Non-governmental organizations participate more than two decades on post-conflict reconstruction & peace-building. They participated on reconstruction of Bosnia & Herzegovina, Angola & Haiti. Existing experiences with post-conflict reconstruction shows that NGOs play a positive roles in the process. On the basis of analysis of post-conflict reconstruction in various countries the author thinks that the positive relationship between NGOs & governments by the post-conflict reconstruction & peace-building is weakening. Why after more than decade of successful evolution of relationship between NGOs & governments in the process of post-conflict reconstruction the skepticism about this relationship emerges? On the case study of post-conflict reconstruction of Afghanistan the possible answer will be offered. Adapted from the source document.
This study analyses the causes of the fall of the Chechen state after its de facto independence (1996-1999) following the so-called First Russian-Chechen War (1994-1996). The failed incursion of the (predominantly Wahhabi) Chechen-Dagestani guerillas in Dagestan (August 1999), designed to inflame a regional rebellion against Russia, resulted in the current Second Russian-Chechen War. The Chechen state's failure was mainly caused by internal factors, primarily the 'clanish' division of Chechen society & customary legal norms (eg., blood feuds), but also the spread of political Islam & the expansion of North Caucasian Wahhabism. Considering recent attempts to extend the conflict over Chechnya's borders, this field continues to be of immense import. In Dagestan, Ingushetia, Kabardino-Balkaria & elsewhere, processes similar to those being studied may be better understood following this study. Adapted from the source document.
The purpose of this study is to analyse the role of civil society in the de facto states of the South Caucasus in the process of conflict transformation. It is based on a field research of the civil society organizations in Abkhazia and Nagorno Karabakh. The data were collected by the methods of expert interviews, semi-structured interviews and participant observation. The role of Abkhazian and Karabakh civil society organizations in the conflict transformation is identified as not only positive, but also as having some negative aspects. The study also makes some general remarks concerning the theory of conflict transformation. Adapted from the source document.
The aim of the paper is to examine interconnections between the process of state-building and the process of nation-building during a period of post-conflict reconstruction. The specific case of the current reconstruction process in Kosovo is exceptional due to extensive international support expressed through political and economic means. Regardless of efforts towards reform made by powerful members of the international community, future sustainability may be questioned. An alternative to the currently favoured institutional approach is provided by the work of Barry Buzan on the state, which puts an emphasis on the idea of the state, assuming integration between territorial, societal and political aspects. The conclusion presented in this article might be used as a lesson learnt from previous mistakes in work dealing with ethnically divided societies, for which it is not sufficient to provide institutional structures without an adequate socio-political reconstruction of existing conditions. If a society is not adequately adapted to the newly-established situation, the institutional structures will not be able to fulfil their key functions completely. Furthermore, it has to be clear that any possible reconstruction of institutional bases must be attempted only with a deep consideration of specific local conditions; otherwise its sustainability is doubtful. ; The aim of the paper is to examine interconnections between the process of state-building and the process of nation-building during a period of post-conflict reconstruction. The specific case of the current reconstruction process in Kosovo is exceptional due to extensive international support expressed through political and economic means. Regardless of efforts towards reform made by powerful members of the international community, future sustainability may be questioned. An alternative to the currently favoured institutional approach is provided by the work of Barry Buzan on the state, which puts an emphasis on the idea of the state, assuming integration ...
The author uses the concept of reconciliation processes/reconciliation issues, which is usually used in the environment of churches or in applied theological discourses respectively, in connection with the specific contribution of Christian churches to the historical settlement & reconciliation among the European states & nations after the 2nd World War, especially in Central Europe. He analyses & compares in detail the Polish-German & Czech-German issues. While thanks to the important position of the Church (or churches) in the Polish & German societies, these activities (or initiatives) met with a great response as early as the 1960s -- and gained a great importance also on the official level of the (West-)German-Polish relations, in the Czechoslovak-(West-)German relations, this factor long remained absent or entirely marginal. But after the political change(s) of 1989 the churches became involved in the shaping of the newly formed bilateral relations between the unified Germany & the successor states of former Czechoslovakia & greatly contributed to their having a deeper anchorage in Europe. The author backs up in a detailed way the relevance of this phenomenon, especially in Czech-German relations (or generally in church initiatives/activities with a German participation), but less so in the mutual relations (and initiatives) between the Central European churches. On the contrary, the previously highly visible church engagement in the Polish-German case fell off in the 1990s. The Central European churches gradually naturally realized again the advantages & difficulties of their role as a trans-national/non-state actor -- and as one of the important players of the so-called public diplomacy. This role culminated in the 1990s in connection with their social & political emancipation in the post-communist states -- and at the same time it started to dwindle in importance as a consequence of the secularization processes which accelerated considerably & often a surprisingly during the 1990s (and also in the subsequent years) in this part of Europe. Adapted from the source document.
The evolution of Czech sociology, from its outset up until the present time, has had four lasting features: a tendency to put too much emphasis on personal grudges, a deep interest in the serious problems of the time, an ability for forming well-grounded statements on contemporary issues, & a natural plurality of opinions. These features are evident still in contemporary Czech sociology. In the postcommunist period, Czech sociology managed to come to terms with some of the more shadowy aspects of its past (cooperation with the regime) without any personal conflicts & was able to relatively quickly fill in the information gap in relationship to Western sociology. Several alternative interpretations of the transformation processes were formulated, & some neglected subject areas were cultivated. Impulses stemming from globalization are accepted in a critical & relatively reasonable manner, but there is a tangible lack of study devoted to cultural processes & the influence of mass media on society. Czech sociology has thus come to terms with the trauma that accompanies every fundamental social change, & has done so in a rational & practical manner.
The article deals with the conception of cleavages & the prerequisites and/or possibilities for its application in the study of modern collective action. First, a brief history of the concept is introduced & some of its key later interpretations & elaborations are used to clarify the original theories of social divides & political conflicts, & to explore their structure, character & actors in more detail. On the grounds of these suggestions, the article reviews the cleavage "freezing" thesis & discusses the processes of transformation of modern cleavages, as well as the rise of "new politics" & "new social movements." Finally, a model of cleavage hybridization is proposed in order to explain the character, political context & history of some major present-day social movements. Adapted from the source document.
The article analyses the evolution of the Slovak political party "Smer" (Direction) and its position in the party system of Slovak Republic. The article focuses on the shift of the party program from the "Centrist Populism" towards "Social Democracy." According to the first program documents the Party of "Smer" (Direction) was designed as pragmatic, non-ideological party. In the persistent conflict between authoritarianism vs. democracy "Smer" identified itself as the pro-democratic and pro-market force. Party policy before 2002 contained only few social democratic components; it was closer to the conservative or right-wing populist parties. After the parliamentary election 2002 and the failure of non-communist left "Smer" decided to become a member of the Socialist International (SI) and Party of European Socialists (PES). The process of the institutional approach to the international Social Democratic Party structures was accompanied by the substantial changes in the social and economic program of the party. The process was completed on the institutional level in May 2005, when Smer joined both SI and PES, and on the level of political program on the Party Congress in December 2005. In the process of so called "socialdemocratisation" of "Smer" the international factor played crucial role, especially the need to have an international partner in the European Parliament. "Smer" met the standards of the Social Democratic identity only in the social and economic affairs. The other five dimensions - environmental policy, participative democracy, cultural and human-rights dimension, supra-national dimension and the dimension of equality and freedom "Smer" met only partially or not at all, so these process remains unfinished. According to some political declarations "Smer" remains the populist party and the uncompromising critic of the right-wing government of Mikuláš Dzurinda, on the other side the official documents of the party anticipate only the moderate corrections of the economical and social reforms, ...
This article analyses the evolutionary process of the Romanian party system during the years 19892004. The Romanian party system went through rapid development after the overthrow of the Ceausescu regime, a process that has not yet ended (this opinion relates mainly to center and right parties). The developmental periods of the party system are divided on the basis of parliamentary elections, since these elections and their results always represent a new situation in the party scene. The main part of the article describes the development and political program individual party subject Romanian party system. The classical division into left, center and right parties is applied to the location of political parties with respect to disputability in the Romanian political context. Besides the classical political parties, it is also possible to identify relatively strong ethnic parties and special party families. In the present state (after the 2004 election) it is possible to characterize the situation as conflict between two main poles -- centrist ("Truth and Justice") and post-communist (Social Democratic Party). Christian National Peasant Party Christian Democratic; socialist Socialist Workers Party; ethnic Hungarian Democratic Federation of Romanian, and radical continuity parties (mainly Great Romania Party) can all be defined as secondary poles. Extreme right parties are minor and insignificant. The Communist party family has no relevant representative. Adapted from the source document.
The goal of the study is to research the coalition strategies of the Slovak political parties in the municipal elections. Two basic research questions are raised: 1. When do parties let themselves be part of a coalition, and when do they take part in the elections on their own?; and 2. What is the underlying logic of coalition formation?. On the basis of these questions we propose several hypotheses which are tested by use of statistical methods. In the cases of HZDS, KDH and ANO, the study argues that there are significant connections between the national and municipal levels, which are expressed in two dimensions: a.) conflicts on the national level expressed in terms of the coalition – opposition divide are carried down to the municipal level and become an important factor in coalition formation; b.) specific organizational patterns are crucial for the parties' behaviour on the municipal level. These patterns, meanwhile, depend on processes that occur on the central level.
The article seeks to describe & interpret recent trends within the Swedish party system. The point of departure for analysis is twofold: (1) to describe past development of patterns of cooperation & conflict among Swedish political parties, (2) an examination of P. Mair's concepts on the structure of party system competition & party system change, which are applied to the Swedish case. Special attention is given to the process of formation of the right-wing as well as the left-wing blocs. The aim of the article is to explain why & under what circumstances these blocs emerged, considering the fact that these blocs were at times almost invisible, at times only slightly salient. Moreover, party cooperation often took place across bloc lines. This analysis of past trends serves as a basis for understanding up-to-date developments within the right-wing bloc & particularly left-wing parties, which -- for the first time in the Swedish party politics history -- have recently declared their intention to form an election alliance & even a government coalition after the 2010 parliamentary elections. The article also discusses the question of whether these trends might lead to a specific version of the two-party system. Adapted from the source document.
International negotiation & communication contribute to the improvement of international relations. Negotiation between states & also other subjects of international relations is one of basic forms of its function. First of all, it is necessary to characterize negotiation as a phenomenon & also its key elements. It is possible to start with the definition of elementary words in this field such as communication, negotiation, & diplomacy, & also its mutual connections. Next step is a characteristic of several basic variables, which we can see in all negotiations without respect to when, where, & on which theme the negotiation is occurring -- information, time & power. Negotiation is also characterized as a process with its phases & dynamics. Basic phases are analysis of subject, planning of possible solutions & discussion -- it means full negotiation. Elementary styles of negotiation are also part of this characteristic. Two key categories represent positional & principal negotiation. Cultural aspects of negotiation, especially in international relations are another important part. These aspects arise from definition of culture, cultural dimension of international relations, also intercultural communication & necessity of its understanding. Values paradigm (system of basic values) & characteristics of different cultures also play a very important part. These values cooperate on the creation of different approaches of these cultures, members to negotiation, & the use of different styles. Crucial are in this sense e.g. using of language or time & also one of the basic classifications on individualistic & interdependent ethoses, with low-context or high-context negotiation style. In the context of international negotiation it is possible to come up different variants of negotiation. There are, first of all, bilateral or multilateral negotiation or mediation & good offices and, of course, inquiry, conciliation, arbitration & jurisdictional disputes. Examined are many elements eg., style, strategy (used during negotiation), selection of group of participants, formulation of agenda, venue of negotiation, proceedings, decision-making & many other questions in these styles. It is necessary to mention that in current international practice negotiation is one of the main legitimate methods of resolving conflicts, & above all preventing of such conflicts. Adapted from the source document.
