum. Međunarodno poslovno pregovaranje složenije je od poslovnog pregovaranja koje se vodi unutar državnih granica jer na taj proces utječu različiti čimbenici, koje treba uzeti u obzir kako bi poslovno pregovaranje završilo uspješno. U procesu poslovnog pregovaranja kulture se razlikuju prema tome koji im je cilj pregovaranja, prema pregovaračkom stavu, stilu pregovaranja, verbalnoj i neverbalnoj komunikaciji, vremenskoj dimenziji pregovaranja, korištenju emocija, obliku ugovora i njegovim elementima, donošenju odluke u pregovaračkom timu te u preuzimanju rizika. U radu se daje komparativni prikaz kulturoloških razlika u međunarodnom poslovnom pregovaranju u zemljama Sjeverne Afrike (Alžir, Egipat i Maroko) te zemljama Subsaharske Afrike (Nigerija, Južnoafrička Republika i Kenija) prema komunikacijskim i kulturološkim razlikama. Na temelju komparacije načina poslovnog pregovaranja u tim afričkim zemljama može se zaključiti da postoje razlike između zemalja Sjeverne Afrike i zemalja Subsaharske Afrike, ali i među afričkim državama pojedinačno. Poslovni pregovarači trebaju poznavati komunikacijske i kulturološke razlike jer u suprotnom poslovni pregovori mogu biti prekinuti te se može narušiti poslovni ugled pregovarača i organizacije koju zastupa. ; The subjects of this paper is business negotiation in African countries. Business negotiation is a complex and lengthy process in which two negotiating parties are trying to achieve certain business agreement. International business negotiation is more complex process than business negotiation which is lead within national borders because it is influenced by various factors that should be taken into account so that business negotiation can be completed successfully. In the process of negotiating, cultural differences are visible with regard to the aim of negotiating, ...
Predmet je diplomskog rada poslovno pregovaranje u afričkim zemljama. Poslovno pregovaranje složen je i dugotrajan proces u kojem dvije pregovaračke strane nastoje postići određeni poslovni sporazum. Međunarodno poslovno pregovaranje složenije je od poslovnog pregovaranja koje se vodi unutar državnih granica jer na taj proces utječu različiti čimbenici, koje treba uzeti u obzir kako bi poslovno pregovaranje završilo uspješno. U procesu poslovnog pregovaranja kulture se razlikuju prema tome koji im je cilj pregovaranja, prema pregovaračkom stavu, stilu pregovaranja, verbalnoj i neverbalnoj komunikaciji, vremenskoj dimenziji pregovaranja, korištenju emocija, obliku ugovora i njegovim elementima, donošenju odluke u pregovaračkom timu te u preuzimanju rizika. U radu se daje komparativni prikaz kulturoloških razlika u međunarodnom poslovnom pregovaranju u zemljama Sjeverne Afrike (Alžir, Egipat i Maroko) te zemljama Subsaharske Afrike (Nigerija, Južnoafrička Republika i Kenija) prema komunikacijskim i kulturološkim razlikama. Na temelju komparacije načina poslovnog pregovaranja u tim afričkim zemljama može se zaključiti da postoje razlike između zemalja Sjeverne Afrike i zemalja Subsaharske Afrike, ali i među afričkim državama pojedinačno. Poslovni pregovarači trebaju poznavati komunikacijske i kulturološke razlike jer u suprotnom poslovni pregovori mogu biti prekinuti te se može narušiti poslovni ugled pregovarača i organizacije koju zastupa. ; The subjects of this paper is business negotiation in African countries. Business negotiation is a complex and lengthy process in which two negotiating parties are trying to achieve certain business agreement. International business negotiation is more complex process than business negotiation which is lead within national borders because it is influenced by various factors that should be taken into account so that business negotiation can be completed successfully. In the process of negotiating, cultural differences are visible with regard to the aim of negotiating, ...
