Suchergebnisse

The author analzes the types of support for political systems. His analysis shows that there are three basic types of political support (to the national identity and pride, to the legitimation and to confidence) which correspond to the three basic units of political system (political community, political government/regime, and authorities). Each form of support serves to maintain the political regime on the whole, but each is independent of the others - or the influence solely goes one way: from the lower to the higher forms of support (from confidence via legitimation and to political identity). While the higher forms of support are primarily abstract, normative and affective in their nature, the lower forms are mostly empirical, instrumental, and cognitive in their definition. In the future, citizens are going to increasingly appraise political systems on the whole according to the totality of their performances, i.e. according to their evaluation of how and how much a system meets their needs, demands, and expectations. This will broaden the meaning of legitimation; it will no longer refer to the validity of a system (its procedurality) but to its effica as well. This will make life more difficult and complex for those in the position of power. These types of confidence warrant empirical research in order to determine their level, etiology, and functionality. (SOI : PM: S. 120)

Тhis paper considers the phenomenon of global growth, emphasizing the slowdown and (limits) of the Western GDP growth. By comparing the United States as the most mature economy in the world, China as the new hegemon, the OECD countries, the BRICS countries, and the rest of the world, we show the growth and unequal development of the five "regional futures" of the global world. In addition to the imminent economic reasons for the backwardness of Western economies and societies, the crisis of the structure and functioning of the democratic capitalist system, and the ecological limits of sustainability, we emphasize two non-economic moments: the end of liberalism as a fundamental ideology of the Western world, and the loss of trust, which is a fundamental moral category. According to futurist forecasts, the West has slowed down, the financial system has been damaged, and the recovery is slow and uncertain. The following subjects are being considered: the growth paradigm, the belief in lasting progress, the end of liberalism and the loss of confidence, the recovery of Western economies, some monetary policy measures, and European fiduciary money and the slowdown of the growth in the Eurozone. The monetary economy of the euro as an agreed single currency has caused strong changes in the Eurozone and has "trapped" the European Union. The euro economy, among other things, is responsible for the sharp division of the Eurozone member states into surplus and deficit countries, and the Eurozone crisis, stagnation, and slowdown in economic (non-economic) growth. ; U ovom radu razmatramo fenomen rasta na globalnom nivou, apostrofirajući usporavanje i (granice) rasta BDP Zapada. Komparacijom SAD kao najzrelije ekonomije na svijetu, Kine kao novog hegemona, zemalja OECD-a, zatim zemalja BRICS-a, te ostatka svijeta, predočava se rast i nejednaki razvoj pet ,,regionalnih budućnosti," globalnog svijeta. Pored imanentnih ekonomskih razloga zaostajanja zapadnih ekonomija i društava, krize strukture i funkcionisanja demokratskog kapitalističkog sistema, i ekološke granice održivosti, ističemo i dva neekonomska momenta, kraj liberalizma kao fundamentalne ideologije zapadnog svijeta i gubitak povjerenja kao temeljne moralne kategorije. Prema prognozama futurista, Zapad je posustao, finansijski sistem je oštećen, oporavak je spor i neizvjestan. Predmet razmatranja su: paradigma rasta, vjera u trajni napredak, kraj liberalizma i gubitak povjerenja, oporavak zapadnih ekonomija, neke mjere monetarne politike, te Evropski prekarni novac i usporavanje rasta evrozone. Monetarna ekonomija evra kao dogovorene jedinstvene valute izazvala je snažne promjene u evrozoni i Evropskoj uniji uhvaćenoj u ,,zamku." Ekonomija evra, između ostalog, odgovorna je za oštru podjelu zemalja članica evrozone na zemlje suficita i zemlje deficita, te krizu evrozone, stagnaciju i usporavanja ekonomskog (neekonomskog) rasta.

The theory of public choice is a major link between political science and economic science. It includes economic research into the issue of non- market decision-making i.e. the application of economic analysis to political decision-making. The champions of the theory of public choice have most confidence in the market and the market institutions. They try to explain political decision-making by means of the standards operating on the market. The public choice theory approach is based on the concept of methodological individualism and homo oeconomicus, since individuals try to promote their own interests both on the market and in politics. Theoreticians of public choice investigate voters' behaviour, the roles of politicians, political parties, and interest groups in complex democratic societies. Central for their research is the political process in which voters behave as buyers, politicians as entrepreneurs, while bureaucrats are prone to self-aggrandisement and their ambition is to boost the significance of their office. The theory of public choice emphasises the category of exchange (political exchange) and the catalectic approach to economy. (SOI : PM: S. 100)

A few years after the collapse of communist regimes, it is evident that the confidence about the ultimate triumph of liberal democracy was premature. This waking up to the reality is not only the consequence of the hardships in the transformation of post-communist societies, but of the intellectual scepticism regarding the normative potential of liberal democracy in the developed western societies. The problem might in most general terms be formulated as the incapacity of liberal democracy to generate and reproduce the normative requirements for its own survival. The author thinks that the solution to this paradox can nevertheless be found within the institutional framework of liberal democracy: if the traditional moral concepts on which liberal democracy was founded in the past are worn out indeed, and no civil- religious substitute for that tradition has emerged as yet, then its only possibility is to create its own, modern or post-modern, morality by means of the public discourse mechanism and the political participation of citizens. The normative dimension of liberalism must not be reduced to the theory of private ownership, market and competition, but be envisaged as a constitutional theory of human rights and restricted government and the egalitarian distribution of goods and opportunities. (SOI : PM: S. 30)

International pressure prevented Croatia from ending the occupation of eastern Slavonia by military means. The author claims that the policy of peaceful integration and the UNTAES mandate are rife with risks which might jeopardize the eventual Croatian control of that region. He points out a set of contentious issues related to the occupied territory: the incomplete demilitarization, dual government (parallel UNTAES and Serbian authorities), no return for the non-Serbian refugees, staying on of the Serbs from other parts of Croatia, Bosnia and Serbia. Particularly risky for Croatia are the efforts of the local Serbs to retain absolute ethnic majority as the grounds for establishing territorial autonomy which would enable the militant accolytes of Greater Serbian politics to remain in the region and push for the secession and annexation by Serbia, the efforts which would in all probability be given military support by Serbia, this time under the circumstances which would be much more unfavourable for Croatia than in 1995. The author concludes that for Croatia the only acceptable solution is the total integration of eastern Slavonia and the establishment of full Croatian sovereignty while the creation of a Serbian autonomous province in that region must on no account be permitted. (SOI: PM: S. 188)

The impact of 'glass ceiling' syndrome and party selection on participation of women in parliament and other political institutions are examined in this article. 'Glass ceiling' syndrome, which means invisible, but almost impenetrable border that women face in professional life, keeping them away from positions of influence and progress in career, is the main reason for the small number of women involved in politics. According to the focus of the research, there are three groups of barriers to women's political participation. Most researchers examine the influence of the political system, institutional and legal mechanisms, the question of their transparency and functional improvement. Significantly less frequent approach came from authors who are concentrated on the social and economic barriers, financial conditions and the broader social context. The third group consists of those who are considering the ideological and psychological barriers, patriarchal cultural patterns, traditional gender roles, self-confidence, ambition and women's desire to be involved in politics. Political parties are key actors in the process of discrimination against women, because they do not allow them to be selected in a number of political functions. There are many factors that determine that the issue of gender equality is variously interpreted in political parties. The most present are contextual and ideological factors, referring to a different definition of the status of women on the political agenda, the social climate in terms of gender equality and respect for human rights, the level of social development and political freedom. Then come organizational factors pertaining to the structure of parties, the manner in which the leadership is elected, whether there are internal women's pressure groups and lobbying, and are women leaders are visible on high positions in decision-making process. Finally, there are institutional-legal factors, which include the type of electoral system, the legal and constitutional framework and the prescribed quotas on national and / or party level.

The impact of 'glass ceiling' syndrome and party selection on participation of women in parliament and other political institutions are examined in this article. 'Glass ceiling' syndrome, which means invisible, but almost impenetrable border that women face in professional life, keeping them away from positions of influence and progress in career, is the main reason for the small number of women involved in politics. According to the focus of the research, there are three groups of barriers to women's political participation. Most researchers examine the influence of the political system, institutional and legal mechanisms, the question of their transparency and functional improvement. Significantly less frequent approach came from authors who are concentrated on the social and economic barriers, financial conditions and the broader social context. The third group consists of those who are considering the ideological and psychological barriers, patriarchal cultural patterns, traditional gender roles, self-confidence, ambition and women's desire to be involved in politics. Political parties are key actors in the process of discrimination against women, because they do not allow them to be selected in a number of political functions. There are many factors that determine that the issue of gender equality is variously interpreted in political parties. The most present are contextual and ideological factors, referring to a different definition of the status of women on the political agenda, the social climate in terms of gender equality and respect for human rights, the level of social development and political freedom. Then come organizational factors pertaining to the structure of parties, the manner in which the leadership is elected, whether there are internal women's pressure groups and lobbying, and are women leaders are visible on high positions in decision-making process. Finally, there are institutional-legal factors, which include the type of electoral system, the legal and constitutional framework and the prescribed quotas on national and / or party level.

The article explores the Baltic musicological conferences as a non-hierarchical network and its role and meaning in the changing political and cultural contexts. Starting from 1967, when the first conference took place, the annual meetings of the Baltic musicologists soon became a transnational space for the professional exchange and crosscultural discussion. Based on the results and the impact of cooperation between musicologists of neighbouring countries, the Soviet formation of the national history writing and the development of the Baltic musicological comparativism is discussed, given the political and cultural factors of these changes. The theoretical foundations and cultural aspirations of the concept of national music historiography by Vytautas Landsbergis is highlighted as representative example of the national self-confidence in Lithuanian musicology during the Soviet period. ; Балтички културни простор – да ли је то реалност или фикција, спонтана транскултурална традиција или вештачка геополитичка конструкција? Ова питања, која доводе под сумњу балтичке музиколошке конференције, које се у континуитету одржавају већ педесетак година, уопште нису реторичка. Од 1967. године, када је одржана прва конференција, годишња окупљања балтичких музиколога нису била ограничена само на остваривање професионалних циљева. Политичке промене и културне пукотине увек изнова остављају своје отиске у историји транснационалне балтичке музиколошке сарадње. Приликом покретања прве конференције пре више од пет деценија, примењен је совјетски метод обредног посвећења: окупљање музиколога из три балтичке државе формално је било посвећено 50. годишњици Октобарске револуције, чиме је је успостављена традиција која је пркосила совјетској централизацији. Ускоро су конференције постале простор за професионално самоизражавање и транснационално нехијерархијско умрежавање младих музиколога који су стасавали током шездесетих година ХХ века, као и каснијих генерација. Ова традиција је допринела успостављању институционалног статуса балтичке музикологије, настале као алтернатива званичној доктрини совјетске музике и музикологије у другој половини ХХ века. Супротстављајући се наметнутом совјетском приступу развоју националне културе, балтичке музиколошке конференције прошириле су геополитичко и хронолошко истраживачко поље у вези са музиком својих земаља. Скромни покушаји да се развије компаративизам најбоље су промовисани заједничким напорима да се дефинише појам националне музичке културе и категорије типичне за овај концепт: национална школа и национални стил. Компаративна перспектива била је посебно карактеристична за презентације Арнолдса Клотинша (Arnolds Klotiņš), Марта Хумала (Mart Humal), Витаутаса Ландсбергиса (Vytautas Landsbergis) и Алгирдаса Амбразаса (Algirdas Ambrazas), који су сумирали своја фундаментална истраживања у области музике као културне праксе и музичких стилова. Међутим, чак и у радовима наведених музиколога, универзалнији аспект је био засењен традиционалном концепцијом националног израза у музици. Успостављање алтернативних канона националне класичне и модерне музике, као и модернизација музикологије, спадају у резултате ових конференција. Током година политичких промена деведесетих година прошлог века, културно оживљавање је инспирисало дискусије о општијој потрази за балтичким културним идентитетом и могућностима његовог институционалног успостављања. Међутим, истовремено су се отворила питања идентитета ове манифестације, доводећи у питање сам формат балтичког музиколошког простора као могуће совјетске геополитичке конструкције. ; Часопис је индексиран на http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 и у међународној бази ProQuest. / The journal is indexed in http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 and in the international database ProQuest. Издавање ове публикације подржали су Министарство културе и информисања Републике Србије, Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије и СОКОЈ - Организација музичких аутора Србије / The publication of this volume was supported by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia and SOKOJ - Serbian Music Authors' Organization

The aim of this study was to determine whether there is a difference between female abstinents in Bosnia and Herzegovina in terms of certain demographics (age, education, rural-urban, party and ethnicity) and socio-psychological characteristics (interest in politics, the ways of getting their information about politics, trust in institutions, dogmatism, nationalism, cosmopolitanism, the end justifies the means, the attitude towards the leader, conservatism, liberalism and authoritarianism). The study was conducted in the first half of March 2013, on a sample of 483 adult women who did not plan to vote in the upcoming elections, who in the past six years (three election cycles) either voted occasionally, or they voted, but have no intention of voting again, or they have never voted. We started from the assumption that the different modes of political abstinence differ with respect to the measured variables. The results show that the three categories of women abstinents differ in terms of certain socio-demographic variables: age, education, ethnicity, party affiliation and religious beliefs. There are differences among respondents concerning political interests. The greatest interest was found among the respondents who manipulate their turning out to the polls, followed by those who were disappointed in the elections, while the slightest interest in politics was among the respondents who have never voted. Television is still the dominant medium for getting information about political events, the second and third ones are newspapers and radio, but they are much less influential. Yet among the three categories of women abstinents significant differences were found only regarding television and radio. Three categories of women abstinents differ only in cosmopolitanism and liberalism variables. There is a difference between women abstinents in their confidence in institutions. The most trust in institutions is found in women who occasionally took part in the elections, followed by those who voted, but no longer do so. The least trust in institutions is found among women who have never voted. ; Cilj ovog istraživanja je ustanoviti da li postoji razlika među apstinenticama u Bosni i Hercegovini prema određenim demografskim (starost, obrazovanje, selo-grad, stranačka i etnička pripadnost) i socio-psihološkim karakteristikama (zainteresovanost za politiku, način informisanja o politici, povjerenje u institucije, dogmatizam, nacionalizam, kosmopolitizam, cilj opravdava sredstvo, odnos prema vođi, konzervativizam, konzervativistička autoritarnost i liberalizam). Istraživanje je provedeno u prvoj polovini marta 2013. godine na uzorku od 483 punoljetne žene koje ne planiraju da glasaju na predstojećim izborima, a koje su u posljednjih šest godina (tri izborna ciklusa) nekad glasale, a nekad ne, glasale su, ali više neće, ili nikad nisu glasale. Pošli smo od pretpostavke da će različiti modaliteti političke apstinencije da se razlikuju s obzirom na mjerene varijable. Dobijeni rezultati pokazuju da se tri kategorije apstinentica razlikuju po pojedinim sociodemografskim varijablama: starost, obrazovanje, etnička i stranačka pripadnost i vjerska ubjeđenja. Ispitanice se međusobno razlikuju i zainteresovanošću za politiku. Najveće interesovanje nalazimo kod ispitanica koje manipulišu svojim izlaskom na izbore, a slijede one koje su se razočarale u izbore, dok je zainteresovanost za politiku najmanja kod ispitanica koje uopšte ne glasaju na izborima. Televizija je još uvijek dominantan medij za informisanje o političkim dešavanjima, dok su na drugom i trećem mjestu dnevne novine i radio, ali su znatno manje uticajni. Ipak, između tri kategorije apstinentica nalazimo značajne razlike samo kod televizije i radija. Tri kategorije apstinentica se međusobno razlikuju samo po varijablama kosmopolitizam i liberalizam. Prisutna je i razlika između apstinentica po njihovom povjerenju u institucije. Najviše povjerenja u institucije nalazimo kod ispitanica koje nekad izlaze, a nekad ne izlaze na izbore, slijede ispitanice koje su glasale, ali više neće. Najmanje povjerenja u institucije nalazimo kod ispitanica koje nikad ne glasaju.

Борба против корупције спада у најважније задатке сваког друштва и државе, због чега се предузимају бројне активности усмерене у правцу адекватне превенције и сузбијања корупције. Најзначајније активности посвећене су изградњи свеобухватног нормативног оквира у борби против корупције, дефинисању корупције, инкриминацији коурптивних дела, успостављању специјализованих органа за борбу против корупције и изградњи оперативних и техничких капацитета тих органа у циљу успешне борбе против корупције. Мада појам корупције још увек није на јединствен начин дефинисан, корупција се може одредити као злоупотреба овлашћења ради личнекористи. Имајући у виду чињеницу да корупција води осиромашењу друштва и државе и губитку поверења грађана у демократске институције, Република Србија је донела нови Закон о организацији и надлежности државних органа у сузбијању организованог криминала, тероризма и корупције, којим су прописана коруптивна кривична дела и предвиђена је специјализација државних органа ради кривичног гоњења и суђења за та кривична дела. Такође, овим законом прописано је увођење финансијске форензике, службеника за везу са Тужилаштвом за организовани криминал и посебним одељењима за сузбијање корупције и формирање ударних група при надлежним тужилаштивма, а све у циљу успешног истраживања и доказивања коруптивних кривичних дела. У раду су представљени резултати рада Посебног одељења за сузбијање корупције при Вишем јавном тужилаштву у Београду у првој години рада, односно анализирана су: коруптивна кривична дела која су процесуирана, практична имплементација нових законских одредаба којима се унапређује истраживање и доказивање коруптивних кривичних дела и број судски окончаних поступака. Посебно је указано на одређене недостатке у законским решењима који отежавају ефикасну борбу против корупције. ; The fight against corruption is the overriding task of every society and state because of which many activities are undertaken that are directed towards adequate prevention and suppression of corruption. The most important activities are dedicated to building comprehensive normative framework in the suppression of corruption, through defining corruption, incrimination of the corruption offenses, establishment of specialized state bodies for the suppression of corruption and defining operational and technical capacities of these bodies in order to successfully fight against corruption. Although the concept of corruption has not yet been uniquely defined, corruption can be defined as abuse of power for private gain. Bearing in mind the fact that corruption leads to impoverishment of the society and state and loss of citizens` confidence in democratic institutions, the Republic of Serbia adopted the new Law on Organisation and Jurisdiction of Government Authorities in the Suppression of Organised Crime, Terrorism and Corruption that prescribes corruptive criminal offenses and foresees specialization of state bodies in order to prosecute and try such criminal offenses. Also, the law provides for the establishment of financial forensics units, connecting officials within the Prosecutor`s Office for Organised Crime and the Special Department of the Public Prosecutor`s Offices for the Suppression of Corruption and establishment of task forces within mentioned Public Prosecutor`s Offices, in order to successfully investigate and prove corruptive criminal offenses. Since more than one year has passed from the beginning of the application of this law, we will present the work results of the Special Department for the Suppression of Corruption within the Higher Public Prosecution Office in Belgrade. Therefore, in this paper we will analyse: corruptive criminal offenses prosecuted during the first year; practical implementation of the new legal provisions which improve investigation and proving of corruptive criminal offenses and the number of court-terminated proceedings. Special attention will be paid to cooperation between specialized bodies for the suppression of corruption. In addition to the practical application analysis of the Law on Organisation and Jurisdiction of Government Authorities in the Suppression of Organised Crime, Terrorism and Corruption focusing on the example of the Special Department for the Suppression of Corruption in Belgrade, we will point out certain deficiencies in the legal provisions that make it difficult to efficiently fight against corruption.

Od 1990. godine, čitav region Istočne i Jugoistočne Evrope počeo je sa transformacijom svojih ekonomija iz centralno planskog sistema u tržišni, što se označava pojmom tranzicija. Postavka istraživačke studije je sagledavanje stanja sektora poljoprivrede Republike Srbije i Bosne i Hercegovine, koji su prošli kroz proces ekonomske tranzicije. Ideja tranzicije privrede, odnosno poljoprivrede je rast proizvodnje i BDP, povećanje efikasnosti i ostvarivanje boljih proizvodno-ekonomskih performansi. Cilj istraživanja je utvrditi da li je i u kojoj meri tranzicija poljoprivrede dovela do njenog razvoja, koji su propusti napravljeni i kakve mere agrarne politike kreirati u funkciji daljeg razvoja poljoprivrede i ruralnih područja. U izvođenju vrednosnih sudova i kritičkih zapažanja celokupnog procesa tranzicije agrosektora korišćene su određene naučne metode poput naučnog studiranja, indikatori, grafički metod, statistički metod, deskriptivna analiza i sinteza, komparatvini metod i drugi naučni metodi. Strategija poljoprivredne tranzicije u bivšim socijalističkim zemljama imala je za cilj poboljšanje efikasnosti i produktivnosti poljoprivrede zamenom institucionalnih i organizacionih karakteristika komandne ekonomije sa atributima pozajmljenim iz prakse tržišne ekonomije. Transformacija od kolektivne do efikasnije individualizovane poljoprivrede (privatizacija), koja će ostvarivati veći nivo prihoda je krajnji cilj. Tranziciju poljoprivrede prati nepovoljna vlasnička struktura i niska produktivnost, neefikasnost agrarne politike, spor razvoj institucija podrške, neadekvatan zakonodavni okvir i neuspešna privatizacija. Proces privatizacije obeležen je sa mnogo kontroverzi i zloupotreba, pa je i to imalo negativan odraz na ukupne efekte. Pored nabrojanog, efekti tranzicije poljoprivrede se ogledaju i u smanjenom obimu investicija, padu stočarske proizvodnje, spoljnotrgovinska razmena uglavnom sirovina i proizvoda niskog stepena finalizacije, depopulaciji sela, nepovoljnoj agrarnoj strukturi, malim pomacima na planu podiznja konkurentnosti i produktivnosti i nekonzistentnoj agrarnoj politici. Ni poljoprivredno zadrugarstvo nije revitalizovano, a kamoli ostvarilo neki značajan uspeh, tim pre, jer nije vraćeno poljuljano poverenje u zadružni oblik organizovanja, niti su zadružni principi usvojeni. Prelazak na tržišnu ekonomiju ostavio je Srbiju i Bosnu i Hercegovinu daleko iza najuspešnijih zemalja Centralne i Istočne Evrope. BiH zaostaje po mnogim pitanjima vezanim za strukturne reforme, koje su pratile ekonomsku tranziciju zemalja u regionu. U Republici Srbiji je stanje nešto bolje, ali svakako ispod očekivanja i s velikim kašnjenjima, pa su samim tim pozitivni efekti značajno slabiji. Stanje u BiH u posttranzicionom periodu je takvo da nedostaje institucionalna podrška i podsticajne mere agrarne politike na svim nivoima, počev od države preko kantona i opština, a tržišne reforme poljoprivrednog sektora nailaze na probleme i zastoje. Tranzicija poljoprivrede u BiH nije donela očekivane efekte, s obzirom da nije modernizovana, niti je zasnovana na efikasnosti, konkurentnosti, intenzivnosti i tržišnosti. Nešto bolja situacija je u Republici Srbiji, ali svakako nije razvijen sektor poljoprivrede, niti su u potpunosti ostvareni zacrtani ciljevi tranzicije. ; Since 1990, the entire region of Eastern and Southeastern Europe has begun to transform its economies from the central planning system to the marketplace, which is referred to as the concept of transition. The research study setting is to look at the state of the agriculture sector of the Republic of Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, which went through the process of economic transition. The idea of a transition of the economy, that is agriculture, is the growth of production and GDP, increasing efficiency and achieving better productioneconomic performance. The aim of the research is to determine whether and to what extent the transition of agriculture has led to its development, what omissions have been made and what measures of agrarian policy are to be created in the function of further development of agriculture and rural areas. Certain scientific methods such as scientific study, indicators, graphic method, statistical method, descriptive analysis and synthesis, comparative methods and other scientific methods have been used in performing value judgments and critical observations of the whole process of transition of agrosectors. The agricultural transition strategy in the former socialist countries aimed to improve the efficiency and productivity of agriculture by replacing the institutional and organizational characteristics of the command economy with attributes borrowed from the practice of a market economy. Transformation from collective to more efficient individualized agriculture (privatization), which will achieve higher level of income is the ultimate goal. The transition to agriculture is accompanied by an unfavorable ownership structure and low productivity, inefficiency of agrarian policy, slow development of support institutions, inadequate legislative framework and unsuccessful privatization. The privatization process was marked with a lot of controversy and abuse, which also had a negative impact on the overall effects. In addition to the above, the effects of agriculture transition are reflected in the reduced volume of investments, the decline in livestock production, the foreign trade of mostly raw materials and products of low level of finalization, depopulation of the village, unfavorable agrarian structure, small shifts in raising competitiveness and productivity and inconsistent agricultural policy. Even agricultural cooperatives were not revitalized, let alone achieved some significant success, the sooner because no shattered confidence in the cooperative form of organization was returned, nor cooperative principles were adopted. The transition to the market economy left Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina far behind the most successful countries in Central and Eastern Europe. Bosnia and Herzegovina lags behind many issues related to structural reforms, which have followed the economic transition of countries in the region. In the Republic of Serbia, the situation is somewhat better, but certainly below expectations and with big delays, so the positive effects are significantly weaker. The situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the post-transition period is such that institutional support and incentive measures of agrarian policy at all levels, starting from the state through cantons and municipalities, are lacking, and market reforms of the agricultural sector are facing problems and delays. The transit of agriculture in Bosnia and Herzegovina did not produce the expected effects, as it was not modernized nor based on efficiency, competitiveness, intensity and marketability. There is a somewhat better situation in the Republic of Serbia, but the agriculture sector is certainly not developed, and the goals of transition have not been fully met.