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This dissertation introduces an agent based model driven by the behavioral assumptions of the bargaining theory of war. The model is applied to explain why wars cluster geographically and why democracies do not fight other democracies. Simulation results suggest new explanations for both of these phenomena. The emergence of regionally clustering conflict can be explained by the tendency of shifting power to motivate renegotiation when agents pay costs for projecting power and select their bargaining partners. Regions of democratic peace occur when groups of agents share information more effectively than their competitors. The dissertation develops and validates these theories with statistical analysis of simulation results and case studies

This study evaluated interpersonal behavior differences among male military service members with and without PTSD and their female partners. Couples (N = 64) completed a 17-minute videotaped conflict discussion, and their interaction behavior was coded using the circumplex-based Structural Analysis of Social Behavior model (SASB; Benjamin, 1979; 1987; 2000). Within couples, the behavior of partners was very similar. Compared to military couples without PTSD, couples with PTSD displayed more interpersonal hostility and control. Couples with PTSD also exhibited more sulking, blaming, and controlling behavior, and less affirming and connecting behavior, than couples without PTSD. Results advance our understanding of the relational impacts of PTSD on military service members and their partners, and underscore the value of couple-based interventions for PTSD in the context of relationship distress.

Подано результати анонімного анкетування та тестування студентів Тернопільського національного технічного університету імені Івана Пулюя з метою дослідження взаємозв'язку конфліктності та психологічних чинників, що її обумовлюють. Виявлено залежність рівня конфліктності особистості від таких психологічних особливостей особистості, як самооцінка, рівень агресивності, тривожності, фрустрації, ригідності та локус контролю. ; Представлены результаты анонимного анкетирования и тестирования студентов Тернопольского национального технического университета имени Ивана Пулюя с целью исследования взаимосвязи конфликтности и психологических факторов, ее обусловливающих. Выявлена зависимость уровня конфликтности личности от таких психологических особенностей личности, как самооценка, уровень агрессивности, тревожности, фрустрации, ригидности и локус контроля. ; The University student is claimed to be one of the most important ?gure today whо deter mines the future of the society and its progressive development and democratic transformations. In the dif?cult conditions of life, characterizing the situation in the country nowadays contemporary students are often uncertain about their future and in connection with this, experience negative emotional states which might cause intrapersonal con?icts. The contemporary youth is characterized nowadays by numerous con?icts in which the development of the age speci?c achievements takes place, namely: self-actualization, self-expression, competition, defending one's own values, attitudes and passions. The paper presents the results of an anonymous survey in testing of Ternopil National university students aimed at de?ning the relationships between the frequency of the intrapersonal con?icts experienced by the young people and psychological factors causing them. The proneness to the con?ict behavior of the personality has been shown to be caused by such psychological characteristics of the individual as the level of self-esteem, the level of aggression, anxiety, frustration, rigidity and locus of control. It is postulated in the paper that high proneness of the personality to the con?ict behavior can be adequately described with reference to a set of personality properties which jointly de?ne and enhance the levels of con?ict. This set of characteristics act as psychological determinants of con?icts. The analysis of the survey designed to de?ne the sources of the students' proneness to the con?ict behavior shows that the problem requires further theoretical research and empirical studies to obtain a more comprehensive picture of the possible causes of proneness to this type of behavior.

The article analyzes the conflict-creating constituent of everyday political consciousness. It singles out models of conflict behavior of addressees of everyday political communication - article commentators appearing on the Internet. ; Представлен анализ конфликтной составляющей обыденного политического сознания. Выделены модели конфликтного поведения адресатов обыденной политической коммуникации - комментаторов статей, представленных в сети Интернет.

¿Cuáles son los efectos de la guerra sobre el comportamiento político? Colombia es un caso interesante en el que el conflicto y las elecciones coexisten y los grupos armados ilegales intencionalmente afectan los resultados electorales. Sin embargo, los grupos usan diferentes estrategias para alterar estos resultados. Este artículo argumenta que los efectos diferenciales de la violencia sobre los resultados electorales son el resultado de estrategias deliberadas de los grupos ilegales, que a su turno, son consecuencia de las condiciones militares que difieren entre ellos. Usando datos panel de las elecciones al Senado de 1994 a 2006 y una aproximación por variables instrumentales para resolver posibles problemas de endogenidad, este artículo muestra que la violencia guerrillera disminuye la participación electoral, mientras que la violencia paramilitar no tiene ningún efecto sobre la participación pero reduce la competencia electoral y beneficia a nuevos partidos no-tradicionales. Esto es consistente con la hipótesis de que la estrategia de la guerrilla es sabotear las elecciones, mientras que los paramiltares establecen alianzas con ciertos candidatos. ; What are the effects of war on political behavior? Colombia is an interesting case in which conflict and elections coexist, and illegal armed groups intentionally affect electoral outcomes. Nonetheless, groups use different strategies to alter these results. This paper argues that differential effects of violence on electoral outcomes are the result of deliberate strategies followed by illegal groups, which in turn, are a consequence of military conditions that differ between them. Using panel data from Senate elections from 1994 to 2006 and an instrumental variable approach to address potential endogeneity concerns, this paper shows that guerrilla violence decreases turnout, while paramilitary violence has no effect on participation, but reduces electoral competition and benefits non-traditional third parties. FARC violence is significantly higher during election years, while paramilitary violence is lower. This is consistent with the hypothesis that the guerrilla's strategy is to sabotage elections, while paramilitaries establish alliances with certain candidates.

A growing wave of scholarship suggests that ideology has demonstrable effects on various forms of armed conflict. But ideology remains a relative theoretical newcomer in conflict research, and scholars lack developed microfoundations for analyzing ideologies and their effects. Typically, existing research has primarily presented ideology as either an instrumental tool for conflict actors or a source of sincere political and normative commitments. But neither approach captures the diverse ways in which contemporary social science theorizes the causal connection between ideas and action, and both struggle to reconcile the apparently strong effects of ideology on conflict at the collective level with the relative rarity of 'true believers' at the individual level. This article addresses such problems by providing key microfoundations for conceptualizing ideologies, analyzing ideological change, and explaining ideologies' influence over conflict behavior. I emphasize that ideology overlaps with other drivers of conflict such as strategic interests and group identities, show how ideologies can affect conflict behavior through four distinct mechanisms – commitment, adoption, conformity, and instrumentalization – and clarify the role of both conflict pressures and pre-existing ideological conditions in ideological change. These microfoundational claims integrate existing empirical findings and offer a foundation for building deeper explanations and middle-range theories of ideology's role in armed conflict.

A growing wave of scholarship suggests that ideology has demonstrable effects on various forms of armed conflict. But ideology remains a relative theoretical newcomer in conflict research, and scholars lack developed microfoundations for analyzing ideologies and their effects. Typically, existing research has primarily presented ideology as either an instrumental tool for conflict actors or a source of sincere political and normative commitments. But neither approach captures the diverse ways in which contemporary social science theorizes the causal connection between ideas and action, and both struggle to reconcile the apparently strong effects of ideology on conflict at the collective level with the relative rarity of 'true believers' at the individual level. This article addresses such problems by providing key microfoundations for conceptualizing ideologies, analyzing ideological change, and explaining ideologies' influence over conflict behavior. I emphasize that ideology overlaps with other drivers of conflict such as strategic interests and group identities, show how ideologies can affect conflict behavior through four distinct mechanisms – commitment, adoption, conformity and instrumentalization – and clarify the role of both conflict pressures and preexisting ideological conditions in ideological change. These microfoundational claims integrate existing empirical findings and offer a foundation for building deeper explanations and middle-range theories of ideology's role in armed conflict.

Trabajo presentado en el European Workshop on Experimental and Behavioral Economics (EWEBE), organizado por la Universidad de Bologna los días 26 y 27 de mayo de 2017 con el título: The impact of deliberative structures on voting behavio.--Trabajo presentado en los Bilkent Microeconomics Seminars organizados por la Bilkent University (Ankara, Turkey) el día 29 de noviembre de 2017 ; Inequalities in democracies are multi-faceted. They not only incorporate differences in economic opportunities, but also differences in access to information and social influence. In a lab experiment, we study the interaction of these inequalities to provide a better understanding of socio-political tensions in modern societies. We identify the tragedy of the elite, the dilemma that privileged access to information about a fundamental state that mediates political conflict creates lying incentives for the better informed. In our experiment, an electorate consists of two groups, one informed and one uninformed about an uncertain state of the world. Incentives depend on this state. Before voting the two groups can communicate. We study four different communication protocols which vary the access to communication channels of the two groups and are meant to represent societies with different degrees of openness. We hypothesize that the deliberative structures affect group identities, preferences, and voting. Our observed outcomes largely coincide with those predicted by our theoretical analysis. ; The authors gratefully acknowledge financial support from the Spanish Ministry of Economics and Competitiveness through Grant: ECO2017-88130 and through the Severo Ochoa Program for Centers of Excellence in R&D (SEV2015-0563), the Generalitat de Catalunya (Grant: 2017 SGR 1136) and the Antoni Serra Ramoneda (UAB – Catalunya Caixa) Research Chair as well as from the Graduate School of the Faculty of Business, Economics and Social Sciences, Universit¨at Hamburg. ; Peer reviewed

The article deals with the phenomenon of conflicts arising in the society of postcommunist transformation. Lithuaniais one of those countries where simultaneous political and social transformation and followed by legal andadministrative modernization has caused formely uknown numerous social conflicts. The old mechanisms for dealingwith new conflicts were unfit. Society became dismembered and divided.The article reviews an extent of conflicts in Lithuania, and how the state and society preserve the social orderfrom destruction. Conflict management along with its strong and weak features is under consideration. It further discussesthe following guidelines for developing a national system of conflict management:– the role and importance of public administration as a conciliatory institution;– the need for creating legal environment for conflict resolution through approving the mediation law;– strengthening individual and communal culture of dispute resolution though education and specialtraining of youth and professionals.

Aim: This article investigates the effects of two attacks and a failed coup attempt during 2016 on the tourist behavior. Foreign tourist data for the 2003-2019 period is analyzed to observe irregularities in Turkey's national tourism income. Design / Research methods: Linear regression, multivariate regression and regression based static forecasting methods are applied for modeling the relationships. These models are supported with statistical tests. Conclusions / findings: Results on this study are in accordance with the current literature in the sense that conflicts in 2016 caused a shift in tourist behavior which in turn impaired the tourism industry in Turkey. Repercussions did not endure longer than expected and Turkish tourism recovered rapidly, only facing a serious loss due to the shift in tourism demand trend. Originality / value of the article: This study makes an addition to the terror and tourism literature, especially for the Mediterranean region and specifically for Turkey both of which are among the most popular tourist destinations worldwide. The aftermath of attacks and the coup attempt in Turkey during 2016 have not been researched before. The data and the outcomes presented sufficient evidence to infer on this issue.

Militärdienst in Kriegsgebieten prägt das Leben von Millionen von Menschen weltweit. Ziel dieser Dissertation ist es, besser zu verstehen wie und weshalb junge Männer Praktiken und Strategien von Armeen ausgesetzt sind, und wie diese Erfahrungen ihr langfristiges Verhalten prägen. Die Arbeit enthält drei eigenständige Essays, die diese Themen jeweils theoretisch als auch empirisch behandeln. Die empirische Analyse nutzt selbst erhobene Umfragedaten von 760 angolanischen Veteranen, detaillierte Einblicke in den lokalen Kontext und den angolanischen Bürgerkrieg als ein natürliches Experiment um kausale Mechanismen zu identifizieren. Kapitel 2 argumentiert, dass ein nichtstaatlicher Kriegsakteur ähnlich wie ein Staatsakteur in der Lage sein kann lokal Steuern zu erheben und, dass ein solcher Akteur Wehrpflicht zur Rekrutierung einsetzt. Kapitel 3 offenbart, dass Soldaten, die mehr in lokaler `governance` mit der Armee involviert sind, in der Nachkriegszeit im Durchschnitt mehr zur Herstellung öffentlicher Gütern beitragen. Mehr Erfahrung mit sozialer Kooperation stimuliert die Teilnahme in Planungsprozessen, während eine Verschiebung der politischen Präferenzen Beiträge zur Bereitstellung der Güter fördert. Kapitel 4 zeigt, dass Erlebnisse sexueller Gewalt gegen Zivilistinnen auf lange Sicht das Risiko von Gewalttaten gegen die eigene Partnerin erhöhen. Der Grund ist eine nachhaltige Reduzierung psychologischer Barrieren gegenüber Gewalt gegen Frauen. Die Arbeit trägt zu mehreren Literaturen zu den langfristigen Ursprüngen menschlichen Verhaltens und der Mechanik und Folgen gewaltsamer Konflikte bei. Die Befunde stellen konventionelle Rekrutierungsmodelle in Frage, vorherrschende Theorien häuslicher Gewalt, sowie unser Verständnis davon, wie Krieg lokal Institutionen verändert. Die Ergebnisse zeigen neue Wege auf, wie Entwicklungspolitik kriegsbedingte Verhaltensmuster angehen und sich zunutze machen kann, um dadurch mehr Kooperation und weniger Gewalt zu schaffen. ; Military service in conflict zones strongly marks the lives of millions of people across the world. The objective of this thesis is to contribute to understanding how and why young men are exposed to practices and policies by armed groups, and how these experiences affect their behavior in the long run. The thesis presents three self-contained essays that all address this objective theoretically and empirically. The empirical analysis relies on primary survey data from 760 Angolan veterans, uses deep insights into the local context and exploits the Angolan Civil War as a natural experiment to identify causal mechanisms. Chapter 2 argues that a non-state armed actor may – like a state actor – have the ability to tax a local population and will choose conscription as its primary recruitment policy. Chapter 3 exposes that former soldiers who were more involved in local governance during the war are significantly more likely to participate in collective public good production more than a decade after the end of the war. Gaining experience with social cooperation increases contributions to organizing public goods, while a shift in political preferences fosters participation in their delivery. Chapter 4 shows that exposure to sexual violence by armed groups significantly increases an individual's long-term propensity to commit violence against an intimate partner. This effect is underpinned by a reduction of psychological barriers to violence against women. The thesis contributes to several literatures on the long-run individual-level origins of human behavior and on the conduct and consequences of armed conflict. The findings challenge conventional models of rebel recruitment, dominant theories of domestic violence and existing knowledge of how war affects local institutions. The findings can also help policymakers to tackle and leverage long-run impacts of conflict on behavior, in order to devise new policies for more cooperative and less violent societies.

Presently, there is armed conflict in Darfur, Sudan. Armed conflict has adversely affected the social, economic and educational development of Darfur, Sudan. Purpose of this study is to know the impact of armed conflict on managerial behavior of the principals of secondary schools in Darfur, Sudan. In this study, the impact of armed conflict on performance of the secondary school principals was analyzed in perspective of their managerial behavior. Based on the findings of the study significant impact of armed conflict was found on the managerial behavior of the principals. It was found that principals coordinated with the staff in activities of the school but were frightened and unable to perform their administrative and managerial duties freely and independently. There was communication gap between the principals, teachers and parents. The principals did not possess the skills to maintain school budget & finance properly. It was concluded that the principals need administrative and managerial training. Government of Sudan may establish academies of Educational Administration & Management to impart training to the principals of secondary schools and to take steps to control the existing armed conflict.

In organizations, a constructive dialogue between management and representatives of employees is essential to come to optimal decision making, prevent escalation of conflicts, and find integrative solutions for problems in the organization, related to the interests of employees. This social dialogue is in many countries, and especially within the European Union institutionalized. Elected and protected employee representatives (ERs), engage in social dialogue with management. This relation however is often conflictive. In this dissertation, we aim to gain a deeper understanding on the conflicts and conflict behaviors of ERs, particularly as perceived by their counterpart in the organization, being HR managers. This subject is understudied, however of great interest, both from academic and societal point of view. First, we developed a heuristic model for this dissertation (chapter 1), defining our key variables. We focus on perceived competences of ERs, in relation to task- and relationship conflicts between management and ERs, conflict behavior by ERs, and the perceived influence of ERs on decision making, as well as on the quality of this decision making. We did so through four different studies. Our first study is a systematic literature review on conflict and conflict behavior by ERs at organizational level related to the trust between the parties. We found only a very limited number of empirical studies, and particularly few quantitative studies, investigating these relations in this context. Our second, third and fourth studies are based on a large multi-national survey. This was conducted in 11 EC member states, with 614 HR-managers participating. Study two investigates the relations between perceived competences of ERs, their cooperative and competitive conflict behavior, and the perceived influence on decision making on traditional and innovative issues. Based on theories of competences, conflict behavior and influence, we tested our model, demonstrating that perceived competences are positively related with influence on both types of issues. This relation is partly mediated by conflict behavior. The theory of conglomerate conflict behavior is supported, with cooperative and competitive behavior contributing positively to perceived influence. Study three investigates the relations between task and relationship conflict, conflict behavior and the quality of agreements. We tested hypotheses bases on theories of team conflicts and conglomerate conflict behavior. We conclude that task and relationship conflict are both negatively related to quality of agreements, and that this is partly mediated by conflict behavior. In addition, the study shows that a) both types of conflict are positively related with competitive behavior, and negatively with cooperative behavior; and b) both types of behavior are positive related to quality of agreements. Study four takes a broader approach on the position of ERs in Europe. We elaborate perceptions of management on ERs, analyze differences between countries, and propose possible interventions to improve social dialogue. In our concluding chapter, we summarize our findings, and discuss theoretical and practical implications. ; Un diálogo constructivo entre la patronal y los representantes de los trabajadores (RTs) es clave para alcanzar una óptima toma de decisiones, prevenir el escalamiento de los conflictos, y encontrar soluciones integradoras para los problemas de la organización. Este diálogo social se encuentra ya institucionalizado en muchos países, especialmente en la Unión Europea. Esta tesis pretende comprender mejor los conflictos y comportamientos de gestión del conflicto de los RTs, particularmente desde la perspectiva de los directores de Recursos Humanos (RRHH), sus homólogos en la mesa de negociación. En primer lugar, desarrollamos un modelo heurístico (capítulo 1), definiendo nuestras variables de estudio. Nos centramos así en las competencias percibidas por la patronal de los RTs en relación a: a) los conflictos de tarea y relacionales; b) el comportamiento en el conflicto; c) la influencia en la toma de decisiones; y d) la calidad del proceso de toma de decisiones. Para cumplir dichos objetivos llevamos a cabo 5 estudios. El primer estudio (capítulo 2) consiste en una revisión sistemática de la literatura sobre los conflictos y el comportamiento en el conflicto por parte de los RTs, a nivel organizacional, en relación con la confianza entre las partes. El segundo (capítulo 3), tercer (capítulo 4) y cuarto estudio (capítulo 5) son empíricos y se basan en datos cuantitativos recogidos de 614 directores de RRHH en 11 países europeos. En el capítulo final (capítulo 6), resumimos nuestros hallazgos y discutimos las implicaciones teóricas y prácticas. El segundo estudio (capítulo 3) analiza las relaciones entre las competencias percibidas de los RTs, su comportamiento de gestión del conflicto (cooperativo y competitivo), y la influencia percibida en el proceso de toma de decisiones tanto en cuestiones de tipo tradicional como innovadoras. El estudio tres (capítulo 4) investiga las relaciones entre el conflicto de tarea y relacional el comportamiento de gestión de conflicto y la calidad de los acuerdos. El estudio cuatro (capítulo 5) adopta un enfoque más amplio sobre la posición de los RTs en Europa; en dicho capítulo profundizamos sobre las percepciones de los RTs por parte de la patronal analizando las diferencias más significativas entre los países participantes. Finalmente, concluimoseste estudio con posibles intervenciones para la mejora del diálogo social en la mesa de negociación.

Counterbalancing the narrative of youth as either helpless victims or ruthless perpetrators, a new generation of research in conflict settings focuses on their peacebuilding potential, including constructs such as prosocial behaviors and civic engagement. This paper prospectively examines trajectories of adolescent prosocial behaviors (N= 999; Time 1: M=12.18, SD=1.82, overall range 10-20 years old) over six consecutive years in Belfast, Northern Ireland. A dual change model found an initial shallow decrease in prosocial behaviors that dropped more sharply in later adolescence. Exposure to sectarianism related to an accelerated decrease in prosocial behaviors. Trajectories of prosocial behaviors positively related to later social and political engagement. Intervention implications address how to promote youth prosocial behaviors and civic engagement amid protracted political conflict.

In light of growing water scarcity, virtual water, or the water embedded in key water-intensive commodities, has been an active area of debate among practitioners and academics alike. As of yet, however, there is no consensus on whether water scarcity affects conflict behavior and we still lack empirical research intending to account for the role of virtual water in affecting the odds of militarized disputes between states. Using quantitative methods and data on virtual water trade, we find that bilateral and multilateral trade openness reduce the probability of war between any given pair of country, which is consistent with the strategic role of this important commodity and the opportunity cost associated with the loss of trade gains. We also find that the substantive effect of virtual water trade is comparable to that of oil and gas, the archetypal natural resources, in determining interstate conflicts' probability.