Suchergebnisse

The Master's thesis Application of Mediation in Violent Conflicts investigates the application of mediation of violent conflicts not only in criminal justice, but also in family disputes, where the party to the dispute is often bound or has been bound by violent conflicts in the past. In order to investigate and reveal the obligations and shortcomings of the implementation of mediation when there are manifestations of violent behavior and to make suggestions for the development of this type of conflict mediation in Lithuania, a qualitative study was conducted with experts who have been working with violent conflicts for some time. During the analysis of the scientific literature and the empirical research, the two defensive statements raised in the master's thesis were confirmed: 1.Mediation in violent conflicts is possible, but there are certain risk factors, therefore mediators in such conflicts have to take responsibility, assess not only their personal abilities and available professional knowledge, but also assess potential risk factors and using specific strategies, techniques, to carry out a secure mediation process.2.In order to develop the application of mediation in cases of violent conflicts and to improve the quality of such mediation services, it is necessary to further develop such a service and train specialized mediators.

Psychological conception of conflict was formed by several trends: psychoanalysis, behaviorism, cognitive. There separate thesis could be used to define conflict as integrated 3 levels (cognitive, affective and action) phenomenon. Although it could be used the same definition for conflicts occurred in education context, there are same specific means of it in educology. Firstly it is the form and the result of teachers behavior. Secondly, the misbehavior of pupils is named as conflict. Lastly, conflict as unavoidable appearance, is the indicator of teachers conflict competence. Conflict between teacher and pupils was usual in traditional school, but in there are justified only constructive conflicts in democratic school.

Psychological conception of conflict was formed by several trends: psychoanalysis, behaviorism, cognitive. There separate thesis could be used to define conflict as integrated 3 levels (cognitive, affective and action) phenomenon. Although it could be used the same definition for conflicts occurred in education context, there are same specific means of it in educology. Firstly it is the form and the result of teachers behavior. Secondly, the misbehavior of pupils is named as conflict. Lastly, conflict as unavoidable appearance, is the indicator of teachers conflict competence. Conflict between teacher and pupils was usual in traditional school, but in there are justified only constructive conflicts in democratic school.

Psychological conception of conflict was formed by several trends: psychoanalysis, behaviorism, cognitive. There separate thesis could be used to define conflict as integrated 3 levels (cognitive, affective and action) phenomenon. Although it could be used the same definition for conflicts occurred in education context, there are same specific means of it in educology. Firstly it is the form and the result of teachers behavior. Secondly, the misbehavior of pupils is named as conflict. Lastly, conflict as unavoidable appearance, is the indicator of teachers conflict competence. Conflict between teacher and pupils was usual in traditional school, but in there are justified only constructive conflicts in democratic school.

Psychological conception of conflict was formed by several trends: psychoanalysis, behaviorism, cognitive. There separate thesis could be used to define conflict as integrated 3 levels (cognitive, affective and action) phenomenon. Although it could be used the same definition for conflicts occurred in education context, there are same specific means of it in educology. Firstly it is the form and the result of teachers behavior. Secondly, the misbehavior of pupils is named as conflict. Lastly, conflict as unavoidable appearance, is the indicator of teachers conflict competence. Conflict between teacher and pupils was usual in traditional school, but in there are justified only constructive conflicts in democratic school.

In recent years, the European Union's restrictive measures against the Russian Federation in response to the conflict in Ukraine have been the subject of many wide-ranging analyses, in the fields of political science, international relations and economics. Nevertheless, in the field of law, there is still a lack of efforts in assessing them. This work is an attempt to look at this topic through the prism of European Union law. The first part of the paper examines the legal regulation of the European Union restrictive measures (sanctions). Beginning with the origins of the European Union, the issue of the origins of Common Foreign and Security Policy is examined. As well as the manner in which economic sanctions were adopted in those times. The paper goes on to examine the effects of the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon as regards the analysis of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. The author examines the unique position of this policy in the Treaty on European Union and in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, further consistently assessing the role of its actors: the Member States and Union institutions The next part outlines the implementing measures for this policy area (for example, the nature of the Council decisions). Finally, it focuses on one of the instruments of the Common Foreign and Security Policy - the legal mechanism for restrictive measures. The paper describes their goals, principles, as well as procedural aspects: adoption, implementation, monitoring processes. Following this, the second part of the work first briefly describes the events of 2014, from the mass demonstrations of Ukrainian citizens against the non-signature of the Association Agreement with the European Union, to the illegal annexation of Crimea by Russia - an unprecedented act of aggression against another sovereign state (the first since the end of the second world war ), finally leading to the European Union adopting the above-mentioned measures aimed at correcting the behavior of the Russian regime. The third part deals with the specific restrictive measures concerning the Russian Federation and the actions taken by its leadership: (a) in response to actions that directly harm Ukraine's territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence; (b) trade restrictions regarding Crimea and Sevastopol; (c) and finally the sectoral / economic measures against Russia. The fourth part examines the first cases brought before the General Court of the European Union and the Court of Justice of the European Union

In recent years, the European Union's restrictive measures against the Russian Federation in response to the conflict in Ukraine have been the subject of many wide-ranging analyses, in the fields of political science, international relations and economics. Nevertheless, in the field of law, there is still a lack of efforts in assessing them. This work is an attempt to look at this topic through the prism of European Union law. The first part of the paper examines the legal regulation of the European Union restrictive measures (sanctions). Beginning with the origins of the European Union, the issue of the origins of Common Foreign and Security Policy is examined. As well as the manner in which economic sanctions were adopted in those times. The paper goes on to examine the effects of the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon as regards the analysis of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. The author examines the unique position of this policy in the Treaty on European Union and in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, further consistently assessing the role of its actors: the Member States and Union institutions The next part outlines the implementing measures for this policy area (for example, the nature of the Council decisions). Finally, it focuses on one of the instruments of the Common Foreign and Security Policy - the legal mechanism for restrictive measures. The paper describes their goals, principles, as well as procedural aspects: adoption, implementation, monitoring processes. Following this, the second part of the work first briefly describes the events of 2014, from the mass demonstrations of Ukrainian citizens against the non-signature of the Association Agreement with the European Union, to the illegal annexation of Crimea by Russia - an unprecedented act of aggression against another sovereign state (the first since the end of the second world war ), finally leading to the European Union adopting the above-mentioned measures aimed at correcting the behavior of the Russian regime. The third part deals with the specific restrictive measures concerning the Russian Federation and the actions taken by its leadership: (a) in response to actions that directly harm Ukraine's territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence; (b) trade restrictions regarding Crimea and Sevastopol; (c) and finally the sectoral / economic measures against Russia. The fourth part examines the first cases brought before the General Court of the European Union and the Court of Justice of the European Union

In recent years, the European Union's restrictive measures against the Russian Federation in response to the conflict in Ukraine have been the subject of many wide-ranging analyses, in the fields of political science, international relations and economics. Nevertheless, in the field of law, there is still a lack of efforts in assessing them. This work is an attempt to look at this topic through the prism of European Union law. The first part of the paper examines the legal regulation of the European Union restrictive measures (sanctions). Beginning with the origins of the European Union, the issue of the origins of Common Foreign and Security Policy is examined. As well as the manner in which economic sanctions were adopted in those times. The paper goes on to examine the effects of the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon as regards the analysis of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. The author examines the unique position of this policy in the Treaty on European Union and in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, further consistently assessing the role of its actors: the Member States and Union institutions The next part outlines the implementing measures for this policy area (for example, the nature of the Council decisions). Finally, it focuses on one of the instruments of the Common Foreign and Security Policy - the legal mechanism for restrictive measures. The paper describes their goals, principles, as well as procedural aspects: adoption, implementation, monitoring processes. Following this, the second part of the work first briefly describes the events of 2014, from the mass demonstrations of Ukrainian citizens against the non-signature of the Association Agreement with the European Union, to the illegal annexation of Crimea by Russia - an unprecedented act of aggression against another sovereign state (the first since the end of the second world war ), finally leading to the European Union adopting the above-mentioned measures aimed at correcting the behavior of the Russian regime. The third part deals with the specific restrictive measures concerning the Russian Federation and the actions taken by its leadership: (a) in response to actions that directly harm Ukraine's territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence; (b) trade restrictions regarding Crimea and Sevastopol; (c) and finally the sectoral / economic measures against Russia. The fourth part examines the first cases brought before the General Court of the European Union and the Court of Justice of the European Union

In recent years, the European Union's restrictive measures against the Russian Federation in response to the conflict in Ukraine have been the subject of many wide-ranging analyses, in the fields of political science, international relations and economics. Nevertheless, in the field of law, there is still a lack of efforts in assessing them. This work is an attempt to look at this topic through the prism of European Union law. The first part of the paper examines the legal regulation of the European Union restrictive measures (sanctions). Beginning with the origins of the European Union, the issue of the origins of Common Foreign and Security Policy is examined. As well as the manner in which economic sanctions were adopted in those times. The paper goes on to examine the effects of the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon as regards the analysis of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. The author examines the unique position of this policy in the Treaty on European Union and in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, further consistently assessing the role of its actors: the Member States and Union institutions The next part outlines the implementing measures for this policy area (for example, the nature of the Council decisions). Finally, it focuses on one of the instruments of the Common Foreign and Security Policy - the legal mechanism for restrictive measures. The paper describes their goals, principles, as well as procedural aspects: adoption, implementation, monitoring processes. Following this, the second part of the work first briefly describes the events of 2014, from the mass demonstrations of Ukrainian citizens against the non-signature of the Association Agreement with the European Union, to the illegal annexation of Crimea by Russia - an unprecedented act of aggression against another sovereign state (the first since the end of the second world war ), finally leading to the European Union adopting the above-mentioned measures aimed at correcting the behavior of the Russian regime. The third part deals with the specific restrictive measures concerning the Russian Federation and the actions taken by its leadership: (a) in response to actions that directly harm Ukraine's territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence; (b) trade restrictions regarding Crimea and Sevastopol; (c) and finally the sectoral / economic measures against Russia. The fourth part examines the first cases brought before the General Court of the European Union and the Court of Justice of the European Union

This article describes the problem of conflict of interest and its regulation in Lithuania. After a short introduction of conflict of interest and related notions, types, and forms of conflict of interest the Lithuanian case study is followed. After a short historical review of such conflict regulation in interwar Lithuanian Republic period the analyses turns to contemporary legislation concerning this ethical problem. Lithuanian Law on the Compatibility of Public and Private Interests in the Public Service was edited three times what allows the author to distinguish tendencies and evaluate them in the broader context. The author provides a snapshot of the conflict of interest in codes of ethics of Lithuanian public institutions. The analyses of legislation regulating conflict of interest in politicians and civil servants activity allows concluding that behavior of civil servants is more regulated due to their role. Adapted from the source document.

The "frozen" territorial conflicts in Eastern Europe, which exist in the territorially divided world of sovereign states, provide the empirical context for this article in order to develop theoretical arguments. The main problem raised is the (im)possibility of the existence of the unrecognised territorial entities. The article questions how the concepts of space, territory and borders and the relationship between the territoriality and statehood in the current international relations practice and theory allow for understanding the situation in these entities. Thus, the goal is to evaluate the theoretical discussions on territoriality and borders regarding their applicability for the analysis of the "frozen" conflicts. Namely, to understand the subjectivity conditions of these entities and to comprehend how such analysis provides any new problematisations of the situation, how it gives framework to explain their strategies, behavior and the tendencies of normalisation. Three concepts (space, territory, and borders) are analysed in the article by raising three questions: a) how each of the concepts define (and constrain) the social reality and international politics; b) how such concepts are problematised; c) how such concepts help and can be used to understand the situation and possibilities of the marginal subject, which tries to overcome its own marginality, in contemporary international relations.

The "frozen" territorial conflicts in Eastern Europe, which exist in the territorially divided world of sovereign states, provide the empirical context for this article in order to develop theoretical arguments. The main problem raised is the (im)possibility of the existence of the unrecognised territorial entities. The article questions how the concepts of space, territory and borders and the relationship between the territoriality and statehood in the current international relations practice and theory allow for understanding the situation in these entities. Thus, the goal is to evaluate the theoretical discussions on territoriality and borders regarding their applicability for the analysis of the "frozen" conflicts. Namely, to understand the subjectivity conditions of these entities and to comprehend how such analysis provides any new problematisations of the situation, how it gives framework to explain their strategies, behavior and the tendencies of normalisation. Three concepts (space, territory, and borders) are analysed in the article by raising three questions: a) how each of the concepts define (and constrain) the social reality and international politics; b) how such concepts are problematised; c) how such concepts help and can be used to understand the situation and possibilities of the marginal subject, which tries to overcome its own marginality, in contemporary international relations.

The "frozen" territorial conflicts in Eastern Europe, which exist in the territorially divided world of sovereign states, provide the empirical context for this article in order to develop theoretical arguments. The main problem raised is the (im)possibility of the existence of the unrecognised territorial entities. The article questions how the concepts of space, territory and borders and the relationship between the territoriality and statehood in the current international relations practice and theory allow for understanding the situation in these entities. Thus, the goal is to evaluate the theoretical discussions on territoriality and borders regarding their applicability for the analysis of the "frozen" conflicts. Namely, to understand the subjectivity conditions of these entities and to comprehend how such analysis provides any new problematisations of the situation, how it gives framework to explain their strategies, behavior and the tendencies of normalisation. Three concepts (space, territory, and borders) are analysed in the article by raising three questions: a) how each of the concepts define (and constrain) the social reality and international politics; b) how such concepts are problematised; c) how such concepts help and can be used to understand the situation and possibilities of the marginal subject, which tries to overcome its own marginality, in contemporary international relations.

The "frozen" territorial conflicts in Eastern Europe, which exist in the territorially divided world of sovereign states, provide the empirical context for this article in order to develop theoretical arguments. The main problem raised is the (im)possibility of the existence of the unrecognised territorial entities. The article questions how the concepts of space, territory and borders and the relationship between the territoriality and statehood in the current international relations practice and theory allow for understanding the situation in these entities. Thus, the goal is to evaluate the theoretical discussions on territoriality and borders regarding their applicability for the analysis of the "frozen" conflicts. Namely, to understand the subjectivity conditions of these entities and to comprehend how such analysis provides any new problematisations of the situation, how it gives framework to explain their strategies, behavior and the tendencies of normalisation. Three concepts (space, territory, and borders) are analysed in the article by raising three questions: a) how each of the concepts define (and constrain) the social reality and international politics; b) how such concepts are problematised; c) how such concepts help and can be used to understand the situation and possibilities of the marginal subject, which tries to overcome its own marginality, in contemporary international relations.

The twentieth century is an era of pervasive turmoil. There were two cataclysmic full-scale wars and many wars and conflicts of lesser importance in all parts of the world. The term crisis is among the most widely used verbal symbols of turmoil in politics among nations. Scholars and journalists, too, often write about such things as incidents, disputes, riots, and rebellions etc. as crisis. In short, crisis is a pervasive term to describe dis ruption and disorder in the global arena. Many political scientists have been researching this phenomenon of international system but there is still a need for new researches and analysis of crisis in world politics. New technological tools and data-sets enable further development of analytical aspects of crisis theory: eruption of conflictual situations, context and reasons of crisis escalation and de-escalation, decision making process etc. The main reason impelled to write this article is the lack of integral theory on crisis issues. That is why the main objective of this study is to make a quantitative and comparative research of the crisis in the 20th century in order to highlight the main influential factors of this process in different time and space dimensions. A quantitative and comparative analysis in this article was performed using International Crisis Behavior (ICB) data-set of international crisis (by the SPSS 12.0 package). The results of the research confirm the presumption that the analysis of different "levels" provides different outcomes.[.].