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Juan J. Linz suggests that the increase in negative attitudes towards political parties may be less attributable to the behavior of parties themselves than it is to inconsistencies or outright contradictions among relevant belief held by citizens, to unrealistic expectations concerning the extent to which parties can achieve a series of demanding objectives, or to increasing number of the functions that parties must play in representative democracies. Citizens acknowledge that democratic systems require that parties perform certain roles, but then criticize them for performing those roles on the grounds that this would conflict with a different & incompatible set of values. But, unlike in the earlier decades of the twentieth century, anti-party attitudes have not been linked to support for anti-system parties. Adapted from the source document.

Religion, ethnicity and politics in the Caribbean
The relations between ethnie and religious variables in political behavior have often been analyzed in the light of " primordialist ", " instrumentalist " or " ideological " paradigms, generally in opposition to each other. These paradigms turn out to be less antagonistic than complementary when all the dimensions of the phenomena studied are taken into account. From that perspective, the Caribbean countries provide a sample of national situations favorable to comparative analysis. Two aspects are privileged : the ethno-religious mediation of political mobilization ; state regulation of the ethno-religious domain. In both cases analysis reveals the importance of the combination and distribution of cleavages in the processes of either politicization or political neutralization of ethno-religious membership. It also shows that conflicts of interests between ethno-religious communities do not mechanically produce Unes of political division which suppose the emergence of elites able to mobilize a " base " through thé manipulation of symbolic codes derived from group identifies. Lastly, it shows that the sociologics and their discursive expressions appear to be less centrifugal movements than ethno-religious sets of demands for equality with a conflict between two concepts (universalist and communitarian) of national integration and its identity-based corollaries.

Legislative studies can analyze parliamentarians' behavior through interactionist approaches: Schelling's work can be usefully mobilized to understand actors' coordination in the parliamentary arena and how they exchange political moves. The "fronde" within the Socialist Group during the 14th term (2012-2017) of the French National Assembly particularly lends itself to this type of approach. In a situation of relative crisis, of weakening of the reference points of party discipline and of uncertainty about the actions of their peers, deputies calculate the political costs of their potential dissent thanks to the positions of highly visible personalities who contribute to converging expectations. Conflict between government and a "rebellious" majority is a "limited conflict" between interdependent actors that can harm each other. ; Les études parlementaires peuvent analyser les comportements des élus au prisme d'approches interactionnistes: l'œuvre de Schelling peut être utilement mobilisée pour éclairer les échanges de coups politiques et les coordinations des acteurs dans l'arène parlementaire. La «fronde» au sein du groupe socialiste au cours de la XIVe législature (2012-2017) de l'Assemblée nationale française se prête particulièrement à ce type d'approche. Dans une conjoncture de crise relative, de fragilisation des repères de la discipline partisane et d'incertitude sur les actions de leurs pairs, les députés cherchent à calculer les coûts politiques de leurs potentiels votes transgressifs, grâce aux prises de position de personnalités particulièrement visibles qui contribuent à faire converger les anticipations. Le conflit entre le gouvernement et une fraction «frondeuse» de sa majorité relève des logiques de «conflits limités» entre acteurs interdépendants qui peuvent se nuire mutuellement.

This article is investigating the recognition of civilian mortality caused by American forces during the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq during the years 2000. It asserts that civilian death due to military operations is not directly knowable. The awareness of this mortality depends on an enunciation process that expresses, confirms, qualifies, or even justifies it. I make the hypothesis that, in both the Afghan and the Iraqi conflicts, the recognition of civilian mortality ultimately proceeds form a "controversy" opposing two so-called regimes of enunciation. The first one is either denying and/or minimizing civilian mortality and put emphasis on the "responsible" behavior of soldiers in their taking in charge of the problem. As for the second regime, it contests the fact that the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq are led with sufficient precaution for the civilians. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

We challenge the common wisdom that the Great Recession has produced radical changes in political behavior. Accordingly, we assess the extent to which the crisis has spurred protest activities and given socioeconomic issues a higher saliency in public debates. We also assess how far the crisis has provided a more prominent place for economic and labor actors as subject actors, a more prominent place of economic and labor actors as object actors, as well as a more prominent place of economic and labor actors as addressees in claims making on the economic crisis. Our findings show that the crisis has not produced such radical changes in all these aspects, though it had some impact. At a more general level, our analysis unveils the normative underpinnings of the commonly held view that the economic crisis has fed a grievance-based conflict between capital and labor going beyond specific patterns and configurations in each country.

Research on emotions and other psychic dimensions is now called upon to play an important role in preventing and resolving conflicts. Knowledge of psychological mechanisms, their normality and the possibilities of intervening on their distortions in the conflict may contribute to offer answers to the mediator addressing these issues and enhanced skills to handle the face-to-face of a confrontational encounter. We have many years of experience in the treatment of psychopathologies, the regulation of mental dysfunctional mechanisms and their impact on social behaviors and cognitive processes triggered by emotions. During mediation session, if the actors of the litigation come to the negotiating table, it is precisely to address the crucial and highly emotional issues. Our practical experience of mediation, our partnerships with various mediation associations, the exchange with many field mediators, the research that we conducted, led us to think about practical solutions to the need for mediation based on psychology. We drew up a comprehensive review of the scientific literature and chose to set our questioning within the framework of action-research and mediation engineering and using the creative and participative methodology of design thinking. With a team of 7 mediators-users we have decoded, decrypted, the basic data of the psychic dimensions inherent to the conflict (perception, thought, emotion, will and values, behavior and communication). In our professional practice, we have built and experimented a structured matrix of analysis and intervention on the psychic dimensions in the conflict, the metamodel PRECAUCUS, to be used especially in pre-mediation, a restructured and fully integrated phase of the mediation process. An inductive qualitative analysis - in empirical research - enabled us to analyze the date collected during collaborative meetings as well as the benefits of using the first test of the metamodel. The results show the relevance of the solutions proposed both by the know-how and the "savoir-être" gained by the mediator and by the co-construction of the mediator/disputant work, as well as by the fact that psychology is, from now on, the most important fundamental discipline the when it comes to optimizing mediation process and contributing to the future of mediation.

Chilean political life, its contradictions & concessions, are explained within the framework of M. Weber's taxonomy of rational behavior & a genetic-structural approach. A historical, sociological, & economic understanding of Chilean politics is facilitated with the use of the following variables: a X demography, an authoritarian & religious culture, a capitalistic, dependent & under-developed economy, a hybrid social stratification, & a centralized state characterized by a highly developed bureaucracy. As a result, the "Popular Unity" emerges as a curious assimilation of antagonistic ideologies, continually complicated by different social strata, competitive political groups, & rival pressure groups. However, these conflicting political interests are partially resolved by the growing social support which is motivated by a superficial economic nationalism, emotional anticapitalistic feelings, & the rise in the income of the popular & Mc's. In contrast, the leftist government, unable to resolve internal social, political, & ideological conflicts is incapable of managing civil service, developing a congruent economic policy, & unable to confront international or national subversion. 3 Charts. Modified HA.

Omnipresent in the greek world, stasis represents the dark side of city's history. The tradition sees in her a social evil, a desease how comes fall on her. Stasis is the war, polemos, that the city makes to herself, it's the division from on in two. Of varying intensity, stasis can takes a legal form of conflict between two political groups, from the moment that she's not obstruct the functioning of the institutions and that she does not divide the community in two irreductible camps. It's only in extreme cases, when no compromise is possible, that she takes the form of sedition. It's at this key moment, when the conflict comes to a head, when everything stops, and when violence cause bloodshed, we dedicate this study. Our investigation covers a rich period on political earthquakes, from the reign of Philip II to the wars of Mithridates. To measure the magnitude and the extent of the phenomenon over almost three century of history, we made up from literary and epigraphic sources a chronological table of the staseis, which allows us to analyze the different aspects of the phenomenon : its extent, its causes, the social groups involved, the modus operandi, the radical behavior, the dissolution of the conflict and the measures adopted to preserve the constitution and concord. ; Omniprésente dans le monde grec, la stasis représente la part sombre de l'histoire de la cité. La tradition voit en elle un fléau, une maladie qui vient s'abattre sur elle. Elle est la guerre, polémos que la cité se livre à elle-même, c'est la division de l'un en deux. D'intensité variable, la stasis peut prendre une forme légalisée de conflit entre groupes politiques, du moment qu'elle ne vient pas entraver le fonctionnement des institutions et qu'elle ne divise pas la communauté en deux camps irréductibles. Ce n'est que dans les cas extrêmes, quand plus aucun compromis n'est possible qu'elle prend la forme d'une sédition. C'est à ce moment-clé, lorsque le conflit atteint son paroxysme, quand tout se fige et que la violence vient ...

National audience ; Since 2014, World War II archaeology occupies a leading place in French historical research, quite specially in Normandy where numerous war remains were brought to light on the occasion of recent archaeological surveys. The DRAC of Normandy also undertook the inventory of Atlantic Wall's remains. However, the excavation are still too rare, in spite of the patrimonial, historic and anthropological potential that offer these traces of the conflict. It is thus necessary today to lead a reflection about new questionings and interdisciplinary methods intending to develop the study of these research materials, still little familiar to the archaeologists, and to reveal their meaning with regard to the long history of human behavior. ; Depuis 2014 l'archéologie de la Seconde Guerre mondiale occupe une place de premier plan dans le paysage de la recherche historique française, tout spécialement en Normandie où de nombreux vestiges de guerre ont été mis au jour à l'occasion de récents diagnostics archéologiques. Dans le même temps, la DRAC Normandie a entrepris l'inventaire des vestiges du Mur de l'Atlantique. Toutefois, les prescriptions de fouille demeurent encore trop rares, en dépit du potentiel patrimonial, historique et anthropologique qu'offrent ces vestiges du conflit. C'est donc à l'élaboration de nouveaux questionnements et méthodes interdisciplinaires qu'il faut aujourd'hui réfléchir afin de développer l'étude de ces matériaux de recherche encore peu familiers aux archéologues, et d'en révéler la signification au regard de la longue histoire des comportements humains.

National audience ; Since 2014, World War II archaeology occupies a leading place in French historical research, quite specially in Normandy where numerous war remains were brought to light on the occasion of recent archaeological surveys. The DRAC of Normandy also undertook the inventory of Atlantic Wall's remains. However, the excavation are still too rare, in spite of the patrimonial, historic and anthropological potential that offer these traces of the conflict. It is thus necessary today to lead a reflection about new questionings and interdisciplinary methods intending to develop the study of these research materials, still little familiar to the archaeologists, and to reveal their meaning with regard to the long history of human behavior. ; Depuis 2014 l'archéologie de la Seconde Guerre mondiale occupe une place de premier plan dans le paysage de la recherche historique française, tout spécialement en Normandie où de nombreux vestiges de guerre ont été mis au jour à l'occasion de récents diagnostics archéologiques. Dans le même temps, la DRAC Normandie a entrepris l'inventaire des vestiges du Mur de l'Atlantique. Toutefois, les prescriptions de fouille demeurent encore trop rares, en dépit du potentiel patrimonial, historique et anthropologique qu'offrent ces vestiges du conflit. C'est donc à l'élaboration de nouveaux questionnements et méthodes interdisciplinaires qu'il faut aujourd'hui réfléchir afin de développer l'étude de ces matériaux de recherche encore peu familiers aux archéologues, et d'en révéler la signification au regard de la longue histoire des comportements humains.

National audience ; Since 2014, World War II archaeology occupies a leading place in French historical research, quite specially in Normandy where numerous war remains were brought to light on the occasion of recent archaeological surveys. The DRAC of Normandy also undertook the inventory of Atlantic Wall's remains. However, the excavation are still too rare, in spite of the patrimonial, historic and anthropological potential that offer these traces of the conflict. It is thus necessary today to lead a reflection about new questionings and interdisciplinary methods intending to develop the study of these research materials, still little familiar to the archaeologists, and to reveal their meaning with regard to the long history of human behavior. ; Depuis 2014 l'archéologie de la Seconde Guerre mondiale occupe une place de premier plan dans le paysage de la recherche historique française, tout spécialement en Normandie où de nombreux vestiges de guerre ont été mis au jour à l'occasion de récents diagnostics archéologiques. Dans le même temps, la DRAC Normandie a entrepris l'inventaire des vestiges du Mur de l'Atlantique. Toutefois, les prescriptions de fouille demeurent encore trop rares, en dépit du potentiel patrimonial, historique et anthropologique qu'offrent ces vestiges du conflit. C'est donc à l'élaboration de nouveaux questionnements et méthodes interdisciplinaires qu'il faut aujourd'hui réfléchir afin de développer l'étude de ces matériaux de recherche encore peu familiers aux archéologues, et d'en révéler la signification au regard de la longue histoire des comportements humains.

A paper presented at a Conference at Liege, on Mar 10, 1966, dealing with the professional employment & remuneration of F's & the profound changes in the behavior & the mentality of F's in the contemporary world. The % of working F's in Western countries is estimated at around 30-50%. In Germany & Finland, 15% of the Parliament representatives are F's & feminine participation in pol is extensive. In the USSR, the % of F's in leading positions is appropriate to the % of F's in the LF. Russia in 1959 had 20 million more F's than M's among 84 million militant Communist Party members, as revealed at the 21st Party Congress. The N of F delegates to this Congress amounted to 17% of the E. France is, with 1.2%, observed to be at the bottom of a list of %'s of F gov members, as against 4% in the UK, 8% in the Federal Republic of Germany, 9.3 in the Netherlands, 10% each in Denmark & Ireland, & 12% in Poland. The influence of F's in US pol is noted. Pol'ly active women in France come mostly from admin'ive & liberal professions. Of F's without occup's, only 4% exercised any pol'al functions in 1951. Many of these used soc & pol'al participation as an escape from the monotony of their existence & from fam conflicts. It is concluded that women's econ & pol'al position in the modern world depends upon their participation in pol. M. Maxfield.

International audience ; During the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), the ambivalent behavior of the French government made the study of arms trafficking aimed at this conflict a complex matter. At first, the government of Léon Blum claimed a « non-interventionist » stance, forbidding any weapon delivery to Spain, before turning a blind eye on this traffic. It may even have encouraged it. Some under-exploited archives show that arms traffic could be a much more complex reality than the one admitted by the former protagonists who gave their testimonies. It seems, at least during the « non-interventionist » period, that the traffic was less dependent on the French State's political stance than what we previously thought. ; Durant la guerre civile espagnole (1936-1939), l'attitude ambivalente du gouvernement français a rendu complexe l'étude du trafic d'armes à destination de ce conflit. Le gouvernement de Léon Blum aurait d'abord défendu la « non-intervention » qui interdisait tout envoi d'armes en Espagne, puis aurait relâché celle-ci en fermant les yeux sur le trafic. Il l'aurait même encouragé. Des archives encore largement inexploitées montrent cependant que le trafic d'armes a pu être une réalité plus complexe que celle relatée dans le témoignage des anciens acteurs Pendant la période de « non-intervention », il semble que le trafic était moins dépendant de la posture de l'État français à son égard qu'on a longtemps pu le penser.

International audience ; During the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), the ambivalent behavior of the French government made the study of arms trafficking aimed at this conflict a complex matter. At first, the government of Léon Blum claimed a « non-interventionist » stance, forbidding any weapon delivery to Spain, before turning a blind eye on this traffic. It may even have encouraged it. Some under-exploited archives show that arms traffic could be a much more complex reality than the one admitted by the former protagonists who gave their testimonies. It seems, at least during the « non-interventionist » period, that the traffic was less dependent on the French State's political stance than what we previously thought. ; Durant la guerre civile espagnole (1936-1939), l'attitude ambivalente du gouvernement français a rendu complexe l'étude du trafic d'armes à destination de ce conflit. Le gouvernement de Léon Blum aurait d'abord défendu la « non-intervention » qui interdisait tout envoi d'armes en Espagne, puis aurait relâché celle-ci en fermant les yeux sur le trafic. Il l'aurait même encouragé. Des archives encore largement inexploitées montrent cependant que le trafic d'armes a pu être une réalité plus complexe que celle relatée dans le témoignage des anciens acteurs Pendant la période de « non-intervention », il semble que le trafic était moins dépendant de la posture de l'État français à son égard qu'on a longtemps pu le penser.

International audience ; During the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), the ambivalent behavior of the French government made the study of arms trafficking aimed at this conflict a complex matter. At first, the government of Léon Blum claimed a « non-interventionist » stance, forbidding any weapon delivery to Spain, before turning a blind eye on this traffic. It may even have encouraged it. Some under-exploited archives show that arms traffic could be a much more complex reality than the one admitted by the former protagonists who gave their testimonies. It seems, at least during the « non-interventionist » period, that the traffic was less dependent on the French State's political stance than what we previously thought. ; Durant la guerre civile espagnole (1936-1939), l'attitude ambivalente du gouvernement français a rendu complexe l'étude du trafic d'armes à destination de ce conflit. Le gouvernement de Léon Blum aurait d'abord défendu la « non-intervention » qui interdisait tout envoi d'armes en Espagne, puis aurait relâché celle-ci en fermant les yeux sur le trafic. Il l'aurait même encouragé. Des archives encore largement inexploitées montrent cependant que le trafic d'armes a pu être une réalité plus complexe que celle relatée dans le témoignage des anciens acteurs Pendant la période de « non-intervention », il semble que le trafic était moins dépendant de la posture de l'État français à son égard qu'on a longtemps pu le penser.