Thucydides & Giucciardini both acknowledged the existence of recurrent patterns in relations among states. The behavior of major powers is constrained by the specific characteristics of the international system, namely international anarchy, balance of power & the security dilemma. Balance of power theory establishes war as a state instrument in international conflicts. The balance of power is an essential mechanism for regulating equilibrium in international anarchy, including in mature international anarchy. Theory suggests that when the balance ceases to exist the risks of war increase. The rise of Asian powers may radically change the existing balances & enhances the risks of war among major powers. Adapted from the source document.
This article focuses on the normative implications International Relations Theories have on reality. The objective is to produce inferences about the impacts these theories could provoke on states' behavior. Firstly, this article shows the divide between two set of theories. Some conceive the possibility that a group of states renounces the use of violence among each other. Other perspective consider that the very essence of international relations is the state of war amongst everyone, which makes perpetual peace unachievable. Secondly, this study presents the analytical and prescriptive differences between the theories that reckon the possibility of peace. Adapted from the source document.
Revisionism of relations with the United States and its variables in progressive governments in South America. This paper Identifies and analyzes the different types of revisionist politics, and its levels, developed by progressive governments in South America toward the United States over the past 13 years. For such, it uses as starting points concepts that are fundamental for better understanding the behavior of South American countries in relation with the great power: 'peripheral revisionism,' by Cesar Guimaraes, and 'autonomous confrontation' and 'antagonistic confrontation,' both by Hello Jaguarlbe. From the developments of these concepts, a theoretical model was developed with different types of peripheral revisionisms, which allowed for fine-tuning the classifications of foreign policies in the period. Adapted from the source document.
This article analyses the way Portuguese diplomacy worked trough NATO to defend the regime's colonial policy, as well as the obstacles it faced during the 1960's after the beginning of the armed conflict in Angola. It also emphasizes the role of Kennedy & Johnson administrations in the Atlantic Alliance & in the Portuguese foreign policy development as well as the allies' perception on Portuguese behavior. Adapted from the source document.
Taking as a starting point the Copenhagen School's theory of regional complexes, this article debates the immediate causes & consequences of the Turkish policy to the Israel-Palestine conflict, & the changes that occurred on the Turkish foreign policy for the Middle East since the AKP (Justice & Development Party) of Recep Tayyip Erdog?an was elected in 2002. Furthermore it will reflect on Turkey's behavior on what concerns the present Gaza crisis & on the causes & consequences of the potential transformation on the Turkish foreign policy for the Middle East. Adapted from the source document.
ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.KEYWORDS: antipartisanship; political tolerance; political attitudes; political parties; democracy.
The study aims to evaluate the interconnection structures by members of the Board of Directors with political and financial expertise of companies listed in the Brazilian stock market B3. The sample consisted of 2,474 observations in the period from 2010 to 2015. It is suggested by the Agency Theory that board interlocking (BI) for financial expertise can help in corporate monitoring and mitigates the agency's conflicts. On the other hand, BI by political expertise can maximize opportunistic behavior. In the view of Resource Dependency Theory, BI for financial expertise can assist companies in attracting financial resources, while BI for policy expertise can maximize results through more lucrative contracts and advantages offered by policymakers. It is concluded that the systematization of BI by different expertise can be used in future research to explain corporate strategies, decisions, and phenomena, as well as to evaluate the causes and effects of such structures in the management of organizations. ; El estudio tiene como objetivo evaluar las estructuras de interconexiones entre los miembros del Consejo de Administración (CA) con experiencia política y financiera de empresas que cotizan en la B3. La muestra se compuso de 2.474 observaciones en el período 2010-2015. Por medio de la Teoría de la Agencia, se sugiere que el board interlocking (BI) por la experiencia financiera puede auxiliar al monitoreo corporativo y servir como mitigador de los conflictos de la agencia. Por otro lado, el BI por la experiencia política puede maximizar el comportamiento oportunista. En la visión de la Teoría de la Dependencia de Recursos, el BI por la experiencia financiera puede auxiliar a las empresas en la captación de recursos financieros, mientras que el BI por la experiencia política puede maximizar los resultados mediante contratos más lucrativos y ventajas ofrecidas por los políticos. Se concluye que la sistematización del BI por las diferentes experiencias puede ser utilizada en las investigaciones futuras para explicar las estrategias, decisiones y fenómenos corporativos, así como para evaluar las causas y los efectos de tales estructuras en la gestión de las organizaciones. ; Este estudo teve por objetivo avaliar as estruturas de interligações pelos membros do conselho de administração (CA) com expertise política e financeira de empresas listadas na B3. A amostra foi composta por 2.474 observações no período de 2010 a 2015. Por meio da Teoria da Agência, sugere-se que o board interlocking (BI) pela expertise financeira pode auxiliar o monitoramento corporativo e servir como mitigador dos conflitos da agência. Por outro lado, o BI pela expertise política pode maximizar o comportamento oportunista. Na visão da Teoria da Dependência de Recursos, o BI pela expertise financeira pode auxiliar as empresas na captação de recursos financeiros, enquanto o BI pela expertise política pode maximizar os resultados mediante contratos mais lucrativos e vantagens oferecidas pelos políticos. Conclui-se que a sistematização do BI pelos diferentes tipos de expertise pode ser utilizada em futuras pesquisas para explicar as estratégias, as decisões e os fenômenos corporativos, bem como para avaliar as causas e os efeitos de tais estruturas na gestão das organizações.
