Suchergebnisse

The World Bank commissioned this report as part of a set of studies concerned with the Uganda Demobilization and Reintegration Program and the Amnesty Commission. The study represents one element of the set of studies which included the Final Independent Evaluation of the Uganda Emergency Demobilization and Reintegration Project (UgDRP), Reporter Reintegration Survey and Community Dynamics Survey, and a study on the relationship between the Amnesty Commission and its DDR Implementing Partners study. The background field work and research for this study was integrated into the overall background research and fieldwork for the set of studies. In this study the focus of the analysis is on processes of reintegration rather than the achievement of a static marker of reintegration. In other words rather than examining the experience of reporters to identify the ones who are reintegrated and the ones who are not, the study examines the complex interplay of elements in the process of social and economic reintegration to identify which drivers have most influenced (positively and negatively) the reintegration process in which reporters are and have been engaged. The study identifies the drivers of successful or unsuccessful reintegration and the crosscutting dynamics such as gender, tradition, poverty and economic markets that exacerbate the impact of drivers of reintegration on the lives of reporters and communities. The report presents actionable findings that can inform future programming in the area. The overall purpose of the study is to provide an analysis of the drivers of reintegration and to identify the distinguishing features of successful reintegration amongst reporters.

After his first meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in 1996, Bill Clinton vented his fury before his staff about his visitor's apparent presumptions about the balance of power in the bilateral relationship. "Who the f**k does he think he is?," Clinton reportedly bellowed. "Who's the f**king superpower here?" Twenty-seven years later, another American president should be asking himself the same question about the very same Bibi Netanyahu and the country he leads. Forgive me for not taking seriously the repetitio ad nauseam statement that "the Biden administration has been working hard to change Israeli policy." Too many defenders of our policy towards the tragedy of Gaza usually add the comment that it is not "politically feasible" to issue a demand and then crack down on the Netanyahu government if it does not comply for fear of the backlash from the powerful so-called Israel lobby. Are Biden's apologists telling us that the United States, and by extension its president, is a powerless weakling reduced to begging the leader of a small country that owes the U.S. for its very existence to do far more to protect the lives and welfare of the inhabitants of Gaza, who have suffered three months of —in Biden's own words — 'indiscriminate bombing'? The situation in Gaza is now so bad that the UN's humanitarian chief declared the Gaza Strip "uninhabitable" as of last Saturday.Biden is president of the United States, still the most powerful country in the world by almost every measure and a country without whose support Israel has no future. A firm public demand to cease and desist immediately would have enormous domestic political repercussions in Israel — far less in the United States. Biden would not have to publicly threaten to cut off weapons deliveries; a few words delivered in private to Netanyahu and a few members of his war cabinet would probably suffice. Most of Netanyahu's government would desert him. Even the most hawkish of the Israel Defense Forces' leadership would not want to test an American president's resolve. Netanyahu's refusal would accelerate the departure of secular Israelis from the country — alongside many Haredim, especially those who hold U.S. passports. A decisive American president can do anything he wants, whether or not a powerful lobby opposes him. Eisenhower did it, forcing David Ben Gurion to withdraw from Sinai in 1956. Carter did it, in his "walk in the woods" at Camp David in 1978, forcing Menachem Begin to abandon Sinai settlements and agree to a peace treaty with Egypt. Reagan did it in June 1982, forcing Begin to order a ceasefire in Beirut. George H. W. Bush did it in 1991, withholding $10 billion in aid after Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir refused to stop settlement construction. Israel caved in each case. No one believes Netanyahu is made of the same stuff as Ben Gurion, Golda Meir, Menachem Begin nor Yitzhak Shamir.Biden seems not to understand that his stance supports Netanyahu's political survival, not the long-term interests of Israel. Bibi does not care how much damage he does to Israel as long as he stays out of jail. He has sacrificed the Jewish homeland to his personal interests. He and his government have presided over a slaughter of innocent civilians unprecedented in any of Israel's previous wars. Their rhetoric reinforces the view gaining currency across the globe that Israel has decided to ethnically cleanse the Palestinians from their homeland; South Africa has brought a case of genocide before the International Court of Justice which is scheduled to take it up later this week.Israel's war against the Palestinians has reignited the perception among the vast majority of countries in the so-called Global South that the Palestinians are the new manifestation of the conflict against colonialism and imperialism. UN votes demanding a cease-fire have grown increasingly one-sided against Israel, further isolating the U.S. in the process. If Israel's bloody campaign against Gaza does not end soon, the Abraham Accords between Israel and four Arab countries may survive in name only; popular revulsion against Israel in those countries will rob them of any value. Biden owes it to Israel, a country long dear to his heart, to stop Netanyahu's recklessness and that of his nationalist-religious extremist allies.Netanyahu has no plan for the post war. Instead, it appears that he has a plan to keep the war going as long as he can, possibly by attacking Lebanon (which Biden "firmly" opposes), not to mention depopulating Gaza by forcing its now-homeless inhabitants into Sinai or deporting them elsewhere (which Biden also "firmly" opposes). Left unchecked, Netanyahu's intransigence will drag the United States into military actions we do not need; American hawks are now demanding we bomb the Houthis. Tomorrow, it might well be hostilities with Iran.Biden's continued, full-throated support for Netanyahu mystifies. His initial embrace of Israel and unconditional material and moral support were to be expected. It was an emotional reaction to the horrors of October 7. While Biden has earned a great deal of praise for his handling of the Ukraine war, Israel's war in Gaza has shifted American attention from Ukraine. In effect, the American president has become bogged down dealing with a war marginal to American interests and diverting attention and resources from a conflict whose outcome is a vital interest to the United States. Biden's policies have caused others to see America as either weak or complicit. He has allowed Netanyahu to get away with "flipping the finger" to the United States, a serious blow to the prestige of the superpower.The Gaza war has also dealt a serious, if not mortal, blow to Biden's reelection. Given its large Arab-American population, Michigan is lost. Ohio, Minnesota, and Wisconsin also have significant Muslim and Arab populations. He is about to lose the Armenian vote unless someone cracks down on the hoodlums who have viciously attacked Armenian clergy in Jerusalem. As a politician rooted firmly in the 1990s — especially the 1992 Clinton-Bush face-off — Biden may fear the loss of Jewish support in the coming election. That fear looks misplaced. A recent survey indicates that nearly half of young Jewish-Americans do not support his current policies towards Israel, while Christian Zionists, who form a significant part of the Republican base, are unlikely to vote for Biden in any event. One also wonders why Biden, if politics are indeed the driver of a misguided policy, would support a foreign politician who has demonstrated his hostility towards every Democratic president since 1993.Biden has a very short window within which he can cut off Netanyahu before he can carry out his apparent war aim to depopulate Gaza and carry the conflict to Lebanon and possibly beyond — a conflict, in other words that could very well drag American forces into another endless Middle Eastern war. A quick and decisive decision, combined with real diplomacy to exploit the crisis and craft a workable solution to 75 years of Israeli-Palestinian conflict, would recover America's reputation.Now is the time, in other words, for the superpower in this relationship to assert its own interests.

A survey of official reactions from 11 Global South states outside the Middle East/North Africa region — Brazil, Mexico, Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, Bangladesh, India, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, and Vietnam — reveals a consensus on condemnation of Hamas' attacks. But their statements differ on who's to blame, what's the solution, and what to do next. Most of the states selected in this survey are among the Global South's key middle powers. Four smaller or less influential states — Bangladesh, Kenya, Malaysia, and Singapore — also included.In Latin America, Brazil said it "condemns the series of bombings and ground attacks carried out today in Israel from the Gaza Strip (and) expresses condolences to the families of the victims and expresses its solidarity with the people of Israel.""There is no justification for resorting to violence, especially against civilians," the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs wrote in a statement. "The Brazilian Government urges all parties to exercise maximum restraint in order to avoid escalating the situation."Brazil also "reiterates its commitment to the two-state solution...within mutually agreed and internationally recognized borders" and "reaffirms that the mere management of the conflict does not constitute a viable alternative for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian issue, and the resumption of peace negotiations is urgent."Brazilian President Luiz Inacio "Lula" Da Silva also expressed his "rejection of terrorism in any of its forms" and called for a two-state solution. Brazil, as the United Nations Security Council president for October, called a closed emergency session of the Council this weekend. The meeting failed to agree on a statement.Mexico's foreign ministry "condemns the attacks suffered by the people of Israel (and) calls for an end to this inappropriate violence...to avoid an escalation that (will cause) greater...suffering to the civilian population."The Mexican statement also argued that it is "essential to resume the process of direct and good faith negotiations between both parties...within the framework of the two-state solution...within mutually agreed upon and internationally recognized secure borders in accordance with (United Nations resolutions)."Turning to Africa, Kenya's Ministry of Foreign and Diaspora Affairs "condemns, in the strongest terms possible, the unprovoked attack by Hamas militants" and called on both sides to "exercise restraint and seek a negotiated agreement" to the conflict.Nigeria, for its part, said it is "deeply concerned" at the "outbreak of hostilities between Israel and Hamas" and "calls for de-escalation and ceasefire" and a "peaceful resolution of the conflict through dialogue."South Africa called for an "immediate cessation of violence, restraint and peace." "The new conflagration has arisen from...illegal occupation of Palestine land, desecration of Al Aqsa mosque & Christian holy sites and ongoing oppression of the Palestinian people," the South African foreign ministry said in a statement on Saturday, calling for a return to the "1967 internationally recognized borders with East Jerusalem as capital" and also mentioning "the right of return."Looking at Asia, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was quoted as saying he is "deeply shocked by the news of terrorist attacks in Israel, adding that he and his government "stand in solidarity with Israel." The Indian foreign ministry had not issued a press release on the crisis at the time of writing.Bangladesh's Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that it "denounces the ongoing armed conflict between Israel and Palestine and deplores the resultant loss of innocent civilian lives (and) calls for an immediate ceasefire.""Living under the Israeli occupation and forced settlements in Palestinian territory will not bring peace," the statement continued, adding that Bangladesh "supports a two-state solution, Palestine and Israel, living side by side as independent states free of occupation following UN Resolutions No. 242 and 338."Indonesia's Ministry of Foreign Affairs said it "is deeply concerned with the escalation of conflict between Palestine and Israel.""Indonesia urges the immediate end of violence," the statement said. "The root of the conflict, namely the occupation of the Palestinian territories by Israel, must be resolved, in accordance with the parameters agreed upon by the UN."Vietnam said it is "profoundly concerned" and called "on relevant parties to exercise restraint" and "refrain from taking actions that complicate the situation." Hanoi added that it calls on "relevant parties" to "soon resume negotiations to resolve disagreements through peaceful means, on the basis of international law and the relevant resolutions of the UN Security Council."Meanwhile, Singapore stated that it "strongly condemns the rocket and terror attacks from Gaza on Israel, which have resulted in deaths and injuries of many innocent civilians.""We call for an immediate end to the violence and urge all sides to do their utmost to protect the safety and security of civilians," said a spokesperson for Singapore's foreign ministry.Malaysia said it "is deeply concerned over the loss of so many lives due to the latest escalation of clashes in and around the Gaza Strip. At this critical time...parties must exercise utmost restraint and de-escalate.""The root cause must be acknowledged," the statement continued. "The Palestinians have been subjected to the prolonged illegal occupation, blockade and sufferings, the desecration of Al-Aqsa, as well as the politics of dispossession at the hands of Israel as the occupier.""There should be no...flagrant hypocrisy in dealing with any regime that practices apartheid and blatantly violates...international law," Malaysia's foreign ministry added. "Palestinians have the legal right to live in a state of peace within its own recognised borders based on pre-1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital."While each of these 11 states has, as one could expect, condemned the horrific attack by Hamas, their statements reveal different leanings on Israel. India (though an official foreign ministry statement is still not out) currently seems closest to the Israeli and American position, by invoking terrorism with no mention of de-escalation, the two-state solution, or key UN resolutions on Palestine. Singapore too invokes terrorism. Kenya mentions terrorism indirectly, but calls the Hamas attack "unprovoked." Though the official Brazilian statement does not mention the T word, Lula's comments clearly label the Hamas attacks as terrorism.The seven other states have not characterized the attack as terrorism. Nigeria however avoids criticizing Israel and couches its calls to peace in general terms. Bangladesh, Indonesia, Malaysia, and South Africa criticize Israel and specifically cite the Israeli occupation as the root cause. Brazil, Mexico and Vietnam stay focused on restraint, the two-state solution and UN resolutions or relevant international law. If we were to project these reactions on a spectrum of the degree of alignment to U.S. and Israeli positions on the crisis (admittedly a challenging task due to the complexity of the issues involved and the early stage of the responses), India and Kenya seem to be at the end closest to the U.S. and Israel. They are followed by Singapore and Nigeria. Brazil, Mexico, and Vietnam appear to be next.At the other end of this spectrum, and thus relatively the least aligned with Israeli and U.S. positions, lie Bangladesh, Indonesia, Malaysia, and South Africa. If the violence in the Middle East escalates much more, as seems likely, expect the diplomatic action to move to the United Nations. We will then know much more about where Global South states stand on the matter.

Inspired by the Bologna Process and other globalising influences from modern higher education, and driven by policy reform for national development after the ravages of the 1994 conflict and genocide, Rwanda's tertiary education has embarked on a number of policy reform for national development after the ravages of the 1994 conflict and genocide, Rwanda's tertiary education has embarked on a number of policy reforms that have ushered in expectations, requirements and demands that call for both reinvigorated and new academic literacies in undergraduate study since 2007. With its aim of producing a highly skilled human resource as a panacea for Rwanda's social and economic development deficits, the tertiary education curriculum is more than never before focused on outcomes that are linked to further education and the labour market. However, one of the problems to contend with is academic and professional under- preparedness of students entering and exiting undergraduate study, respectively. Theoretically these developments involve distancing oneself from a previous pedagogy whereby the teacher imparts knowledge to the student but instead places greater responsibility on the student to search for knowledge either individually or in a group, as well as critically examine and be able to argue a point of view in writing and through other modes of communication. Therefore, this study has been informed especially by the New Literacy Studies and the Academic Literacies Approach to understanding the development of tertiary academic literacies. The study has also been inspired by the concept of educational scaffolding. It is against this backdrop that my study set out to investigate the academic literacies requested in undergraduate study, and to explore approaches adopted by tertiary learning institutions in the country to embed academic literacies acquisition into the mainstream curriculum over the last decade. Furthermore, the study sought to explore how technology is integrated at different levels to support the acquisition of academic literacies, including technological and information literacies. In order to achieve the aforementioned, the study embarked on a qualitative blend of cross-sectional and longitudinal research designs. Principal data were gathered from official documents obtained from the government and tertiary learning institutions. Drawing on the synergies of qualitative content analysis and intertextual analysis, the documentary data were analysed and then qualitatively interpreted. The data were supplemented by a couple of questionnaire mini-surveys which were also subjected to qualitative analysis. The findings indicate that a new and expanded definition of literacy in the 21st century implies students' development of a set of interrelated and transferable academic competences which are elaborated in the thesis. Curriculum discourses show that there is a shift of curricular and pedagogical emphasis from general linguistic competence as a vehicle for developing academic literacies to a more integrated embedment of a number of literacies including English for Specific Purposes (ESP), study skills, as well as information, communication and technological literacies. Regarding the use of ICT as a scaffolding tool for learning, findings show that the use of technologies has the potential to support students' processes of academic literacies development from a highly dependent level to a more autonomous level, given that the ICT integration policies and strategies could fully materialise. ; Inspirerad av Bologna Processen och andra globala strömningar inom modern högskolepedagogik har man i Rwanda inlett en mängd policy reformer inom högre utbildning för att skapa nationell utveckling efter den förödande konflikten och folkmordet 1994. Sedan 2007 ställs nya förväntningar och krav på studenter inom den grundläggande högskoleutbildningen som skapar behov av att förstärka det som i forskningen benämns som 'new literacies'. Teoretiskt tar denna strömning avstånd från en tidigare pedagogik där läraren ger studenten kunskap och lägger i stället ett allt större ansvar på studenten att enskilt eller i grupp kunna söka kunskap, kritiskt granska och kunna argumentera för en ståndpunkt i skrift. Utbildning, och särskilt högre utbildning, ses som ett universalmedel för att råda bot för Rwandas sociala och ekonomiska underutveckling. Nya krav ställs också på att utbildningen både ska ha ett relevant akademiskt ämnesinnehåll som kan leda till fortsatt utbildning och vara anpassad till en kommande yrkespraktik. Detta ställer i sin tur krav på att blivande studenter är väl förberedda när de går in i utbildningen och att de vid genomförda studier har både akademisk kunskap och är förberedda för en yrkesprofession. Mot denna bakgrund är syftet med denna studie att undersöka vilka krav på 'academic literacy' som har ställts på studenter i Rwanda över tid. Det sätt på vilket stöd för sådana kunskapskrav integreras i den allmänna kursplanen under det senaste årtiondet och hur kunskap i och om IKT kan integreras för att ge stöd i att uppnå kursplanens mål har också undersökts. Data består huvudsakligen av insamlade officiella dokument från regeringen samt ett tvärsnitt av institutioner för högre utbildning. Med hjälp av en kvalitativ innehållsanalys och intertextuell analys har dokumenten tolkats för att se vilka centrala förändringar vad gäller 'academic literacy' som skett över tid. Datainsamlingen kompletterades med mindre enkätstudier som också analyserats kvalitativt. Studien visar att en ny och utvidgad definition av 'academic literacy' vuxit fram under 2000-talet som innebär att studenter behöver utveckla ny akademisk kompetens som är relaterad till och kan överföras mellan olika områden. Diskursen i de dokument som studerats visar att det skett en förändring som innebär att allmän språklig kompetens inte räcker som medel för att utveckla 'academic literacies' utan den har utvidgats till att även integrera ämnesspecifik språkkunskap, olika former av studieteknik och IKT. När det gäller IKT som stödjande redskap för lärande visar studien att givet att politiska beslut och strategier för IKT-användning kan genomföras, förväntas användningen av dessa redskap ha en potential att stödja studenterna i den process som det innebär att gå från att vara helt beroende av lärarens undervisning till att mera självständigt söka och utveckla kunskap. Sammanfattningsvis understryks i studien att den kritik som framförts om högskolestudenters bristande förberedelse både för akademiska studier och för arbetslivet är utanför deras kontroll. Kritiken ska snarare ses som ett imperativ för institutioner inom högre utbildning att skapa lämpliga kurser och pedagogiska miljöer för att ge studenterna förutsättningar att kunna utveckla en 'academic literacy' som alla studenter har rätt att tillägna sig.

The domination among peoples is a historical constant. But the begining of the reference to this phenomenon as "colonization" or "colonialism" is usually situated in the modern age. It is not fortuitous such a temporal frame. The notion of "the State", fundamental for the understanding of the concept of colonialism, was gradually taking shape throughout the said historical period. From the sixteenth century, the subjugation of those cultures considered inferior was understood within the same process of unification of territories and concentration of monarchical power. The territories conquered in Overseas zone represented the territorial prolongation of the newly unified kingdoms in the metropolises, and the peoples of these new occupied territories were subjected to a process of cultural transformation that, as it was said, brought them from barbarism to humanity, that is, to civilization. In this early period of the birth of colonialism, the protagonists were Portugal and Spain, two kingdoms whose expansion towards both Africa and America not only caused border conflicts between both christian kingdoms, but will also faced them against the conquered peoples. From the resolution of these border conflicts through the issuing of property titles (bulls) by the popes, and from the resolution of the debate on the nature of the conquered peoples or on the treatment that had to be given to them, were established those principles that, according to scholars, are considered the Sanctus santorum of colonialism. Despite the defence deployed by the dominican friars (mainly Bartolomé de Las Casas and Francisco de Vitoria) in favour of the conquered peoples, and despite the Holy See recognized the humanity and the freedom of these peoples (The Bull Sublimis Deus, the June 2nd, 1537), the superiority of the euro-western culture over that of the conquered peoples was affirmed. Such bases, that is, the application of the notion of res nullius to the conquered territories, the definition of their peoples from their paganism and barbarism, and the "moral duty" of Europe to lead them to the light of the true faith and civilization, despite being frankly contrary to the universalism that characterized the iusnaturalist conception of principles such as equality and freedom, were perfecly matched not only with the Bill of Rights emanating from the liberal revolutions, the American and French ones, but also with the whole of liberal constitutionalism. In other words, from this perfect conjunction between the slavery (or colonialism) and the natural rights declared by american and french revolucionaries, only two conclusions can be drawn: either the enslaves and colonizeds were not included within the concepts of "men" or "citizen" used by the said liberal bills of rights, or simply both categories was to be interpretated according to cultural-racial factors. The beginning of the 20th century implied the opening of a new stage in the evolution of human rights theory. With the Weimar Constitution, It started a process of redefinition of the principles of the liberal constitutionalism. The Weimar Charter initiated the overcoming the abstraction that separated the guarantees declared in liberal constitutions from the reality of the holders of those legal guarantees. As it would be then said in the Weimar Constituent Assambly, with this text, both the liberal rights and the new social guarantees went from being "mere declamations of rights" to being ""true declarations of rights". In the first German democracy, concepts such as "popular sovereignty" of "citizen" acquired an integrating meaning that transcended all the racial, sexist or economic connotations that marked them in liberal constitutionalism. And what is more, the Weimar Constitution integrated the new social class, the workers, and affirmed the humanization of working conditions as an indispensable step for their complete integration into the productive system of liberal states. But, as is well known, the growth of Western industries was due not only to the work of european labourers, but mainly to the efforts of the enslaved and colonized peoples in the overseas territories. The question of the integration of these peoples remained suspended in the Weimar Constitution. It is true that the Weimar Constituent, as deduced from the article 6.2 of its work (the exclusive competence of the Reich over the Colonies) never imagined the liberation of its protectorates in Africa and Oceania. But this firm colonialist will should not lead us to automatically conclude that the first german democracy, like the liberal ones, would have ended up denying constitutional protection to the colnonized peoples. It is highly logical and probable to believe that the new weimarian social constitutionalism, in the same vein of the liberal constitutionalism, could have ended up adopting such an exclusion of Overseas. But it is also probable, although minimally, that the german democracy could have extended its constitutional guarantee to its colonies. The materialization of any of both options could only be observed from the same colonial experience, reality from which Germany was excluded according to the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles. But if from the german experience it is impossible to affirm the ambiguous character of the new social constitutionalism with respect to the colonized peoples, it is not, nevertheless, impossible to affirm this ambivalence from the colonial experience of Constitution of the Spanish Second Republic, faithful tributary of the speech and the new weimarian values. With the analysis of the reforms approved by the Republic in the Spanish Guinea, the present thesis tries to imagine, from the perspective of spanish republicanism, how the new weimar socialism could transform the reality or the rights of the so-called colonized.

Mountains frame the landscape of the city of Rio de Janeiro and serve as support for the Atlantic forest and the urban fabric on its borders that gradually advances on it. This article analyzes the process of urban settlement on the slopes of the city of Rio de Janeiro, from a comparative analysis of landscape morphology. It focuses on the Tijuca Massif, whose slopes experience constant urban pressure from real-estate interests and territorial disputes around the edges of the Atlantic forest. This article describes occupation patterns found on the slopes of the city and specifically in the Tijuca Massif and points out the effects of local urban planning legislation on the landscape, linking them to the territorial appropriation processes and resulting environmental conflicts. The border between the Atlantic forest and the urban fabric on the slopes of Rio de Janeiro is an heterogeneous, unstable, and dynamic transition zone with different levels of occupation (strips), whose internal structural logic affect the configuration of the others, causing impacts, tension, and conflicts. These strips form a gradient of occupation, where the inner strips (mixed bands) are the ones that suffer the most dynamic changes, affecting and impacting the outer ones. Within these mixed bands, high income strata neighborhoods and favelas (slums) establish contiguous and complementary relationships among themselves. This picture demonstrates that urban planning, management, and the logic of urban occupation on the slopes of Rio de Janeiro need to evolve through a process of adjustment toward a regenerative urbanism, in which open spaces exert a structuring role to connect, articulate, and guarantee landscape resilience against geological hazards and mitigate the antithesis between the forest, formal settlements and the slums. ; As montanhas estruturam a paisagem da cidade do Rio de Janeiro e servem de suporte para a floresta Atlântica e para a mancha urbana ao seu redor, que avança gradativamente sobre ela. O presente artigo analisa o processo de ocupação urbana nas encostas da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, a partir de uma leitura comparativa da morfologia da paisagem, com foco no Maciço da Tijuca, cujas encostas vivenciam uma constante pressão urbana decorrente da valorização imobiliária e das disputas territoriais nas bordas da floresta Atlântica. Este artigo tem como objetivo caracterizar os padrões de ocupação encontrados nas encostas da cidade, e do Maciço da Tijuca, em particular e apontar os efeitos da legislação urbanística local sobre a paisagem, relacionando-os aos processos de apropriação territorial. A zona de fronteira entre a floresta Atlântica e a malha urbana nas encostas do Rio de Janeiro caracteriza-se como uma zona de transição, heterogênea, instável e dinâmica, onde é possível discernir diferentes faixas de ocupação, cujas lógicas internas de estruturação afetam a configuração das demais. Essas faixas conformam um gradiente de ocupação, onde as faixas internas (faixas de mescla) são as que sofrem transformações mais dinâmicas, afetando e impactando as externas. Nestas faixas de mescla se localiza uma constelação de núcleos de ocupação habitados por diferentes extratos sociais, com características formais e informais, isto é, regulares e irregulares do ponto de vista urbanístico e fundiário, que estabelecem entre si uma relação imbricada de contiguidade e complementaridade. Este quadro demonstra que o planejamento urbano, a gestão e a lógica da ocupação urbana nas encostas cariocas necessitam passar por um processo de ajuste, em direção a um urbanismo regenerador, no qual os espaços livres exerçam um papel estruturador na conexão, articulação e na resiliência da paisagem frente aos riscos geológicos e na mitigação da antítese entre a floresta, os territórios formalmente ocupados e as favelas. ; Las montañas estructuran el paisaje de la ciudad de Rio de Janeiro y actúan como soporte del bosque Atlántico y de la mancha urbana alrededor, que avanza gradualmente sobre éste. El presente artículo analiza el proceso de ocupación urbana en las zonas de ladera de la ciudad de Rio de Janeiro, a partir de una lectura comparativa de la morfología del paisaje, enfocada en el Macizo de Tijuca, cuyas laderas experimentan una constante presión urbana debido a la valorización inmobiliaria y a las disputas territoriales en las áreas fronterizas del bosque Atlántico. Este artículo tiene como objetivo caracterizar los patrones de ocupación que se encontraron en las zonas de ladera de la ciudad y del Macizo de Tijuca en particular, y apuntar a los efectos de la legislación urbanística local sobre el paisaje, relacionándolo a los procesos de apropiación territorial. El área fronteriza entre el bosque Atlántico y la malla urbana en las laderas de Rio de Janeiro se caracteriza como una zona de transición, heterogénea, inestable y dinámica, donde es posible diferenciar diferentes fajas de ocupación, cuyas lógicas internas de estructuración afectan la configuración de las demás. Estas fajas conforman un gradiente de ocupación, donde las franja internas (fajas de mezcla) son las que sufren transformaciones más dinámicas, afectando e impactando las externas. En estas fajas de mezcla se localiza una constelación de núcleos de ocupación habitados por diferentes estratos sociales, con características formales e informales, es decir, regulares e irregulares desde el punto de vista urbanístico y de propiedad de la tierra, que establecen entre sí una relación imbricada de contigüidad y complementariedad. Se argumenta que la planificación urbanística, la gestión y la lógica da ocupación urbana en las laderas cariocas necesitan pasar por un proceso de ajuste, en dirección a un urbanismo regenerador, en el cual los espacios libres ejerzan un papel estructurador en la conexión, articulación y en la resiliencia del paisaje frente a los riesgos geológicos y en la mitigación de la antítesis entre el bosque, los territorios formalmente ocupados y las favelas.

Machine generated contents note:pt. IValues and Interests for American Defense Policy --Introduction /Lynne Chandler Garcia --ch. 1Theories and Values --Necessity, Justice, Interest, and the Founding Principles of American Defense Policy /Jeff J. S. Black --Just War Theory: Revisionists Versus Traditionalists /Seth Lazar --Systematic Theory and the Future of Great Power War and Peace /Dale C. Copeland --Technological Change and International Relations /Daniel W. Drezner --ch. 2American Grand Strategy --Power, Culture, and Grand Strategy /Colin Dueck --Toward Strategic Solvency: the Crisis of American Military Primacy and the Search for Strategic Solvency /Eric Edelman --The Next Liberal Order: the Age of Contagion Demands More Internationalism, Not Less /G. John Ikenberry --Why "Conservative," Not Liberal, Internationalism? /Henry R. Nau --ch. 3The International Environment -- Allies --30 Years of World Politics: What Has Changed? /Francis Fukuyama --Global Allies in a Changing World /Michael Wesley --An Economic Theory of Alliances /Richard Zeckhauser --The Power of Liberal International Organizations /Martha Finnemore --ch. 4The International Environment -- Adversaries --The Growing Challenge of Defining an "Enemy" /Michael J. Mazarr --The Theory of Hegemonic War /Robert Gilpin --Redefining the National Interest /Joseph S. Nye Jr --Technology Converges; Non-State Actors Benefit /T. X. Hammes --pt. IIEvolution and Revolution in Defense Policy, Process, and Institutions --Introduction /Miriam Krieger --ch. 5Evolution and Revolution in Civil-Military Relations --The Institutional Imbalance of American Statecraft /Cordon Adams --Restoring the Vision: Overcoming Gridlock to Reassert Congress's Role in Deliberating National Security /John McCain --Trump's Generals: Mattis, McMaster, and Kelly /Jessica Blankshain --Dissent, Resignation, and the Moral Agency of Senior Military Professionals /Don M. Snider --ch. 6The Changing Profession of Arms --Redefinitions and Transformations in the Profession of Arms /Christopher D. Miller --Identity Politics: How Service Cultures Influence the Evolving Profession of Arms /Jeffrey Donnithorne --Let Women Fight: Ending the US Military's Female Combat Ban /Megan H. Mackenzie --The Fight against Racial Injustice in America and Its Necessary Connection to National Security /Bishop Garrison --Diversity, Equity, and Justice in American Defense Policy /Editors of American Defense Policy (9th ed.) --Military Contractors and the American Way of War /Renee De Nevers --Exodus /Tim Kane --Rediscovering the Art of Strategic Thinking: Developing 21st-century Strategic Leaders /Daniel H. McCauley --ch. 7Resource Allocation and Force Structure for a Complex World --Quality over Quantity: US Military Strategy and Spending in the Trump Years /Michael O'Hanlon --Acquisition and Policy-Making: Echoes from the Past; Visions for the Future /Sally Baron --The Case for Joint Force Acquisition Reform /Joseph S. Lupa --Conflated Reality: Reserve and Active Duty Components in American Wars /Michael D. Gambone --pt. IIIContemporary Issues in American Defense Policy --Introduction /John Riley --ch. 8Homeland Defense: Threats from All Sides --New Frontiers, Old Realities /Everett Carl Dolman --Strategic Stability: the Low-Yield Nuclear Weapon Challenge /James M. Smith --Hacking Democracy /Ben Buchanan --Beyond Surprise Attack /Lawrence Freedman --ch. 9Unconventional Wars and Unconventional Forces --The Limits of Special Operations Forces /Austin Long --Unmanned Aircraft in Modern Conflicts: Diverging Paths and Key Lessons /Michael P. Kreuzer --The Hard Lessons of an Insurgency /John A. Nagl --Learning Lessons from Afghanistan: Two Imperatives /Hew Strachan --The Regularity of Irregular War: Defining Victory in Persistently Engaged Wars /David Sacko --ch. 10The Near Possible --Artificial Intelligence, International Competition, and the Balance of Power /Michael C. Horowitz --Why China Has Not Caught Up Yet: Military-Technological Superiority and the Limits of Imitation, Reverse Engineering, and Cyber Espionage /Mauro Gilli --The New Era of Nuclear Weapons, Deterrence, and Conflict /Daryl G. Press --Thermonuclear Cyberwar /Jon R. Lindsay --The Security Implications of Climate Change: Charting Major Dimensions of the Challenge /Bruce Jones.

Virtual globalization : virtual spaces / Tourist Spaces / edited by David Holmes -- The criminal spectre in law, literature, and aesthetics / Peter Hutchings -- Immigrants and national identity in Europe / Anna Triandafyllidou -- Constructing risk and safety in technological practice / edited by Jane Summerton and Boel Berner -- Europeanisation, national identities and migration : changes in boundary constructions between western and eastern Europe / Willfried Spohn and Anna Triandafyllidou -- Language, identity, and conflict : a comparative study of language in ethnic conflict in Europe and Eurasia / Diarmait Mac Giolla Chríost -- Immigrant life in the U.S. : multi-disciplinary perspectives / edited by Donna R. Gabaccia and Colin Wayne Leach -- Rave culture and religion / edited by Graham St. John -- Creation and returns of social capital : a new research program / edited by Henk Flap and Beate Völker -- Self-care : embodiment, personal autonomy, and the shaping of health consciousness / Christopher Ziguras -- Mechanisms of cooperation / Werner Raub and Jeroen Weesie -- After the bell : educational success, public policy, and family background / edited by Dalton Conley and Karen Albright -- Youth crime and youth culture in the inner city / Bill Sanders -- Emotions and social movements / edited by Helena Flam and Debra King -- Globalization, uncertainty, and youth in society / edited by Hans-Peter Blossfeld, Erik Klijzing, Melinda Mills and Karin Kurz -- Love, heterosexuality and society / Paul Johnson -- Agricultural governance : globalization and the new politics of regulation / edited by Vaughan Higgins and Geoffrey Lawrence -- Challenging hegemonic masculinity / Richard Howson -- Social isolation in modern society / Roelof Hortulanus, Anja Machielse, and Ludwien Meeuwesen -- Weber and the persistence of religion : social theory, capitalism, and the sublime / Joseph W. H. Lough -- Globalization, uncertainty, and late careers in society / edited by Hans-Peter Blossfeld, Sandra Buchholz, and Dirk Hofäcker -- Bourdieu's politics : problems and possibilities / Jeremy F. Lane -- Media bias in reporting social research? : the case of reviewing ethnic inequalities in education / Martyn Hammersley -- A general theory of emotions and social life / Warren D. TenHouten -- Sociology, religion, and grace / Arpad Szakolczai -- Youth cultures : scenes, subcultures, and tribes / edited by Paul Hodkinson and Wolfgang Deicke -- The obituary as collective memory / Bridget Fowler -- Tocqueville's virus : utopia and dystopia in western social and political thought / Mark Featherstone -- Jewish eating and identity through the ages / David Kraemer -- The institutionalization of social welfare : a study of medicalizing management / Mikael Holmqvist -- The role of religion in modern societies / edited by Detlef Pollack and Daniel V. A. Olson -- Sex research and sex therapy : a sociological analysis of masters and Johnson /- Ross Morrow -- A crisis of waste? : understanding the rubbish society / Martin O'Brien -- Globalization and transformations of local socioeconomic practices / edited by Ulrike Schuerkens -- The culture of welfare markets : the international recasting of pension and care systems / Ingo Bode -- Cohabitation, family, and society / Tiziana Nazio -- Latin America and contemporary modernity : a sociological interpretation / José Maurízio Domingues -- Exploring the networked worlds of popular music milieu cultures / Peter Webb -- The cultural significance of the child star / Jane O'Connor -- European integration as an elite process : the failure of a dream? / Max Haller -- Queer political performance and protest / Benjamin Shepard -- Cosmopolitan spaces : Europe, globalization, theory / Chris Rumford -- Contexts of social capital : social networks in communities, markets, and organizations / edited by Ray-May Hsung, Nan Lin, and Ronald Breiger -- Feminism, domesticity, and popular culture / edited by Stacy Gillis and Joanne Hollows -- Changing relationships / edited by Malcolm Brynin and John Ermisch -- Formal and informal work : the hidden work regime in Europe / edited by Birgit Pfau-Effinger, Lluis Flaquer, & Per H. Jensen -- Interpreting human rights : social science perspectives / edited by Rhiannon Morgan and Bryan S. Turner -- Club cultures : boundaries, identities, and otherness / Silvia Rief -- Eastern European immigrant families / Mihaela Robila -- People and societies : Rom Harré and designing the social sciences / Luk van Langenhove -- Social theory in contemporary Asia / Ann Brooks

Abstrak Tesis ini membahas Tinjauan Hukum Penggunaan Kuasa Mutlak Sebagai Pemindahan Hak Atas Tanah Dalam Upaya Memberikan Pelindungan Hukum Bagi Pemegang Hak Atas Tanah. Yang sering terjadi . beberapa akta peralihan hak atas tanah yang di buat oleh Pejabat pembuat Akta Tanah bertentangan dengan Instruksi Menteri Dalamnegeri Nomor 14 Tahun 1982 tentang larangan penggunaan kuasa mutlak sebagai pemindahan hak atas tanah. Dalam penelitian ini peneliti menggunakan penelitian normative dan sosiologis. Dari hasil penelitian tesis ini diperoleh kesimpulan Bahwa Surat kuasa adalah bukan hal yang baru dalam tata hukum Indonesia, sejak berkembangnya dan bertambahnya kebutuhan hukum di indonesia. Surat kuasa mutlak merupakan suatu perikatan yang muncul dari perjanjian berdasarka Pasal 1338 ayat(1) KUHPerdata yang mengakui adanya kebebasan berkontrak dengan pembatasan bahwa perjanjian itu tidak boleh bertentangan dengan peraturan perundang-undangan dan harus didasari dengan itikad baik. Oleh karena itu pemberian kuasa mutlak di batasi dengan Instruksi menteri Dalam Negeri Nomor 14 Tahun 1982 Tentang Larangan Penggunaan Kuasa Mutlak Sebagai Pemindahan Hak atas Tanah dan larang pula dalam Peraturan Pemerintah Republik Indonesia Nomor 24 Tahun 1997 Tentang Pendaftaran Tanah. Pemberian kuasa mutlak dalam proses peralihan hak atas tanah dapat memberikan kerugian pemberi kuasa, pemberian kuasa pada dasarnya untuk kepentingan penerima kuasa, akan tetapi lebih sering disalah gunakan oleh penerima kuasa karena untuk kepentingan pribadi dan kewajiban-kewajiban penerima kuasa tidak dilaksanakan. Apabila surat kuasa mutlak ini dipergunakan dan ada dasar hukumnya maka tidak bertentangan dengan perundang-undangan dan hukum yang berlaku maka surat kuasa mutlak ini dapat bermanfaat bagi masyrakat Indonesia. Kata Kunci: Penggunaan Kuasa Mutlak, Hak Atas Tanah. Abstract This thesis discusses a review of the Law on the Use of Absolute Power as the Transfer of Land Rights in an Effort to Provide Legal Protection for Land Rights Holders. Which often happens. some transfer of land rights deed made by the Official of the Land Deed in contradiction with the Instruction of the Minister of Internal Affairs No. 14 of 1982 concerning the prohibition on the use of absolute power as the transfer of land rights. In this study researchers used normative and sociological research. From the results of this thesis, the conclusion is that the power of attorney is not new in the Indonesian legal system, since its development and the increasing legal requirements in Indonesia. An absolute power of attorney is an agreement that arises from an agreement based on Article 1338 paragraph (1) of the Civil Code which acknowledges the existence of freedom to contract with the limitation that the agreement must not conflict with the laws and regulations and must be based in good faith. Therefore the absolute power of attorney is limited by the Instruction of the Minister of Home Affairs No. 14 of 1982 concerning the Prohibition of the Use of Absolute Power as the Transfer of Rights to Land and also prohibited in the Government Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia Number 24 of 1997 concerning Land Registration. The granting of absolute power in the process of transferring land rights can give a power of attorney, power of attorney basically for the benefit of the power of attorney, but more often misused by the recipient of the power of attorney because the personal interests and obligations of the proxy are not implemented. If this absolute power of attorney is used and there is a legal basis, it does not conflict with the laws and the applicable law, this absolute power of attorney can be beneficial for the Indonesian people. Keywords: Use of Absolute Power, Land Rights.

This paper presents an ongoing research project investigating the use of bibliometrics for research evaluation and resource allocation purposes, and to investigate the effects of these evaluation models on individual, organizational and political levels. A main focus has been on bibliometrics based evaluation practices. The use of bibliometrics for local resource allocation at Swedish universities was analyzed (Hammarfelt et.al, 2016; Hammarfelt & Åström, 2015), finding a great degree of variation both in how and where bibliometrics is used; and while the introduction of a bibliometrics based national model for resource allocation in Sweden in 2009 probably had an effect on the increasing use of bibliometrics in local allocation models, there are also great variation in terms of bibliometric indicators and allocation models being in use. But bibliometrics is not just being used in evaluation and resource allocation models at a systemic level. Another important part of the use of bibliometrics in research evaluation practices is how it is being used by academic scholars and scientists serving as external assessors of candidates for academic positions or of research funding proposals. This practice has been studied through analyses of application assessment reports in economics, history, and biomedical research at Swedish universities (Hammarfelt, forthcoming; Hammarfelt & Rushforth, in press). The other main focus of the project thus far has been on the underlying technologies, or the infrastructure of bibliometrics and research evaluation systems. A main aspect of the 'infrastructure' theme is the challenges of understanding complexities and interactions of different technical or auxiliary systems, and their role in evaluation processes. This has been investigated empirically in a minor study of the role of knowledge organization systems in bibliometric analysis and evaluation (Åström et.al, 2016). Another empirical study of infrastructures under development is a study of current research information systems (CRIS). From a theoretical perspective, a conceptual framework has been tentatively developed, describing infrastructures, not so much as specific technical systems, but as systems of relations between hardware, software and people (Åström, 2016). This was operationalized by defining: 'hardware' as databases, software for bibliometric analyses, and so on; 'software' as the evaluation systems, the bibliometric indicators, and the allocation models; and 'people' as the stakeholders involved in evaluation practices. The second aim of the project is to investigate effects of the use of bibliometric methods for research evaluation, on the research system, and on and the academic researchers. This can be seen from two different points of view. One is how academic researchers themselves use bibliometric methods when evaluating their peers assessing applications for research grants and academic positions. The other is effects along the lines of scholars and scientists changing for instance publication behavior to adjust to evaluation systems and resource allocation models. While the former point of view might be more contextually related to traditions within research fields, the other might be more related to local or national research policies. The interplay between these perspectives is of high theoretical interest for the project to develop further, but has to a certain extent been investigated within a master's thesis supervised within the project (Nästesjö, 2016); continued in a PhD-project, analyzing the relation between evaluation practices and academic socialization. The master's thesis, suggest that disciplinary differences, career stage, and academic age are important factors for understanding the relation between research evaluation systems and research practices, where there are potential conflicts between disciplinary norms and political practices, conflicts that affect the behavior of individual scholars, as well as disciplinary norms.

In May of 1990, the Marxist state of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY) and the tribal-military polity of the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR) unified to form the Republic of Yemen. However, this unification of physical borders also engendered the clash of legal and ideological borderlands of the two states. Soon, questions over the proper allocation of resources and distribution of power throughout the former regions emerged as well as questions over the role of non-government actors in the decision-making processes and the role of women in the newly unified Yemeni state. The unification period of Yemen (1989-1995) thus became a period of great change, struggle, and compromise. This study focuses on the story of Yemeni women before, during, and after this period.It attempts to do this by focusing on two dimensions of Yemeni women's experience during this period: (1) the evolution of their legal rights and their consequential de jure marginalization and (2) women's de facto (dis)empowerment as experience on the ground throughout the country's twenty governorates and capital city Sana'a. In order to explore these dimensions thoroughly, this study uses a multi-methodological approach. It is rooted in both qualitative (legal analysis) and quantitative (regression analysis) methodologies. This thesis explores the first of these dimensions by analyzing the constitutions and family laws of the former YAR, the former PDRY, the unified Republic of Yemen, and the amended legal codes of the unified Republic of Yemen post the 1994 Civil War. I argue that after the victory of the former YAR in the 1994 Civil War, the YAR's patriarchal legal vision of family law prevailed. This ultimately contributed to the deterioration of the legal rights of Yemeni women, particularly those women coming from the poorer and lower class of Yemeni society. The study investigates the second dimension by using the 2013 Yemen's National Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) to (1) measure the well-being of women in the country's twenty governorates and capital city and (2) understand the effects the varying levels of state presence in each of these governorates has on the welfare of the women living there. Through a regression analysis, this approach allows us to better understand the relationship between state presence and women's well-being. This, as well as the rich dataset and sample size of the DHS, gives us a glimpse of the de facto (dis)empowerment of Yemeni women throughout the country. The study finds that in almost all dimensions of 'well-being,' those women living in regions with greater state presence enjoy greater levels of well-being than those living in regions with less state presence. Today, Yemen continues to be the poorest country in the Middle East, and the ongoing war has pushed the country to the brink of famine. We know through many studies on gender and development that women and children make up the poorest segment of societies and that women and children often bear the greatest casualties in conflicts and humanitarian crises. Yet, the current literature on Yemen often focuses on issues of counter-terrorism, security, or tribal conflict with little focus on gender. Thus, it is imperative that we expand the literature further to include the stories and experiences of banat al Yaman. This thesis serves as an invitation to further explore the stories of these women

Defence date: 7 April 2017 ; Examining Board: Professor Christian Reus-Smit, formerly EUI/University of Queensland, Supervisor; Professor Philippe Schmitter, European University Institute (Emeritus); Professor Laurence Whitehead, University of Oxford; Professor Ayşe Zarakol, University of Cambridge ; This dissertation takes as its focus the emergence of guardian political order – a hybrid political system in which elected officials must contend with non-elected 'reserved domains' dominated by state elites that exercise a 'tutelary' or 'guardian' function in relation to the overall polity – in modern Turkey and Thailand in the second half of the twentieth century. Its central objective is to explain how guardian regimes emerge and consolidate, and why they assume their distinctive regime morphology – a hybrid constitutional structure bifurcated between elected institutions and unelected tutelary ones. This broad inquiry into puzzling 'regime outcomes' entails a subsidiary set of questions. Given that hybrid regimes generally tend to follow in the wake of authoritarian ones, what would induce authoritarian incumbent elites to cede their monopoly of power to a political system bifurcated in this way? How do we explain the substantial variation in the institutional design of guardian structures in different cases when they first come to life? Why have guardian hybrid regimes proved so durable and long-lasting? Finally, how can we account for distinctive regime trajectories – the patterns of ideological–institutional reconfiguration that guardian hybrid regimes undergo over time? This dissertation advances a novel theory of how guardian hybrid regimes come about, the shape they take when they are born, how they reproduce (institutionally speaking) over time, and also how they adapt or change over time both institutionally and ideologically. It argues that guardian hybrid regimes emerge as contingent outcomes of intra-elite conflict during historical breakpoints in national political development. During these 'critical junctures' traditional state elites engage in intense factional contestation over the task of fashioning a new, post-authoritarian political system. Deep, longstanding socio-political cleavages in the body politic and the particular quality of the domestic and international security environment condition elite conflict and elite choices over regime structure during the critical juncture and shape the eventual 'architecture' of the new political system. This explains the distinctive institutional morphology of guardian hybrid regimes – a bifurcation of the overall framework of political authority within the state between elected institutions (the 'political realm') and guardian tutelary ones (the 'deep state'). Once established, guardian hybrid regimes are sustained and reproduced by institutional complexes of socially-embedded notions of legitimate political authority and strategic bureaucratic incumbency. These complexes consist in three mutually reinforcing elements that generate mechanisms of inherent institutional reproduction: a hegemonic state ideology (HSI); a 'monist' public sphere, and; periodic 'strategic' interventions by guardian actors to 'discipline' the political realm. Guardian hybrid regimes are also adaptive. In the wake of guardian settlements, processes of reaction and counterreaction to those settlements produce transitions through different institutional–ideological configurations as different guardian actors jockey for primacy within the deep state in response to varying challenges from the political firmament. I develop this argument and ground these claims through a critical juncture-path dependence analytical framework. Path-dependent explanations in comparative-historical analysis unfold through a sequence of analytical elements or components – critical junctures and antecedent conditions, institutional reproduction, reactive sequences and final outcomes – that work together to provide robust explanations of institutional outcomes, including patterns of regime development.

Mental health care delivery systems are attempting to strengthen the care supply within users' social environment (community care) and simultaneously to reduce the fragmentation of care delivery (care integration). Fragmentation particularly affects severely and chronically mentally ill patients with multiple and complex needs. These two aims may, however, appear to be in conflict, as fragmentation has been shown to be greater in community-based models of care. Mental health service networks have often been identified as an effective way of overcoming the issue of care fragmentation in community-based care systems. However, it remains unclear how networks should be designed and governed to address this specific issue. Our approach assumes that the structure of relations within service networks influences processes of collective action and outcomes at the user, service, and whole network levels. In three studies, we examined patterns of clinical and organisational relations between services, a tool for integrating care at the user level, and policy expectations in relation to care delivery networks. The research indicates that community care and integrated care require different patterns of relations between services, and in particular a model that favours density of ties or a model that favours the centrality of a specific agent. Moreover, there may be a conflict between clinical and organisational relationships, as well as between the needs of users and of the health system. Understanding these key factors may help to improve the organisation of mental health care delivery. They also suggest new perspectives in mental health service research and suggest tools that managers and policy-makers could use to monitor the implementation of service networks. ; Les systèmes de soins de santé mentale essaient de favoriser une offre de soins qui maintient le patient dans son environnement social (soins communautaires) tout en réduisant les problèmes de fragmentation de l'offre de soins (soins intégrés). La fragmentation des soins affecte plus particulièrement les patients psychiatriques chroniques et sévères qui ont des besoins multiples et complexes. Ces deux objectifs peuvent toutefois sembler en conflit, car la fragmentation des soins est plus importante dans les modèles de délivrance basés sur les soins communautaires. Les réseaux de services en santé mentale sont souvent désignés comme un moyen de faire face à la question de la fragmentation des soins communautaires. Cependant, on ne sait toujours pas de quelle manière de tels réseaux devraient être structurés et gouvernés pour effectivement atteindre cet objectif. Notre approche postule que la structure des relations existantes au sein d'un réseau de services influence les processus d'action collective et les résultats de ce réseau, au niveau des usagers, des services et du réseau dans son ensemble. Au travers de trois études, nous examinons les modèles de relations cliniques et organisationnelles existant entre des services, un outil visant une meilleure intégration des soins au niveau du patient, et les objectifs politiques d'une réforme de l'organisation des soins de santé mentale qui s'appuie sur de tels réseaux. Notre recherche montre que les soins communautaires et les soins intégrés requièrent des structurations de relations différentes, notamment un modèle qui favorise la densité des liens ou un modèle qui s'appuie sur la centralité d'un agent spécifique. En outre, il peut y avoir un conflit entre les relations cliniques, d'une part, et les relations organisationnelles, d'autre part ; ainsi qu'un conflit entre les besoins des patients et les besoins du système de soins. Une meilleure compréhension de ces facteurs structurels peut contribuer à une meilleure organisation de la délivrance de soins de santé mentale. Ces facteurs suggèrent également de nouvelles perspectives de recherche au niveau de l'organisation des services de santé mentale, ainsi que des outils pour les gestionnaires de réseau et les décideurs politiques afin d'évaluer la mise en oeuvre des soins en réseau. ; (ESP 3) -- UCL, 2013

Mental health care delivery systems are attempting to strengthen the care supply within users' social environment (community care) and simultaneously to reduce the fragmentation of care delivery (care integration). Fragmentation particularly affects severely and chronically mentally ill patients with multiple and complex needs. These two aims may, however, appear to be in conflict, as fragmentation has been shown to be greater in community-based models of care. Mental health service networks have often been identified as an effective way of overcoming the issue of care fragmentation in community-based care systems. However, it remains unclear how networks should be designed and governed to address this specific issue. Our approach assumes that the structure of relations within service networks influences processes of collective action and outcomes at the user, service, and whole network levels. In three studies, we examined patterns of clinical and organisational relations between services, a tool for integrating care at the user level, and policy expectations in relation to care delivery networks. The research indicates that community care and integrated care require different patterns of relations between services, and in particular a model that favours density of ties or a model that favours the centrality of a specific agent. Moreover, there may be a conflict between clinical and organisational relationships, as well as between the needs of users and of the health system. Understanding these key factors may help to improve the organisation of mental health care delivery. They also suggest new perspectives in mental health service research and suggest tools that managers and policy-makers could use to monitor the implementation of service networks. ; Les systèmes de soins de santé mentale essaient de favoriser une offre de soins qui maintient le patient dans son environnement social (soins communautaires) tout en réduisant les problèmes de fragmentation de l'offre de soins (soins intégrés). La fragmentation des soins affecte plus particulièrement les patients psychiatriques chroniques et sévères qui ont des besoins multiples et complexes. Ces deux objectifs peuvent toutefois sembler en conflit, car la fragmentation des soins est plus importante dans les modèles de délivrance basés sur les soins communautaires. Les réseaux de services en santé mentale sont souvent désignés comme un moyen de faire face à la question de la fragmentation des soins communautaires. Cependant, on ne sait toujours pas de quelle manière de tels réseaux devraient être structurés et gouvernés pour effectivement atteindre cet objectif. Notre approche postule que la structure des relations existantes au sein d'un réseau de services influence les processus d'action collective et les résultats de ce réseau, au niveau des usagers, des services et du réseau dans son ensemble. Au travers de trois études, nous examinons les modèles de relations cliniques et organisationnelles existant entre des services, un outil visant une meilleure intégration des soins au niveau du patient, et les objectifs politiques d'une réforme de l'organisation des soins de santé mentale qui s'appuie sur de tels réseaux. Notre recherche montre que les soins communautaires et les soins intégrés requièrent des structurations de relations différentes, notamment un modèle qui favorise la densité des liens ou un modèle qui s'appuie sur la centralité d'un agent spécifique. En outre, il peut y avoir un conflit entre les relations cliniques, d'une part, et les relations organisationnelles, d'autre part ; ainsi qu'un conflit entre les besoins des patients et les besoins du système de soins. Une meilleure compréhension de ces facteurs structurels peut contribuer à une meilleure organisation de la délivrance de soins de santé mentale. Ces facteurs suggèrent également de nouvelles perspectives de recherche au niveau de l'organisation des services de santé mentale, ainsi que des outils pour les gestionnaires de réseau et les décideurs politiques afin d'évaluer la mise en oeuvre des soins en réseau. ; (ESP 3) -- UCL, 2013

Since 1995, the James Irvine Foundation has invested more than $11 million to support the growth and development of Collaborative Regional Initiatives (CRIs) throughout the state -- nonprofit organizations that engage key players from business, environmental, and a variety of other advocacy groups with players from local governments and public agencies to create improvements in their regions. CRIs work on issues ranging across transportation, land use, housing, and economic development. They work in a variety of ways from developing legislation to media campaigns to practical work on particular projects. All are directed at building civic capacity and filling in gaps where government does not or cannot act. Some CRIs have been in place for years; others are more recently formed. They represent experiments in regional governance. Recently, the Irvine Foundation tapped a team of Berkeley faculty to perform an assessment of the CRIs so the foundation can target its resources in order to make them effective and sustainable over time and assist them in producing valuable outcomes for their regions. City planning professor Judith Innes, who led the complex evaluation, teamed with city planning professors AnnaLee Saxenian, Karen Christensen, Karen Chapple and political science professor Judith Gruber to focus on the projects and programs that a sample of CRIs engage in, asking which are most successful and why. In particular, the researchers examined how variables like leadership, resources, diversity of participation, processes of dialogue and collaboration, and the ways problems have been framed contribute to the degree of success in each program. The work is designed to assist the CRIs with strategies to select and build the successes of their programs and to help them overcome obstacles and identify opportunities for effective work. Together the researchers published case studies of four major CRIs -- the Bay Area Alliance for Sustainable Communities, Joint Venture: Silicon Valley, the San Diego Dialogue and the Sierra Business Council -- as well as an analysis of regional workforce development collaboratives in California. Since 1970, the Sierra Nevada has undergone significant economic and social change as the population of this vast 18-county region has more than doubled, traditional industries in timber and natural extraction have declined and a major tourist industry has evolved. These changes have led to political conflict between long-time residents concerned about property rights and economic development and the new arrivals who tend to be more concerned about the environment. Enter the Sierra Business Council, a Collaborative Regional Initiative (CRI) established in 1994 to address these conflicts and help assure the sustainability of the Sierra. The council developed the novel strategy of helping the business community understand how environmental quality is an essential component to the potential success of the economy. "Their fundamental theory of change at the outset was basically to transform businesspeople into environmentalists so they would take different positions in the political debates over the Sierra's future," says city planning professor Judith Innes in a new report on CRIs in California. "The Sierra Business Council overall has been a highly successful organization," she says, "gaining high marks from participants in most of their activities and being able to demonstrate outcomes from their many initiatives." Among the council's notable achievements have been the development of the Sierra Nevada Wealth Index, which provides and explains indicators on each of the types of capital -- natural, social and financial -- in the Sierra. It has been so widely used that demand has grown for parallel indexes for smaller regions. The council was also instrumental in creating the Sierra Nevada Conservancy recently signed into law by the governor.