Suchergebnisse

There are varied institutional forms (formal and informal) in which electoral (political) subjects take part in elections. Elections for assemblies show that the actions of such subjects are differently motivated, and also that their approach during conflict or cooperation in the realization of their wishes is different. Thus conflict situations, »election scandals«, occur sporadically. Such conflicts are an expression and a result of contradictory desires and actions of the participants. The significance and effect of an electoral conflict is conditioned and determined by the (political) significance of the elections themselves, not only in the sense that they are formally one of the basic constitutive elements of the political system, but first and foremost because they are the form in which citizens are active in politics. Following the procedure in election the author has tried to reveal the basic actors in electoral conflicts, the content of their conflict and the form it takes. In the author's opinion it is wrong to pass an a priori judgement of the character and value of electoral »cases« (negative judgements have usually been passed), the foundation of the conflict and the character and orientation of the persons involved, who do not seek for affirmation of their political value in the strength of arguments and objective achievement. We can understand and solve the ambivalent character of such conflicts, and the political behavior of their participants, only after studying the case. There will be a smaller number of »cases« and electoral conflicts, and they will be less complicated, the more consistently we free ourselves from varied formal-legal and political restraints, and the more society takes on the characteristics of self-managing and democratic socialism. Conflicts of this type are not the result of democracy. They are the result of its insufficient development or presence, thus making it subject to misunderstanding, searching and abuse.

The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established. ; The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established.

In regions troubled by ethnic based conflict violence often erupts abruptly and severely. Peacemakers, then, follow unconditional paths to prevent conflict escalation. The article analyzes the ways in which post-conflict constitutional designs shape the state structure through constitutional amendments. Peace agreements as bases for constitutional reform, the article claims, have reformatory but also obstructive implications. Seeing the Ohrid Framework Agreement as a case study, the paper analyzes its implications on the development of the political system in Macedonia. On one side OFA serves as a criterion for the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration and a driving force for the creation of a functioning multicultural society. On the other side, the procedural and substantive flaws of the agreement undermine its absorbability in the society. In procedural sense, OFA hindered its own implementation through the used terminology and the drafting process. In substantial sense, agreement's goals and provisions reached beyond the purpose of peace agreements and underestimated the complexity of the conflicting issues at stake. ; In regions troubled by ethnic based conflict violence often erupts abruptly and severely. Peacemakers, then, follow unconditional paths to prevent conflict escalation. The article analyzes the ways in which post-conflict constitutional designs shape the state structure through constitutional amendments. Peace agreements as bases for constitutional reform, the article claims, have reformatory but also obstructive implications. Seeing the Ohrid Framework Agreement as a case study, the paper analyzes its implications on the development of the political system in Macedonia. On one side OFA serves as a criterion for the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration and a driving force for the creation of a functioning multicultural society. On the other side, the procedural and substantive flaws of the agreement undermine its absorbability in the society. In procedural sense, OFA hindered its own implementation through the used terminology and the drafting process. In substantial sense, agreement's goals and provisions reached beyond the purpose of peace agreements and underestimated the complexity of the conflicting issues at stake.

Namjera je u ovom radu prikazati i predstaviti oružanu skupinu FARC, njihovu dugogodišnju borbu, propale pregovore s vladom te posljednje pregovore koji su rezultirali sporazumom. Ovaj slučaj pruža uvid u rješavanje sukoba te primjer kako postupati s drugim sukobljenim stranama. Kolumbija se ističe kao zemlja s velikim problemima, a jedan od njih su pobunjeničke grupe. Velikim uspjehom može se smatrati potpisivanje sporazuma s najdugovječnijom oružanom skupinom. Tematski okvir rada predstavlja istraživanje korporacije RAND, odnosno njenih autora Setha Jonesa i Martina Libickog koji su predstavili pet načina na koje dolazi do prestanka djelovanja terorističkih skupina. Fokus u ovom radu je na prestanku djelovanja terorističkih skupina tako što se uključe u legalne i legitimne političke procese. Rad dovodi do zaključka kako je FARC oružana skupina koja je tijekom svojih godina postojanja prošla nekoliko tipova djelovanja te na kraju postala politička stranka. Okolnosti u kojima se zatekla skupina, ali i sama država, dovele su do toga da ponovno pokrenu pregovore. ; The purpose of this paper is to show and introduce armed group named FARC, their long-lasting fight, failed negotiations with the government and the last negotiations that resulted in a peace agreement. This case provides insight in solutions to the conflict and example how to deal with other conflicted groups. Colombia stands out as a country with big problems and one of them are rebel groups. Great success is signing of a peace agreement with the most lasting rebel group. The framework of this subject is the research of the RAND Corporation, that is, their authors, Seth Jones and Martin Libicki, who showed five ways in which terrorist groups end. The focus of this paper is an ending of terrorist groups by involving in legal and legitimate political process. The paper brings to conclusion that FARC is armed group which has had throughout their many years different types of activity and in the end it has become a political party. Circumstances in which ...

Cilj je rada istražiti stabilnost koalicijskih vlada u Hrvatskoj 2000. – 2020. te se polazi od teze da je nestabilnost vlada uvjetovana nedovoljno obuhvatnim koalicijskim sporazumima i neučinkovitim mehanizmima rješavanja koalicijskih sukoba. U radu se prvo analiziraju koalicijski sporazumi s obzirom na veličinu i sadržaj koji je u njima zastupljen, a zatim se istražuju stvarni procesi koalicijskog upravljanja koji se događaju unutar "crne kutije" identificiranjem najčešćih sukoba i mehanizama s pomoću kojih se oni nastoje riješiti. U analizi se upotrebljavaju izvorni empirijski podaci prikupljeni intervjuima s bivšim članovima koalicijskih vlada, kao i koalicijski sporazumi, vladini programi, arhivska građa dviju dnevnih novina te arhivske baze vlade i parlamenta. Rezultati istraživanja doveli su do glavnog zaključka da zbog nedovoljno razrađenih i formaliziranih koalicijskih sporazuma koalicijske stranke nisu uspješne u upravljanju koalicijskim sukobima, stoga pribjegavaju ad hoc mehanizmu neformanog i vrlo personaliziranog odlučivanja koje se izgrađuje u malom gremiju čelnika koalicijskih stranaka. ; The aim of this paper is to explore the stability of coalition governments in Croatia in the period 2000–2020, starting with the premise that cabinet instability is influenced by the limited scope of coalition agreements and ineffective conflict resolution mechanisms. The paper first analyses coalition agreements with regard to their scope and content, and goes on to explore the actual processes of coalition governance that occur within the "black box" by identifying the most common conflicts and the mechanisms which are used to resolve these. The analysis uses original empirical data collected through interviews with former members of coalition governments, as well as coalition agreements, government programmes, the archives of two daily newspapers, and archival databases of the government and parliament. Research results have led to the main conclusion that due to insufficiently developed and formalised coalition agreements, coalition parties are not successful at managing coalition conflicts, so they resort to the ad hoc mechanism of informal and highly personalised decision-making which is generated by a small group of coalition leaders.

Završio je Drugi svjetski rat, a svijetu je bio potreban mir. Većina lidera složila se da zajedno porade na tome. Radi toga je osnovana Organizacija Ujedinjenih naroda, kako bi zajednički radili na provedbi mira. Međutim, odmah nakon rata SAD i SSSR se sukobljavaju oko raznih važnih pitanja. Započinje razdoblje hladnog rata – vrijeme naoružavanja, natjecanja i stalne nesigurnosti. Siromašne afričke i azijske zemlje pokreću proces dekolonizacije tražeći suverenitet za svoje zemlje. Predvodnik tog pokreta je Indija, a nakon nje susjedne azijske države. Proces se nakon toga širi u Afriku. Azijske i afričke zemlje se počinju sastajati te s vremenom pokreću Pokret nesvrstanih. Veliku ulogu u tome imaju Naser, Nehru i Tito. Pokretom afričke i azijske zemlje dobivaju na važnosti na diplomatskoj sceni. Sukladno uz to, velike sile se bore za strateške točke te dolazi do mnogih sukoba. Najteži se događaju u Aziji i Africi. Veliki sukob dogodio se između Židova i Arapa na Bliskom istoku. U isto vrijeme događaju se i veliki sukobi na Korejskom i Indokineskom poluotoku. U sva tri sukoba bili su uključene velike sile, a neke od njih su sukobe čak i inicirale. ; The World War II ended and the world needed peace. Most of the leaders agreed to work together for this aim. That is why the United Nations was established. However, immediately after the war, the United States and the USSR are confronted about various important issues. The Cold War begins - the time of armament, competition and constant insecurity. The poor African and Asian countries are launching a process of decolonization, seeking sovereignty for their countries. The leader of this movement was India, and its neighboring Asian state. Then, the process spreads to Africa. Asian and African countries are beginning to meet and in time launch Non-Aligned Movement. Naser, Nehru and Tito had a major role in this. With NonAligned Movement, African and Asian countries gain importance on the diplomatic scene. Accordingly, great powers struggle for strategic points and many ...

Shortly after the Crimea crisis of March 2014, NATO started a process of strategic reflection and a series of actions under the umbrella of the 'Pivot to East'. On the South of its Eastern flank, the Black Sea region looms as one of the most unstable areas, with a number of frozen conflicts in non-NATO countries as well as an increasing unrest overall. This article explores the political discourses, commitments and attitudes towards NATO of the three allies at the Black Sea, namely Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as exploring their role in regional security. The purpose of the research is to compare NATO's representation in the mainstream politics of these countries. Based on discourse analysis and the comparative method, the paper examines to what extent stability, ambiguity and change are present in the Southeast allies' discourses on NATO. ; Shortly after the Crimea crisis of March 2014, NATO started a process of strategic reflection and a series of actions under the umbrella of the 'Pivot to East'. On the South of its Eastern flank, the Black Sea region looms as one of the most unstable areas, with a number of frozen conflicts in non-NATO countries as well as an increasing unrest overall. This article explores the political discourses, commitments and attitudes towards NATO of the three allies at the Black Sea, namely Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as exploring their role in regional security. The purpose of the research is to compare NATO's representation in the mainstream politics of these countries. Based on discourse analysis and the comparative method, the paper examines to what extent stability, ambiguity and change are present in the Southeast allies' discourses on NATO.

Članak analizira proces suočavanja s prošlošću pokušavajaći odgovoriti na tri pitanja – što znači suočavanje s prošlošću, kako to učiniti i zašto. Nakon objašnjenja samog pojma, kao primjer zemlje koja je provela sveobuhvatan i uspješan proces suočavanja s prošlošću analizira se Njemačka. Pokušavajući odgovoriti na pitanje zašto se suočavamo s prošlošću, autorica intervjuira Vesnu Teršelič, voditeljicu Documente – Centra za suočavanje s prošlošću, Vesnu Alaburić, odvjetnicu, i Teresu Forcades, benediktinku koja se suočavanjem s prošlošću bavi u svojoj zemlji, Španjolskoj, koja se krajem sedamdesetih godina prošlog stoljeća odlučila za politiku zaborava. Iskustvo Njemačke i Španjolske pokazuje da je suočavanje s prošlošću neizostavan dio ozdravljenja svake države nakon sukoba, ali i to da je riječ o procesu koji se ne može ukalupiti, već da je za svaku zemlju potreban jedinstveni tailor-made koncept. Uspješnost procesa ovisi o tome dolazi li potreba za njim iznutra (od samog naroda), o tome koliko su instrumenti tranzicijske pravde prožeti kulturom naroda te o podršci nacionalnih političkih elita, crkve, medija, znanstvenog kruga i civilnog društva. ; The article analyses the process of dealing with the past by trying to answer three questions: what it means to deal with the past, how and why to do it. After the explanation of the term itself, there follows the analysis of the process of dealing with the past in Germany as an example of a country that faced the past most thoroughly and successfully. In order to answer the question why to deal with the past, the author interviewed Vesna Teršelič, the director of Documenta – Centre for dealing with the past, the lawyer Vesna Alaburić and Teresa Forcades, a Benedictine nun actively involved with dealing with the past in her own country, Spain, which at the end of the seventies chose not to deal with Franco's era. The experiences of Germany and Spain show that dealing with the past is an integral part of a country's healing process after conflict. However, the article also shows that dealing with the past is a process that cannot be applied to all countries in the same way but that for each country a specific, tailor made approach is required. The success of the process depends on whether the need to deal with the past comes from the inside (the people themselves), whether the instruments of transitional justice integrate the country's culture, and whether the whole process is supported by the political elite, the church, the media, the scientific circles and the civil society.

Vrednovanje ima svoju povijesnu i društvenu utemeljenost i uvjetovanost. Autori smatraju da kao sastavnica kurikulumskog procesa, relativno novog pristupa unutarnjem preustroju odgojno-obrazovnih i školskih sustava, zauzima ključno mjesto kao završna a ujedno i polazišna točka odgojno obrazovnog procesa. Ta je sastavnica bila zapostavljena sa stručnog i znanstvenoistraživačkog aspekta, mada je jedna od senzibilnijih etapa u tom procesu. Ista se u radu razmatra kao relevantna sastavnica nastavnikova habitusa. Iz toga proistječe nužnost osposobljavanja nastavnika za vrednovanje tijekom njegova inicijalnog obrazovanja, razvoj ove kompetencije u obrazovanju učitelja tijekom rada te poglavito u cjeloživotnom obrazovanju nastavnika.Ocjena kao rezultat vrednovanja, može djelovati višeslojno na pojedince ili skupinu: katalitički limitirajuće i inhibitorno. Time se determinira socijalna klima i odnosi između ekstrema autokratičnosti i demokratičnosti, odnosno alijenacije i dezalijenacije subjekata u nastavi. Istraživanja pokazuju da učenici, a posebno studenti, imaju razvijene sposobnosti za vrednovanje, ali nedovoljno participiraju u tom dijelu nastavnog procesa, što ih zadržava u tradicionalnoj poziciji – objekta.Kako se u postupku vrednovanja učenika generiraju konflikti, to je ovom problemu potrebno posvetiti posebnu pažnju. ; Evaluation has its own historical and social foundation and determination. Authors considerthat as an integral element in process of curriculum in this relatively new approach to innerreconstruction in educational and school systems, it takes an important place as a finishing andstarting point in educational process. This component was neglected from aspect of profession aswell as scientific studies, although it is one of the more sensible stages in that process.In this work ditto is considered as a relevant component of teacher's habitus. From this stems thenecessity for training teachers in evaluation during their initial education, as well as developmentof this competence during their work as teachers, and mainly in their lifelong/permanenteducation.Mark, as a result of evaluation, can act in layers on individuals or on a group: catalyticicallylimitating or inhibitating. With it social climate and relations between autocratic and democraticextremes are determined, such as alienation and desalination of the subjects of education.Researches show, that pupils, and especially the students, have developed abilities for evaluation,but are insufficiently participating in that part of educational process thus maintaining thetraditional position of an object.As conflicts are generated in process of assessment of pupils this problem needs specialattention

Ova analiza društvenog konteksta manjinske politike u Republici Srbiji u razdoblju od 2000. do 2016. godine posebnu je pozornost posvetila osnovnim odrednicama i dostignućima manjinske politike u procesu tranzicije i pretpostavkama, kao i mehanizmima izgradnje integrativne manjinske politike. Vladajuća etno-nacionalistička mobilizacija otežava prevladavanje nedavne prošlosti i teških posljedica međuetničkog sukobljavanja, uključujući i oružane sukobe, zločine etničkog čišćenja i genocida. To otežava međuetničku i međudržavnu suradnju sa susjedima, državama na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije odnosno Zapadnog Balkana. Posljedice ovakve politike najvidljivije su u položaju "novih nacionalnih manjina" i u odnosima sa susjednim državama koje su "matične države" ovih nacionalnih manjina. Odgovor na ove izazove Srbija bi trebala pronaći u okolnostima pojačanog značaja regionalne suradnje i pristupanja Europskoj Uniji (EU). Pritom ovaj odgovor najviše ovisi o tome hoće li se reformama dostići cilj održivog razvoja kao temelja socijalne inkluzije, a i pretpostavka je nužnih reformi i "europske budućnosti" (Janjić, 2011: 1 - 3). ; This analysis of the social context of minority policy in the Republic of Serbia betveen 2000 and 2016 deals with major determinants and achievements of minority policy in the transition process, including preconditions and mechanisms aimed at achieving the integrative minority policy in Serbia. The basic experience with minority policy and overall post-socialist transition in Serbia is marked by contradictions in the triangle of solidarity, social inclusion and ethnic nationalism. The dominant ethno-nationalist mobilization hinders the ability of Serbia to overcome the legacy of recent past and serious consequences of inter-ethnic conflicts, including armed conflicts, ethnic cleansing and genocide. This hinders inter-ethnic and inter-state cooperation with its neighbors, countries of the former Yugoslavia and Western Balkans. The consequences of such policy are most clearly visible in the status of "new" national minorities and in relations with Serbia's neighbors - "kin-states" of its national minorities. Likewise, it is difficult to implement supporting policies for the Serbs in the region who perceive Serbia as their "kin-state". Serbia should seek to respond to these challenges in attaching more importance to regional cooperation and joining the European Union (EU).

Nakon višestoljetnoga zajedničkog života u okviru istovjetnih društvenih uvjeta i političkih tvorevina, završetkom ratnih razračunavanja s kraja 17. i drugoga desetljeća 18. stoljeća vrgoračko-ljubuški prostor se našao na periferiji dvaju imperijalnih sustava, na granici njihova dodira. Te su činjenice potaknule proces oblikovanja novih prostorno-regionalnih identiteta kod toga istovjetnog etnokulturnog i etnokonfesionalnog korpusa kakvim ih prepoznajemo danas. Vrgoračko-ljubuški prostor jes predratne periferije Osmanskoga Carstva spomenutim ratnim razgraničenjima podijeljen te uklopljen u vojnokrajiški i osmansko-mletački sustav nastavljajući tako kompleksan historijsko-geografski razvitak s obiju strana granica. ; After several centuries of living together under identical social circumstances and within the same political entities, at the end of war conflicts in the late 17th century and the second decade of the 18th century, the Vrgorac-Ljubuški area found itself on the periphery of two imperial systems, at the very border between them. These circumstances triggered the process of shaping new regional identities, as we know them today, within this unified ethno-cultural and ethno-confessional corps. The Vrgorac-Ljubuški area, pre-war periphery of the Ottoman Empire, was thus divided according to the aforementioned war demarcations and fitted into the Military Border, Ottoman, and Venetian space, continuing its complex historical and geographic development on both sides of the border.

Krajem listopada 1993. pripadnici Armije Bosne i Hercegovine i Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova Bosne i Hercegovine realizirali su akciju "Trebević-2", koja je bila predstavljena kao konačni obračun s kriminalnim skupinama u muslimanskoj vojsci na području Sarajeva. Za razliku od proklamiranoga cilja, tu je akciju muslimanski politički i vojni vrh iskoristio za rješavanje zaoštrenih odnosa u vrhu Armije Bosne i Hercegovine. Ti narušeni odnosi eruptirali su u razdoblju nakon uspostave dužnosti zapovjednika Armije Bosne i Hercegovine kojom je degradiran načelnik Glavnoga štaba general Sefer Halilović. Usto je akcija "Trebević" poslužila i za skretanje odgovornosti muslimanskoga političkog i vojnog rukovodstva od ratnih zločina počinjenih u operaciji "Neretva 93", gdje su sudjelovale upravo jedinice Armije Bosne i Hercegovine iz Sarajeva protiv kojih je isplanirana i provedena navedena akcija. ; In October 1993, the Muslim political and military leadership, with the full support of the President of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Alija Izetbegović, planned and implemented a military-police operation that was, officially, supposed to introduce order among the 'renegade' commanders of the 9th Motorised and 10th Mountain Brigades of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina (AB&H). However, a reconstruction of the events that led up to the initiation of the mentioned operation casts doubt on the official version of the events. Namely, the Muslim political and military leadership had been aware of certain inappropriate activities of some units under its command as early as the first half of 1993, but failed to take any concrete actions to sanction them. On the contrary, despite being clearly aware of these problematic activities, the leadership of the AB&H continued to use such units in combat. In September 1993, parts of these units were actively involved in the operation 'Neretva 93', during which war crimes were committed against Croatian civilians in the village of Grabovica on 8 and 9 September. After a meeting held on 4 October 1993, the Muslim leadership headed by Izetbegović reached a decision to deal with the problematic military commanders of the AB&H and a part of the units under their control. However, this process of facing the criminal activities performed by members of the AB&H concealed the real conflict, which was the conflict about who had supreme influence over the army and in politics, and was actually between Izetbegović and the leader of the AB&H Chief of the General Staff, Sefer Halilović. The successful results of operation 'Trebević 2' left Izetbegović without any serious challengers to his authority.

Ovaj članak analizira razlike između konsocijacijske i centrifugalne demokracije, nudeći pojmovni pregled tih dvaju modela i uspoređujući ih na primjerima Švicarske i Bosne i Hercegovine. Po prvi se put modelu demokracije u Bosni i Hercegovini pripisuje pojam centrifugalne demokracije. Takvo određenje potvrđuje se analizom povijesnog razvoja institucija te analizom postojećih glavnih društvenih rascjepa i sukoba među političkom elitom. Razvoj konsocijacijske demokracije na primjeru Švicarske analizira se od 1848. godine, a centrifugalna demokracija u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1878. godine. U članku se također razmatraju "politički korektivi" koji stabiliziraju i aktivno usmjeravaju rad političkih elita u Švicarskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini. To su referendum i pučka inicijativa u prvom slučaju te prisutnost međunarodne zajednice u drugom slučaju. Zaključno se razmatra možebitni proces transformacije bosanskohercegovačkog poretka iz centrifugalne u konsocijacijsku demokraciju i oprimjeruje se potencijalnim inovacijama u institucionalnom dizajnu koje bi slijedile švicarski model. ; This paper analyzes differences between consociational and centrifugal democracy. It offers a conceptual framework for the two models and compares them through the Swiss and Bosnian Herzegovinian cases. For the first time, the concept of centrifugal democracy is attributed to the Bosnian-Herzegovinian model of democracy. This attribution is confirmed through an analysis of the historical institutional development, and of existing cleavages and conflicts among political elites. The development of Swiss consociational democracy is examined since 1848, while the development of Bosnian-Herzegovinian centrifugal democracy is assessed since 1878. The paper also considers "political correctives", which stabilize and direct the work of political elites in Switzerland and Bosnia and Herzegovina. These comprise referenda and popular initiatives in the first case and international community in the second case. The paper concludes with an assessment of a possible process of transformation of Bosnian-Herzegovinian centrifugal democracy into consociational democracy, and provides examples of potential institutional innovations that would follow the Swiss model.

The protracted conflict in Kosovo has led to the European Union's special concern on the issue, specifically its special activities in the entire area of the Western Balkans with the aim of fully Europeanizing the area and bringing it closer to European integration. The period from the 1980s was a kind of turning point for Kosovo, given that the changed constitutional possibilities in the then state gave the opportunity for independence and the establishment of the state of Kosovo. The understanding of the entire Kosovo issue needs to be observed from the historical aspect and the role of the international community. In general, the state of Kosovo was created mainly based on international action, which laid the foundations for the establishment of a modern European state. In this process, the Ahtisaari Plan and Resolution 1244 from 1999, from which the European Union derives its activities, played a particularly important role. Until now, Kosovo has gone through three periods – that of political unrest until the 1990s, the intensive actions of the international community until the 2000s, and the period of the European Union, which is still ongoing, more precisely, only beginning since Kosovo has signed the Stabilization and Association Agreement. The European Union has a significant impact on the further development of the state of Kosovo in terms of the rule of law, the establishment of democratic standards, and the strengthening of transparent government. Profiling itself as an important global factor in peace and stability, the European Union in Kosovo has achieved the results that are visible through the EULEX mission and the actions of the High Representative of the European Union in Kosovo, as well as all other European Union institutions. At the end of the second decade of this century, the influence of the United States of America in Kosovo, which has never lost interest in establishing peace and stability in this area, is growing again. That is the reason why joint action by the United States of ...

This paper presents the Brazilian specificities of the development of its public health and social assistance policies since the re-democratization process in the 1980s until today. Besides, it presents a wide range of conflicts between the economic interests and the political activism accountable for the advances of the public policies implementation. This evolution is presented as a subsidy to the reader's understanding of the development of a clinical solution for non-conventional settings specific to the Brazilian social and economic reality. Successful clinical experiences in health and social assistance based on phenomenology are presented, not only for diagnosis purposes, namely for understanding the people, for the context in the question, as well as the successful management development. The first case describes the provision of a peripatetic group therapy service, prior as a walking clinical practice, where the notion of territoriality and the dynamics of group interaction facilitate the understanding of the patients, while the intrinsic condition of the work also facilitates the establishment of transferential relationships. The second case describes the complexity of social welfare policy challenges through the clinical intervention while presenting a family in a social and economic vulnerability context. ; Rad prikazuje brazilske specifičnosti razvoja politike javnog zdravstva i socijalne pomoći od procesa redemokratizacije 80-ih godina prošlog stoljeća do danas. Osim toga, predstavlja širok raspon sukoba između ekonomskih interesa i političkog aktivizma koji je odgovoran za napredak u provedbi javnih politika. Ova evolucija predstavljena je kao subvencija razumijevanju razvoja kliničkog rješenja za nekonvencionalna okruženja, specifična za brazilsku društvenu i ekonomsku stvarnost. Prikazana su uspješna klinička iskustva u zdravstvenoj i socijalnoj pomoći temeljena na fenomenologiji, ne samo u svrhu dijagnoze, odnosno razumijevanja ljudi, konteksta, kao i uspješnog razvoja menadžmenta. Prvi slučaj opisuje pružanje usluge peripatetičke grupne terapije, prije kao hodajuće kliničke prakse, pri čemu pojam teritorijalnosti i dinamika grupne interakcije olakšavaju razumijevanje pacijenata, dok intrinzično stanje rada također olakšava uspostavljanje transferencijalnih odnosa. Drugi slučaj opisuje složenost izazova politike socijalne skrbi kroz kliničku intervenciju uz predstavljanje obitelji u kontekstu socijalne i ekonomske ranjivosti.