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For many developing countries, natural resource exports such as oil, diamonds and copper continue to be important drivers for economic growth and provide a unique opportunity for generating revenues for much-needed infrastructure and human development. Dependence on extractive resources, however, may also increase the likelihood of underdevelopment, fragility and conflict. The challenges for managing these resources efficiently are likely to expand, as a growing number of developing countries and fragile states emerge as oil and mineral producers. Thus, there is a need to gain a better understanding of the factors that may help prevent violent conflict in resource rich countries. This paper proposes that one way of gaining such understanding and insight is to "conflict-sensitize" the Extractive Industries Value Chain (EIVC), and use it as a framework for conflict prevention in resource-rich countries. In this context, the report's main objective is to examine the potential opportunities for conflict prevention along the extractive industries value chain. Such a body of knowledge can help the World Bank, the UN and EU, as well as client countries and other partners, in their planning and coordination of complementary activities when implementing their programmes and projects, particularly when working in the same resource-rich countries. This paper aims to demonstrate the feasibility and challenges faced by adopting a conflict-sensitive approach within the World Bank's EI Value Chain. The methodology used was a combined desk review and in-depth interviews with regional and country specialists, especially in governance/conflict prevention and extractive industries (Annex 1). The emphasis is on qualitative analysis. The four countries that were desk reviewed for the project, including Chile, Peru, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and Zambia, are all copper producers and were selected due to their heavy dependence on revenues from mining. This book is arranged as follows: (i) part one explains extractives, conflict prevention and the value chain; (ii) part two is about the EI value chain as framework for conflict prevention; (iii) part three talks about emerging themes and recommendation; and (iv) part four describes the four country examples and the emerging lessons.

The Law of International Conflict: Force, Intervention and Peaceful Dispute Settlement -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Abbreviations -- 1: Introduction -- 2: A Problem-Oriented Approach to International Law -- 3: The Prohibition of the Threat or Use of Force -- 3.1 Legal Strategies to Limit the Use and the Effects of Force in International Relations -- 3.2 From the Justa Causa Requirement to the Jus ad Bellum as an Element of State Sovereignty -- 3.3 The Prohibition of the Threat or Use of Force under the UN Charter -- 3.4 Enhancing the Prohibition of the Threat or Use of Force in International Relations -- 3.5 A Major Gap in the Charter System Prohibiting Force in International Relations: Non-International Armed Conflict -- 3.6 The Lawful Use of Force within the UN System of Collective Security -- 3.7 The Record of the un System of Collective Security during the Cold War -- 3.8 The Record of the un after the Cold War -- 3.9 Self-Defence -- 4: Non-Intervention in the Internal Affairs of States -- 4.1 Introduction: Conceptual Problems -- 4.2 The Evolution of the Principle of Non-Intervention -- 4.3 Non-Intervention Today: Still a Controversial Issue -- 5: The Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes -- 5.1 The Principle -- 5.2 The Main Methods of Dispute Settlement: General Remarks -- 5.3 Negotiation -- 5.4 Good Offices -- 5.5 Early Warning -- 5.6 Enquiry -- 5.7 Mediation -- 5.8 Conciliation -- 5.9 Arbitration and Adjudication -- 5.10 The un System for the Peaceful Settlement of Disputes -- Conclusion -- Index

This article examines the role of class divisions in critical social theory through Habermas' theory of law and democracy. It begins with Hegel's view that social freedom involves reconciliation with the modern division of labor, which in turn requires membership in 'estates', and his thoughts on their role in the state. While subsequent Left Hegelian thinkers reject these institutions as authoritarian, the melancholic tenor of much Frankfurt School social theory stems partly from their view that class divisions are not only entrenched, but also 'latent' and therefore not amenable to reconciliation through the political process that Hegel envisions. Habermas' conception of 'interchange roles' between the system and the lifeworld as sites of reification, but potentially of democratic contestation, synthesizes these lines of thought, by conceptualizing how the political mediation of class-based interests can be an ongoing possibility amidst a condition of latent class conflict.

This paper explores dilemmas facing social work in England in providing anti‐oppressive services for Travellers, particularly those who lack secure sites. A context is provided by outlining the conflict between Travellers and the majority society, and its expression in oppressive legislation, policy and practice. The implications of the corporate local authority role for relationships between Travellers and social services, and the specific history of Travellers and welfare, are also explored. The remainder of the paper draws on findings from a Nuffield‐funded study of policy and provision by English social services departments for Traveller children and families. Provision is undermined by mutually difficult relationships between Traveller communities and social services, and competing demands on social services in relation to professional values and support of Travellers' rights, and their simultaneous contribution to local authority control of unauthorized camping. However, newer developments in some social services departments may be able to generate more positive relationships with Travellers, to promote their individual and cultural rights, and build partnerships with voluntary agencies which have a significant role in work with Travellers. The implications for social services departments wishing to develop their policies and practice with Traveller families are outlined.

This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and Israel during the quarter from 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018. Highlights include: U.S. president Donald Trump pledged to move the U.S. embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and formally recognized Jerusalem as Israel's capital, reversing decades of U.S. policy. His decision provoked an international backlash, sparked a wave of protests and clashes in the occupied Palestinian territories, and compromised his own diplomatic efforts. The Israelis celebrated Trump's decision, while the Palestinians cited it as an illustration of the United States' pro-Israel bias and as the reason for their rejection of U.S. mediation in any future peace talks. Outraged, Trump ordered punitive cuts to U.S. humanitarian aid designated for Palestinian refugees, further undercutting any peace initiative, which advisors insisted was still under way. The Palestinians began pursuing a new, multilateral framework to continue the peace process. Amid these developments, the Palestinian national reconciliation process stalled once again.

This paper is aims to answer how Henry Dunant Centre (HDC) and Crisis Management Initiatives (CMI) can be engaged to facilitate the settlement of the conflict in Aceh between the Indonesian government and GAM. In international relations, the role of official diplomacy or first track diplomacy is not always successful in resolving conflicts, especially internal conflicts. Therefore, internal conflicts are usually resolved not through official institutions but by international non-governmental organization (NGO) known as un-official diplomacy or track two diplomacies. Flexibility and neutral nature make NGO becomes easier to be involved and accepted by all parties without being tied to the protocol or the fear of lack of recognition in sovereignty and legitimacy. NGO focus full concentration to the problems he was facing made him better able to understand the problems and relatively unencumbered by limitation of time. The risk faced when facilitating or mediating role he did fail was not too heavy, for the NGO itself and for the parties involved in the conflict. It became reason why HDC and CMI more accepted as third party actor to resolve internal conflict than any other official actors. By using peacemaking as framework of conflict resolution offered by Johan Galtung, this paper shown HDC and CMI successfully held some mediation and negotiation between GAM and RI in January 2005 by brings the result with the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) GAM and Government of the Republic of Indonesia in August 2005. The signing of MoU draft is an achievement that very important and essential for conflict resolution in Aceh.

Two experiments investigated the hypothesis that strategic behavioral mimicry can facilitate negotiation outcomes. Study 1 used an employment negotiation with multiple issues, and demonstrated that strategic behavioral mimicry facilitated outcomes at both the individual and dyadic levels: Negotiators who mimicked the mannerisms of their opponents both secured better individual outcomes, and their dyads as a whole also performed better when mimicking occurred compared to when it did not. Thus, mimickers created more value and then claimed most of that additional value for themselves, though not at the expense of their opponents. In Study 2, mimicry facilitated negotiators' ability to uncover underlying compatible interests and increased the likelihood of obtaining a deal in a negotiation where a prima facie solution was not possible. Results from Study 2 also demonstrated that interpersonal trust mediated the relationship between mimicry and deal-making. Implications for our understanding of negotiation dynamics and interpersonal coordination are discussed.

Cover -- Table of Contents -- Foreword -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- I. The Common Sense: An Illustration -- II. Unpacking the Common-Sense Narrative -- A. The "Worst Crimes" -- B. Perpetrated by Male Monsters against "Innocent" (Female) Victims -- C. Criminal Law Will End Sexual Violence in Conflict -- D. Sexual Violence Prevents Peace -- III. Countering the Common Sense: A Preview -- 1. Sexual Violence in Conflict and Women's Human Rights: A Genealogy -- I. Mainstream Responses to Wartime Rape in the Former Yugoslavia -- II. Early Feminist Engagement with Human Rights -- A. Liberal Inclusion Approaches -- B. Structural-Bias Critiques -- C. Third World Feminist Critiques -- III. "Women's Rights Are Human Rights" at Vienna -- A. Culturally Sensitive Universalism -- B. Violence against Women -- C. Sexual Violence in Conflict -- IV. The Turn to Criminal Law -- V. Unintended Consequences: A Prelude -- 2. Calling in the Troops -- I. Military Humanitarian Intervention after the End of the Cold War -- II. Feminist Debates over the Meaning of Rape in the Yugoslavian Conflict -- A. Genocidal Rape versus Rape on All Sides -- B. Genocidal Rape and Ethnic Essentialism -- C. Shared Assumption: The Force of Shame -- III. The Military Stakes of Finding Rape: The Case of Libya -- IV. The Continuation of Crisis Governance -- 3. Calling in the Judges: The Former Yugoslavia -- I. Feminist Engagement with the ICTY Statute and Rules -- II. The Mediation of Feminist Disagreements -- III. Solidifying the Common Sense: Jurisprudence on Rape and Sexual Violence -- A. The Worst Harm -- B. Sexual Agency and Ethnic Difference -- IV. Adding to the Common Sense: Male Victims -- 4. Calling in the Judges: Rwanda -- I. The Doctrinal Function of Shame -- A. The ICTR Charges against Akayesu -- B. The ICTR's Reasoning in Akayesu -- C. Feminist Reasoning and Akayesu.

This article presents a framework of reflection which purpose is to stand out the importance, for the school field, of the conflict procedure in a positive way from the pedagogy in order to coexistence, since transforming mediation. Is clear that the conflict is inherent to the human being, but the coexistence too and this it's part of the coexistence, therefore, is essential and unavoidable, to promote an understanding of the conflict, as a source of learning, development and personal growth that in a democratic society which it's regulated by dialogue and tolerance, it founds its space and expression field. To form and promote the attitudes that makes from the conflict a development opportunity, it represents a contemporary view of education, and it means a change opportunity for the society. Key words: conflict, pedagogy, transforming mediation, classroom, dialogue, coexistence. ; En el presente artículo se ofrece un marco de reflexión que tiene como propósito destacar la importancia, para el ámbito escolar, de la gestión del conflicto en forma positiva desde la pedagogía para la convivencia y la mediación transformadora. Es claro que el conflicto es inherente al ser humano, pero la convivencia también, y éste forma parte de la convivencia; por tanto, es fundamental e ineludible promover una comprensión del conflicto como fuente de aprendizaje, desarrollo y maduración personal, que en una sociedad democrática que se rige por el diálogo y la tolerancia, encuentra su espacio y ámbito de expresión. Formar, promover y fomentar las actitudes que hacen del conflicto una oportunidad de desarrollo, representa una visión contemporánea de la educación y significa una oportunidad de cambio para la sociedad.Palabras clave: conflicto, pedagogía, mediación transformadora, aula de clase, diálogo, convivencia.

Der neue Sicherheitsmechanismus der OAU ist als Instrument zur Reaktion auf zwischenstaatliche wie innerstaatliche Krisen und Konflikte konzipiert. Damit ist eine Differenzierung zwischen dem Gebot der Nichteinmischung und der Verpflichtung zu "humanitären Interventionen" notwendig. Der vorliegende Beitrag beschreibt das Mandat und die Arbeitsstruktur des Mechanismus und ordnet ihn in die allgemeine Entwicklung völkerrechtlicher Standards ein. Dabei werden auch die rechtlichen Schwierigkeiten bei der Begründung und Definition humanitärer Interventionen thematisiert. (DÜI-Spl)