Suchergebnisse

There are varied institutional forms (formal and informal) in which electoral (political) subjects take part in elections. Elections for assemblies show that the actions of such subjects are differently motivated, and also that their approach during conflict or cooperation in the realization of their wishes is different. Thus conflict situations, »election scandals«, occur sporadically. Such conflicts are an expression and a result of contradictory desires and actions of the participants. The significance and effect of an electoral conflict is conditioned and determined by the (political) significance of the elections themselves, not only in the sense that they are formally one of the basic constitutive elements of the political system, but first and foremost because they are the form in which citizens are active in politics. Following the procedure in election the author has tried to reveal the basic actors in electoral conflicts, the content of their conflict and the form it takes. In the author's opinion it is wrong to pass an a priori judgement of the character and value of electoral »cases« (negative judgements have usually been passed), the foundation of the conflict and the character and orientation of the persons involved, who do not seek for affirmation of their political value in the strength of arguments and objective achievement. We can understand and solve the ambivalent character of such conflicts, and the political behavior of their participants, only after studying the case. There will be a smaller number of »cases« and electoral conflicts, and they will be less complicated, the more consistently we free ourselves from varied formal-legal and political restraints, and the more society takes on the characteristics of self-managing and democratic socialism. Conflicts of this type are not the result of democracy. They are the result of its insufficient development or presence, thus making it subject to misunderstanding, searching and abuse.

The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established. ; The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established.

In regions troubled by ethnic based conflict violence often erupts abruptly and severely. Peacemakers, then, follow unconditional paths to prevent conflict escalation. The article analyzes the ways in which post-conflict constitutional designs shape the state structure through constitutional amendments. Peace agreements as bases for constitutional reform, the article claims, have reformatory but also obstructive implications. Seeing the Ohrid Framework Agreement as a case study, the paper analyzes its implications on the development of the political system in Macedonia. On one side OFA serves as a criterion for the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration and a driving force for the creation of a functioning multicultural society. On the other side, the procedural and substantive flaws of the agreement undermine its absorbability in the society. In procedural sense, OFA hindered its own implementation through the used terminology and the drafting process. In substantial sense, agreement's goals and provisions reached beyond the purpose of peace agreements and underestimated the complexity of the conflicting issues at stake. ; In regions troubled by ethnic based conflict violence often erupts abruptly and severely. Peacemakers, then, follow unconditional paths to prevent conflict escalation. The article analyzes the ways in which post-conflict constitutional designs shape the state structure through constitutional amendments. Peace agreements as bases for constitutional reform, the article claims, have reformatory but also obstructive implications. Seeing the Ohrid Framework Agreement as a case study, the paper analyzes its implications on the development of the political system in Macedonia. On one side OFA serves as a criterion for the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration and a driving force for the creation of a functioning multicultural society. On the other side, the procedural and substantive flaws of the agreement undermine its absorbability in the society. In procedural sense, OFA hindered its own implementation through the used terminology and the drafting process. In substantial sense, agreement's goals and provisions reached beyond the purpose of peace agreements and underestimated the complexity of the conflicting issues at stake.

Namjera je u ovom radu prikazati i predstaviti oružanu skupinu FARC, njihovu dugogodišnju borbu, propale pregovore s vladom te posljednje pregovore koji su rezultirali sporazumom. Ovaj slučaj pruža uvid u rješavanje sukoba te primjer kako postupati s drugim sukobljenim stranama. Kolumbija se ističe kao zemlja s velikim problemima, a jedan od njih su pobunjeničke grupe. Velikim uspjehom može se smatrati potpisivanje sporazuma s najdugovječnijom oružanom skupinom. Tematski okvir rada predstavlja istraživanje korporacije RAND, odnosno njenih autora Setha Jonesa i Martina Libickog koji su predstavili pet načina na koje dolazi do prestanka djelovanja terorističkih skupina. Fokus u ovom radu je na prestanku djelovanja terorističkih skupina tako što se uključe u legalne i legitimne političke procese. Rad dovodi do zaključka kako je FARC oružana skupina koja je tijekom svojih godina postojanja prošla nekoliko tipova djelovanja te na kraju postala politička stranka. Okolnosti u kojima se zatekla skupina, ali i sama država, dovele su do toga da ponovno pokrenu pregovore. ; The purpose of this paper is to show and introduce armed group named FARC, their long-lasting fight, failed negotiations with the government and the last negotiations that resulted in a peace agreement. This case provides insight in solutions to the conflict and example how to deal with other conflicted groups. Colombia stands out as a country with big problems and one of them are rebel groups. Great success is signing of a peace agreement with the most lasting rebel group. The framework of this subject is the research of the RAND Corporation, that is, their authors, Seth Jones and Martin Libicki, who showed five ways in which terrorist groups end. The focus of this paper is an ending of terrorist groups by involving in legal and legitimate political process. The paper brings to conclusion that FARC is armed group which has had throughout their many years different types of activity and in the end it has become a political party. Circumstances in which ...

Cilj je rada istražiti stabilnost koalicijskih vlada u Hrvatskoj 2000. – 2020. te se polazi od teze da je nestabilnost vlada uvjetovana nedovoljno obuhvatnim koalicijskim sporazumima i neučinkovitim mehanizmima rješavanja koalicijskih sukoba. U radu se prvo analiziraju koalicijski sporazumi s obzirom na veličinu i sadržaj koji je u njima zastupljen, a zatim se istražuju stvarni procesi koalicijskog upravljanja koji se događaju unutar "crne kutije" identificiranjem najčešćih sukoba i mehanizama s pomoću kojih se oni nastoje riješiti. U analizi se upotrebljavaju izvorni empirijski podaci prikupljeni intervjuima s bivšim članovima koalicijskih vlada, kao i koalicijski sporazumi, vladini programi, arhivska građa dviju dnevnih novina te arhivske baze vlade i parlamenta. Rezultati istraživanja doveli su do glavnog zaključka da zbog nedovoljno razrađenih i formaliziranih koalicijskih sporazuma koalicijske stranke nisu uspješne u upravljanju koalicijskim sukobima, stoga pribjegavaju ad hoc mehanizmu neformanog i vrlo personaliziranog odlučivanja koje se izgrađuje u malom gremiju čelnika koalicijskih stranaka. ; The aim of this paper is to explore the stability of coalition governments in Croatia in the period 2000–2020, starting with the premise that cabinet instability is influenced by the limited scope of coalition agreements and ineffective conflict resolution mechanisms. The paper first analyses coalition agreements with regard to their scope and content, and goes on to explore the actual processes of coalition governance that occur within the "black box" by identifying the most common conflicts and the mechanisms which are used to resolve these. The analysis uses original empirical data collected through interviews with former members of coalition governments, as well as coalition agreements, government programmes, the archives of two daily newspapers, and archival databases of the government and parliament. Research results have led to the main conclusion that due to insufficiently developed and formalised coalition agreements, coalition parties are not successful at managing coalition conflicts, so they resort to the ad hoc mechanism of informal and highly personalised decision-making which is generated by a small group of coalition leaders.

The author analyzes the causes of the break-up of Yugoslavia & shows that the main cause was the expansion of the Greater-Serbia idea, but was also contributed to by a number of internal problems & changes in the international scene. After the break-up of Yugoslavia, a number of processes are still active & generating conflict: the goal of Serbian expansionists to create a Greater Serbia; the lack of a solution to the Bosnian conflict; the Albanian desire for an independent Kosovo state; Muslim aims of autonomy in Sandjak; a growing sovereignty movement in Montenegro; & continuing Serbian pressure on Macedonia. The author concludes that decisive international intervention is necessary to prevent deepened conflict & its spread to neighboring countries. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyzes the grounds, origins, & manifestations of ethnic conflict in the area of former Yugoslavia on the basis of current psychological thought. Deriving from Allport' s "theory of prejudice," we outline the historic grounds, sociocultural diversity, & specific character of the particular social & political situation. Trying to find an answer to the crucial question of what is to be done, we distinguish between the four stages of conflict -- latency, manifestation, actualization, & consolidation -- as well as the three lines of action -- institutional solutions, influence of the mass media, & the process of political socialization. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Sarajevo Convention, at which the Sarajevo Declaration & the Pact on Stability were adopted, represents a finale to the ten-year conflict in the Balkan region. The most important elements in the dynamic process of Europe's preparation for accepting the countries of Europe's Southeast have been the Brussels study by the Center for Political Analyses, the German "new politics," & US support. The analyses of the goals & mechanisms of the Pact show that it is a major political instrument, though hailed as a mixed blessing. If all the actors -- states, nongovernmental organizations, associations, & individuals -- are provided with long-term conditions for creating affiliations, joint views, & projects, the process of building better relations may be initiated. The Europeanization of Southeast Europe is going to be a lengthy & complex process, & the Pact on Stability may become an important form of building new relations in this region. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyzes the grounds, origins, & manifestations of ethnic conflict in the area of former Yugoslavia on the basis of current psychological thought. Deriving from Allport' s "theory of prejudice," we outline the historic grounds, sociocultural diversity, & specific character of the particular social & political situation. Trying to find an answer to the crucial question of what is to be done, we distinguish between the four stages of conflict -- latency, manifestation, actualization, & consolidation -- as well as the three lines of action -- institutional solutions, influence of the mass media, & the process of political socialization. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses some aspects of continuity and change in Croatian society. The first part, entitled "A Synoptic View of the Croatian Society Today", gives a bird's-eye-view of the Croatian society -- its social structure, dominant values, main repetitive processes: cooperation, competition, conflict, and main processes of social change: modernization and re-traditionalization. It shows the simultaneous effect of forces of continuity and tendencies to change. The second part, entitled "Dominant Values of Croatian Society", presents dominant values on three levels of centeredness: individual (individualism and utilitarianism), national (the "heroic codex") and societal (radical egalitarianism, authoritarianism and solidarity). The war has not introduced significant changes into the value system, apart from a more prominent and generalized "heroic codex" and solidarity. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses some aspects of continuity and change in Croatian society. The first part, entitled "A Synoptic View of the Croatian Society Today", gives a bird's-eye-view of the Croatian society -- its social structure, dominant values, main repetitive processes: cooperation, competition, conflict, and main processes of social change: modernization and re-traditionalization. It shows the simultaneous effect of forces of continuity and tendencies to change. The second part, entitled "Dominant Values of Croatian Society", presents dominant values on three levels of centeredness: individual (individualism and utilitarianism), national (the "heroic codex") and societal (radical egalitarianism, authoritarianism and solidarity). The war has not introduced significant changes into the value system, apart from a more prominent and generalized "heroic codex" and solidarity. Adapted from the source document.

Shaping national interests is of strategic & political significance for a state. In this process, economic, ideological, military, cultural, & other variable & invariable factors are intertwined. Their realization brings states into contact with other states. When one or several interests of one state run counter to the interests & objectives of another state, conflicts arise. This makes the protection of interests vital. States organize the protection of interests by means of a system of national security. National interests are values & objectives directed toward the development of a national community, while national security is an activity organized for their protection. A rational & realistic definition of national interests & the mechanisms of their protection are important elements of the stability of states & the international community. Adapted from the source document.

The conflict in Northern Ireland, whose modern phase began in 1969, is highly complex, & it is impossible to unequivocally define it. On the one hand, it is an internal conflict with the elements of ethnic, religious, & civil strife, & on the other, this is a conflict with a critical international dimension. There have been various definitions of the conflict in Northern Ireland, but one thing is certain: this is undoubtedly one of the most prolonged & bloodiest conflicts in modern Europe, in which 3,600 people have lost their lives, & 47,000 have been injured. This conflict is an amalgam of past & present events, processes, & relations from aspects of four types of relationships: between the Catholics (nationalists/republicans) & the Protestants (unionists/loyalists) in Northern Ireland itself; the London-Belfast relationship; London-Dublin & Dublin-Belfast. The analysis of this conflict shows that from the perspective of conflict theory it is one of a kind. No such theory explains this conflict completely; as a matter of fact, the conflict in Northern Ireland is covered by elements of several conflict theories. The analysis also shows that the conflict in Northern Ireland can be solved only by political means. However, due to the complexity of this conflict it is not possible to reach a single solution that would satisfy the maximalist demands of all the parties. This conflict can be resolved by means of a political compromise that would create a framework for action of all the conflicting parties, the framework that would be an end in itself, ie, a way of life & not an instrument for the realization of the original (opposing) ultimate goals of those involved in the conflict. 3 Tables, 107 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article reconstructs and interprets Bakaric's views on the causes of reproduction of extensive economic development in Yugoslavia in the historical context. Emphasis is put on Bakaric's political-economic criticism of the ideology and practice of Yugoslav socialism. His research into the causes of the economic structure's lack of balance and the consequences thereof starts from the etatist relations of production, which were the basic framework and an insurmountable obstacle to the possibility of their liberalization. He found the causes of imbalance in the bureaucratic relations and in the basic motives of the governing stratum to ensure -- through incessant new big investments -- mass employment, improvement of the standard of living, additional influx to the budget and preservation of the monopoly of party power. A long process of gradual, slow and uneven development of self-government in an unequally developed multiethnic community did not make it possible to break out of the vicious circle. Frequent normative and organizational changes concealed constant political debates and conflicts regarding budget distribution and fiscal solidarity among the republics and regions. Bakaric was critical towards the governing stratum, which focused on distribution instead of fulfilling prerequisites for far-reaching changes of the economic and social system, and this resulted in a general crisis and in the collapse of the Yugoslav model of socialism. Adapted from the source document.