Suchergebnisse

The author analyzes the process of democratization of international relations & the future configuration of international order following the end of the era of bipolar confrontation & the establishment of cooperation in a world that has witnessed changes in the key actors' roles regarding their approach to the resolution of the post-Cold-War crises that jeopardize the world's peace & stability. First, the author provides a short outline of the genesis of the evolution of US foreign policy, from the end of WWII to the beginning of the Cold War & the formation of NATO. He points out that today's agenda of the international order, its structures, interventionism, & use of force in achieving political objectives, were already shaped at that time. The suggestions put forward constituted the framework & foundation for world politics until the late 1980s; the cumulative effect of these responses on today's attempts at solving post-Cold-War crises enables us to evaluate the roles & behavior of individual actors in the resolution of the Kosovo crisis. The maintenance of peace & stability in the post-Cold-War world in the circumstances of cooperation & partnership requires an appropriate approach & manner of resolving the crises triggered off by the collapse of communist federations. Imperial policies & regimes must be eliminated, while the processes of geopolitical consolidation & the creation of independent & sovereign states in Central & Eastern Europe (& in Euro-Asia on the whole), built around democratic & market principles, must be wrapped up. The new political leaders (mostly leftist) in the countries that for 50+ years (& now through the Kosovo crisis) have been developing the transatlantic alliance within the military-political framework of NATO (based on the same values, principles, & goals), are now developing appropriate strategies for the post-Cold-War hotspots (based on cumulative experience). 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the process of the NATO expansion in Europe following the collapse of the Berlin Wall & the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact. Paradoxically, after the end of the Cold War, the security conditions in Europe have not improved. On the contrary, the danger of military conflicts has increased. That is why most former communist countries, including the newly created states that emerged after the disintegration of Yugoslavia & the Soviet Union, have been trying to eliminate this danger & strengthen their security by joining NATO. The Russian Federation is the main opponent of the NATO expansion in Eastern Europe, particularly into the states that came into being after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The author describes in detail the geostrategical & geopolitical implications of the admittance of the first group of Eastern European countries into NATO (Poland, the Czech Republic, & Romania), as well as the prospects of the NATO expansion into the other countries in the region. He sees the American initiative for cooperation in Southeastern Europe as a complement to the process of NATO expansion. In the end he criticizes NATO's process of selection of new members, the process that has left Croatia (for the time being) in a sort of a geostrategical void. 5 Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.

Završio je Drugi svjetski rat, a svijetu je bio potreban mir. Većina lidera složila se da zajedno porade na tome. Radi toga je osnovana Organizacija Ujedinjenih naroda, kako bi zajednički radili na provedbi mira. Međutim, odmah nakon rata SAD i SSSR se sukobljavaju oko raznih važnih pitanja. Započinje razdoblje hladnog rata – vrijeme naoružavanja, natjecanja i stalne nesigurnosti. Siromašne afričke i azijske zemlje pokreću proces dekolonizacije tražeći suverenitet za svoje zemlje. Predvodnik tog pokreta je Indija, a nakon nje susjedne azijske države. Proces se nakon toga širi u Afriku. Azijske i afričke zemlje se počinju sastajati te s vremenom pokreću Pokret nesvrstanih. Veliku ulogu u tome imaju Naser, Nehru i Tito. Pokretom afričke i azijske zemlje dobivaju na važnosti na diplomatskoj sceni. Sukladno uz to, velike sile se bore za strateške točke te dolazi do mnogih sukoba. Najteži se događaju u Aziji i Africi. Veliki sukob dogodio se između Židova i Arapa na Bliskom istoku. U isto vrijeme događaju se i veliki sukobi na Korejskom i Indokineskom poluotoku. U sva tri sukoba bili su uključene velike sile, a neke od njih su sukobe čak i inicirale. ; The World War II ended and the world needed peace. Most of the leaders agreed to work together for this aim. That is why the United Nations was established. However, immediately after the war, the United States and the USSR are confronted about various important issues. The Cold War begins - the time of armament, competition and constant insecurity. The poor African and Asian countries are launching a process of decolonization, seeking sovereignty for their countries. The leader of this movement was India, and its neighboring Asian state. Then, the process spreads to Africa. Asian and African countries are beginning to meet and in time launch Non-Aligned Movement. Naser, Nehru and Tito had a major role in this. With NonAligned Movement, African and Asian countries gain importance on the diplomatic scene. Accordingly, great powers struggle for strategic points and many ...

The disintegration of communist societies is a continuation of the processes that were interrupted when the communist parties came to power with their programs of radical changes aimed at erasing all the social relationships that had been developed within a civil society. The author does not contest the thesis that the development of bourgeois countries is a historical rule, but he stresses that the problems of postcommunism cannot be solved by simply imitating everything from the West. The East European countries will have to undergo the same historical processes as the West, but in their own manner. The phase in which national states are formed cannot be avoided, & it does carry certain risks. Potential conflict situations cannot be avoided by stopping the processes put into motion by the fall of communism because this would produce an opposite effect. The author contests the opinion of the advocates of large integrative wholes who assert that the communist federations have disintegrated as a consequence of the activities of the nationalists & the national movements. He shows that disintegration represented an inseparable part of the dissolution of the old political order. Adapted from the source document.

Shortly after the Crimea crisis of March 2014, NATO started a process of strategic reflection and a series of actions under the umbrella of the 'Pivot to East'. On the South of its Eastern flank, the Black Sea region looms as one of the most unstable areas, with a number of frozen conflicts in non-NATO countries as well as an increasing unrest overall. This article explores the political discourses, commitments and attitudes towards NATO of the three allies at the Black Sea, namely Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as exploring their role in regional security. The purpose of the research is to compare NATO's representation in the mainstream politics of these countries. Based on discourse analysis and the comparative method, the paper examines to what extent stability, ambiguity and change are present in the Southeast allies' discourses on NATO. ; Shortly after the Crimea crisis of March 2014, NATO started a process of strategic reflection and a series of actions under the umbrella of the 'Pivot to East'. On the South of its Eastern flank, the Black Sea region looms as one of the most unstable areas, with a number of frozen conflicts in non-NATO countries as well as an increasing unrest overall. This article explores the political discourses, commitments and attitudes towards NATO of the three allies at the Black Sea, namely Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as exploring their role in regional security. The purpose of the research is to compare NATO's representation in the mainstream politics of these countries. Based on discourse analysis and the comparative method, the paper examines to what extent stability, ambiguity and change are present in the Southeast allies' discourses on NATO.

In this paper, the author argues that political education is indispensable to democracy & dependent on models of democracy. In analysing normative models of democracy, his focus is on the process of creating political will because it is during this process where the role of citizens themselves becomes prominent. The analysis has demonstrated that there are various ways in which citizens can become engaged in the process of creating political will, & that these various ways in fact determine the distinctiveness of each model of democracy. The author shows that strategic political action, as instrumental political action, is characteristic of the classical liberal model, whilst value-rational, ethically laden, action is characteristic of the classical republican model of democracy. The problem with both these models is that the key motives for citizen political engagement -- interests in the liberal model, & the common good in the republican model -- are in a way exogenous to the political process itself. The development of the third model, the theory of deliberative democracy, seeks to overcome these exogenous qualities of interests & the common good in relation to the political process & thus reassert the role of politics in constituting interests & the common good. Thus, the deliberative model of democracy has the potential for constituting & transforming interests & conceptions of the common good. In this model, politics assumes its distinctive function of organising society, resolving conflicts & achieving consensus. In the deliberative model of democracy, political education is provided with new outlines & dimension. These are based on the premises of social cooperation & the notion of the person as capable of acting justly & participate in the public sphere for the purpose of resolving shared problems. References. Adapted from the source document.

Članak analizira proces suočavanja s prošlošću pokušavajaći odgovoriti na tri pitanja – što znači suočavanje s prošlošću, kako to učiniti i zašto. Nakon objašnjenja samog pojma, kao primjer zemlje koja je provela sveobuhvatan i uspješan proces suočavanja s prošlošću analizira se Njemačka. Pokušavajući odgovoriti na pitanje zašto se suočavamo s prošlošću, autorica intervjuira Vesnu Teršelič, voditeljicu Documente – Centra za suočavanje s prošlošću, Vesnu Alaburić, odvjetnicu, i Teresu Forcades, benediktinku koja se suočavanjem s prošlošću bavi u svojoj zemlji, Španjolskoj, koja se krajem sedamdesetih godina prošlog stoljeća odlučila za politiku zaborava. Iskustvo Njemačke i Španjolske pokazuje da je suočavanje s prošlošću neizostavan dio ozdravljenja svake države nakon sukoba, ali i to da je riječ o procesu koji se ne može ukalupiti, već da je za svaku zemlju potreban jedinstveni tailor-made koncept. Uspješnost procesa ovisi o tome dolazi li potreba za njim iznutra (od samog naroda), o tome koliko su instrumenti tranzicijske pravde prožeti kulturom naroda te o podršci nacionalnih političkih elita, crkve, medija, znanstvenog kruga i civilnog društva. ; The article analyses the process of dealing with the past by trying to answer three questions: what it means to deal with the past, how and why to do it. After the explanation of the term itself, there follows the analysis of the process of dealing with the past in Germany as an example of a country that faced the past most thoroughly and successfully. In order to answer the question why to deal with the past, the author interviewed Vesna Teršelič, the director of Documenta – Centre for dealing with the past, the lawyer Vesna Alaburić and Teresa Forcades, a Benedictine nun actively involved with dealing with the past in her own country, Spain, which at the end of the seventies chose not to deal with Franco's era. The experiences of Germany and Spain show that dealing with the past is an integral part of a country's healing process after conflict. However, the article also shows that dealing with the past is a process that cannot be applied to all countries in the same way but that for each country a specific, tailor made approach is required. The success of the process depends on whether the need to deal with the past comes from the inside (the people themselves), whether the instruments of transitional justice integrate the country's culture, and whether the whole process is supported by the political elite, the church, the media, the scientific circles and the civil society.

The author's starting point is the claim that, despite integrative tendencies, the number of national states in the world is on the increase. The opposing national interests & conflicts may be mitigated or avoided if the central concepts & issues, the ways of the accommodation of interests, & the features of the postcommunist transitions are known. The author explains the concepts & issues such as nation, ethnic group, national state, nationalism, protection of minorities, right to self-determination, decentralization, autonomy, federalism, consociational democracy, & nonterritorial autonomy. He focuses on the issues that reflect the current controversies of both global & national policies. He concludes that, among other things, the national issues are central to the process of transition & they cannot be ignored (since nations are a reality, which must be coped with); there are principles & mechanisms of the regulation of the conflicting national interests; democracy & nation-building are not incompatible but contradictory notions; democratic societies are nationally tolerant; & resolution of the national question is a prerequisite for democratic transition. Adapted from the source document.

Vrednovanje ima svoju povijesnu i društvenu utemeljenost i uvjetovanost. Autori smatraju da kao sastavnica kurikulumskog procesa, relativno novog pristupa unutarnjem preustroju odgojno-obrazovnih i školskih sustava, zauzima ključno mjesto kao završna a ujedno i polazišna točka odgojno obrazovnog procesa. Ta je sastavnica bila zapostavljena sa stručnog i znanstvenoistraživačkog aspekta, mada je jedna od senzibilnijih etapa u tom procesu. Ista se u radu razmatra kao relevantna sastavnica nastavnikova habitusa. Iz toga proistječe nužnost osposobljavanja nastavnika za vrednovanje tijekom njegova inicijalnog obrazovanja, razvoj ove kompetencije u obrazovanju učitelja tijekom rada te poglavito u cjeloživotnom obrazovanju nastavnika.Ocjena kao rezultat vrednovanja, može djelovati višeslojno na pojedince ili skupinu: katalitički limitirajuće i inhibitorno. Time se determinira socijalna klima i odnosi između ekstrema autokratičnosti i demokratičnosti, odnosno alijenacije i dezalijenacije subjekata u nastavi. Istraživanja pokazuju da učenici, a posebno studenti, imaju razvijene sposobnosti za vrednovanje, ali nedovoljno participiraju u tom dijelu nastavnog procesa, što ih zadržava u tradicionalnoj poziciji – objekta.Kako se u postupku vrednovanja učenika generiraju konflikti, to je ovom problemu potrebno posvetiti posebnu pažnju. ; Evaluation has its own historical and social foundation and determination. Authors considerthat as an integral element in process of curriculum in this relatively new approach to innerreconstruction in educational and school systems, it takes an important place as a finishing andstarting point in educational process. This component was neglected from aspect of profession aswell as scientific studies, although it is one of the more sensible stages in that process.In this work ditto is considered as a relevant component of teacher's habitus. From this stems thenecessity for training teachers in evaluation during their initial education, as well as developmentof this competence during their work as teachers, and mainly in their lifelong/permanenteducation.Mark, as a result of evaluation, can act in layers on individuals or on a group: catalyticicallylimitating or inhibitating. With it social climate and relations between autocratic and democraticextremes are determined, such as alienation and desalination of the subjects of education.Researches show, that pupils, and especially the students, have developed abilities for evaluation,but are insufficiently participating in that part of educational process thus maintaining thetraditional position of an object.As conflicts are generated in process of assessment of pupils this problem needs specialattention

The author's starting point is the claim that, despite integrative tendencies, the number of national states in the world is on the increase. The opposing national interests & conflicts may be mitigated or avoided if the central concepts & issues, the ways of the accommodation of interests & the features of the post-communist transitions are known. The author explains the concepts & issues such as nation, ethnic group, national state, nationalism, protection of minorities, the right to self-determination, decentralization, autonomy, federalism, consociational democracy, & non-territorial autonomy. He focuses on the issues that reflect the current controversies of the global & the national policies. He concludes that, among other things, the national issues are central to the process of transition & that they cannot be ignored (since nations are a reality which must be coped with), that there are principles & mechanisms of the regulation of the conflicting national interests, that democracy & nation-building are not incompatible but contradictory notions, that democratic societies are nationally tolerant, that the resolution of the national question is a prerequisite for democratic transition. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyses the representation and main characteristics of comparative politics articles published in the journal Politicka misao. Starting from the assumption that the political and academic fields are engaged in a process of 'reciprocal legitimation', we divided the period of analysis into two phases and research subsamples. The first encompasses articles published in the period 1964-1989, while the second covers articles published in the period 1990-2013. Content analysis reveals that during the first phase comparative politics articles were weakly represented in the journal. The few articles that belong to the field were mostly written from a Marxist perspective, and occasionally from the perspective of old normative institutionalism. Overall they were methodologically unreflective, descriptive and configurative. The most frequent topics were self-managing democracy, communist and revolutionary parties, anti-imperial movements and conflicts in Third World countries. The time period after 1990 is characterised by a strengthening of the field of comparative politics. First of all, there is a notable increase in the number of articles dedicated to elections, electoral systems, political parties and party systems, legislatures and governments, constitutionalism and the judiciary, political culture, nationalism, as well as European institutions and processes. Secondly, theoretical approaches are more diversified, ranging from new institutionalism, behavioralism and pluralism to rational choice theory and cultural theory. Though case studies and focused studies with a small-N are the most frequent empirical strategies, overall methodology remains the weakest element of domestic academic production in comparative politics, while explicitly methodological discussions remain extremely rare. Adapted from the source document.

Ova analiza društvenog konteksta manjinske politike u Republici Srbiji u razdoblju od 2000. do 2016. godine posebnu je pozornost posvetila osnovnim odrednicama i dostignućima manjinske politike u procesu tranzicije i pretpostavkama, kao i mehanizmima izgradnje integrativne manjinske politike. Vladajuća etno-nacionalistička mobilizacija otežava prevladavanje nedavne prošlosti i teških posljedica međuetničkog sukobljavanja, uključujući i oružane sukobe, zločine etničkog čišćenja i genocida. To otežava međuetničku i međudržavnu suradnju sa susjedima, državama na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije odnosno Zapadnog Balkana. Posljedice ovakve politike najvidljivije su u položaju "novih nacionalnih manjina" i u odnosima sa susjednim državama koje su "matične države" ovih nacionalnih manjina. Odgovor na ove izazove Srbija bi trebala pronaći u okolnostima pojačanog značaja regionalne suradnje i pristupanja Europskoj Uniji (EU). Pritom ovaj odgovor najviše ovisi o tome hoće li se reformama dostići cilj održivog razvoja kao temelja socijalne inkluzije, a i pretpostavka je nužnih reformi i "europske budućnosti" (Janjić, 2011: 1 - 3). ; This analysis of the social context of minority policy in the Republic of Serbia betveen 2000 and 2016 deals with major determinants and achievements of minority policy in the transition process, including preconditions and mechanisms aimed at achieving the integrative minority policy in Serbia. The basic experience with minority policy and overall post-socialist transition in Serbia is marked by contradictions in the triangle of solidarity, social inclusion and ethnic nationalism. The dominant ethno-nationalist mobilization hinders the ability of Serbia to overcome the legacy of recent past and serious consequences of inter-ethnic conflicts, including armed conflicts, ethnic cleansing and genocide. This hinders inter-ethnic and inter-state cooperation with its neighbors, countries of the former Yugoslavia and Western Balkans. The consequences of such policy are most clearly visible in the status of "new" national minorities and in relations with Serbia's neighbors - "kin-states" of its national minorities. Likewise, it is difficult to implement supporting policies for the Serbs in the region who perceive Serbia as their "kin-state". Serbia should seek to respond to these challenges in attaching more importance to regional cooperation and joining the European Union (EU).

Nakon višestoljetnoga zajedničkog života u okviru istovjetnih društvenih uvjeta i političkih tvorevina, završetkom ratnih razračunavanja s kraja 17. i drugoga desetljeća 18. stoljeća vrgoračko-ljubuški prostor se našao na periferiji dvaju imperijalnih sustava, na granici njihova dodira. Te su činjenice potaknule proces oblikovanja novih prostorno-regionalnih identiteta kod toga istovjetnog etnokulturnog i etnokonfesionalnog korpusa kakvim ih prepoznajemo danas. Vrgoračko-ljubuški prostor jes predratne periferije Osmanskoga Carstva spomenutim ratnim razgraničenjima podijeljen te uklopljen u vojnokrajiški i osmansko-mletački sustav nastavljajući tako kompleksan historijsko-geografski razvitak s obiju strana granica. ; After several centuries of living together under identical social circumstances and within the same political entities, at the end of war conflicts in the late 17th century and the second decade of the 18th century, the Vrgorac-Ljubuški area found itself on the periphery of two imperial systems, at the very border between them. These circumstances triggered the process of shaping new regional identities, as we know them today, within this unified ethno-cultural and ethno-confessional corps. The Vrgorac-Ljubuški area, pre-war periphery of the Ottoman Empire, was thus divided according to the aforementioned war demarcations and fitted into the Military Border, Ottoman, and Venetian space, continuing its complex historical and geographic development on both sides of the border.

Examines liberal democracy in relation to the European tradition from whence it sprung & enumerates the biggest differences between the historical forms of democracy & its modern guise. According to the author, the authentic enemies of modern liberal democracy are fascism & bolshevism. He summarizes his analyses into three points. (1) In western countries the principles of democracy have mostly been realized in the course of a long genesis following the conflict with monarchist absolutism & more recently, with fascism. (2) In the philosophy of modern day politics, mostly formal & quantitative aspects of democratic processes have been analyzed, which is the biggest shortcoming of these theories. That is why the author proposes an analysis of meaningful aspects of liberal democracy. (3) Focus is on the analysis of freedom & democracy as forms of the organization of political life of major human groups characteristic for the industrial age & modern capitalism. At the end of his study the author puts some light on the relationship between liberalism & democracy by describing the hermeneutical functions of morality in the modern age. The political culture & moral consciousness represent the base for the functioning of mediatory democracy. The hermeneutical nature of moral consciousness allows modern democracy to develop a practical relationship with its tradition without which it cannot function, as has been the case with those states in which democracy is being introduced today. Adapted from the source document.

Krajem listopada 1993. pripadnici Armije Bosne i Hercegovine i Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova Bosne i Hercegovine realizirali su akciju "Trebević-2", koja je bila predstavljena kao konačni obračun s kriminalnim skupinama u muslimanskoj vojsci na području Sarajeva. Za razliku od proklamiranoga cilja, tu je akciju muslimanski politički i vojni vrh iskoristio za rješavanje zaoštrenih odnosa u vrhu Armije Bosne i Hercegovine. Ti narušeni odnosi eruptirali su u razdoblju nakon uspostave dužnosti zapovjednika Armije Bosne i Hercegovine kojom je degradiran načelnik Glavnoga štaba general Sefer Halilović. Usto je akcija "Trebević" poslužila i za skretanje odgovornosti muslimanskoga političkog i vojnog rukovodstva od ratnih zločina počinjenih u operaciji "Neretva 93", gdje su sudjelovale upravo jedinice Armije Bosne i Hercegovine iz Sarajeva protiv kojih je isplanirana i provedena navedena akcija. ; In October 1993, the Muslim political and military leadership, with the full support of the President of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Alija Izetbegović, planned and implemented a military-police operation that was, officially, supposed to introduce order among the 'renegade' commanders of the 9th Motorised and 10th Mountain Brigades of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina (AB&H). However, a reconstruction of the events that led up to the initiation of the mentioned operation casts doubt on the official version of the events. Namely, the Muslim political and military leadership had been aware of certain inappropriate activities of some units under its command as early as the first half of 1993, but failed to take any concrete actions to sanction them. On the contrary, despite being clearly aware of these problematic activities, the leadership of the AB&H continued to use such units in combat. In September 1993, parts of these units were actively involved in the operation 'Neretva 93', during which war crimes were committed against Croatian civilians in the village of Grabovica on 8 and 9 September. After a meeting held on 4 October 1993, the Muslim leadership headed by Izetbegović reached a decision to deal with the problematic military commanders of the AB&H and a part of the units under their control. However, this process of facing the criminal activities performed by members of the AB&H concealed the real conflict, which was the conflict about who had supreme influence over the army and in politics, and was actually between Izetbegović and the leader of the AB&H Chief of the General Staff, Sefer Halilović. The successful results of operation 'Trebević 2' left Izetbegović without any serious challengers to his authority.