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The author analyzes the causes of the break-up of Yugoslavia & shows that the main cause was the expansion of the Greater-Serbia idea, but was also contributed to by a number of internal problems & changes in the international scene. After the break-up of Yugoslavia, a number of processes are still active & generating conflict: the goal of Serbian expansionists to create a Greater Serbia; the lack of a solution to the Bosnian conflict; the Albanian desire for an independent Kosovo state; Muslim aims of autonomy in Sandjak; a growing sovereignty movement in Montenegro; & continuing Serbian pressure on Macedonia. The author concludes that decisive international intervention is necessary to prevent deepened conflict & its spread to neighboring countries. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyzes the grounds, origins, & manifestations of ethnic conflict in the area of former Yugoslavia on the basis of current psychological thought. Deriving from Allport' s "theory of prejudice," we outline the historic grounds, sociocultural diversity, & specific character of the particular social & political situation. Trying to find an answer to the crucial question of what is to be done, we distinguish between the four stages of conflict -- latency, manifestation, actualization, & consolidation -- as well as the three lines of action -- institutional solutions, influence of the mass media, & the process of political socialization. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Sarajevo Convention, at which the Sarajevo Declaration & the Pact on Stability were adopted, represents a finale to the ten-year conflict in the Balkan region. The most important elements in the dynamic process of Europe's preparation for accepting the countries of Europe's Southeast have been the Brussels study by the Center for Political Analyses, the German "new politics," & US support. The analyses of the goals & mechanisms of the Pact show that it is a major political instrument, though hailed as a mixed blessing. If all the actors -- states, nongovernmental organizations, associations, & individuals -- are provided with long-term conditions for creating affiliations, joint views, & projects, the process of building better relations may be initiated. The Europeanization of Southeast Europe is going to be a lengthy & complex process, & the Pact on Stability may become an important form of building new relations in this region. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyzes the grounds, origins, & manifestations of ethnic conflict in the area of former Yugoslavia on the basis of current psychological thought. Deriving from Allport' s "theory of prejudice," we outline the historic grounds, sociocultural diversity, & specific character of the particular social & political situation. Trying to find an answer to the crucial question of what is to be done, we distinguish between the four stages of conflict -- latency, manifestation, actualization, & consolidation -- as well as the three lines of action -- institutional solutions, influence of the mass media, & the process of political socialization. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses some aspects of continuity and change in Croatian society. The first part, entitled "A Synoptic View of the Croatian Society Today", gives a bird's-eye-view of the Croatian society -- its social structure, dominant values, main repetitive processes: cooperation, competition, conflict, and main processes of social change: modernization and re-traditionalization. It shows the simultaneous effect of forces of continuity and tendencies to change. The second part, entitled "Dominant Values of Croatian Society", presents dominant values on three levels of centeredness: individual (individualism and utilitarianism), national (the "heroic codex") and societal (radical egalitarianism, authoritarianism and solidarity). The war has not introduced significant changes into the value system, apart from a more prominent and generalized "heroic codex" and solidarity. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses some aspects of continuity and change in Croatian society. The first part, entitled "A Synoptic View of the Croatian Society Today", gives a bird's-eye-view of the Croatian society -- its social structure, dominant values, main repetitive processes: cooperation, competition, conflict, and main processes of social change: modernization and re-traditionalization. It shows the simultaneous effect of forces of continuity and tendencies to change. The second part, entitled "Dominant Values of Croatian Society", presents dominant values on three levels of centeredness: individual (individualism and utilitarianism), national (the "heroic codex") and societal (radical egalitarianism, authoritarianism and solidarity). The war has not introduced significant changes into the value system, apart from a more prominent and generalized "heroic codex" and solidarity. Adapted from the source document.

Shaping national interests is of strategic & political significance for a state. In this process, economic, ideological, military, cultural, & other variable & invariable factors are intertwined. Their realization brings states into contact with other states. When one or several interests of one state run counter to the interests & objectives of another state, conflicts arise. This makes the protection of interests vital. States organize the protection of interests by means of a system of national security. National interests are values & objectives directed toward the development of a national community, while national security is an activity organized for their protection. A rational & realistic definition of national interests & the mechanisms of their protection are important elements of the stability of states & the international community. Adapted from the source document.

The conflict in Northern Ireland, whose modern phase began in 1969, is highly complex, & it is impossible to unequivocally define it. On the one hand, it is an internal conflict with the elements of ethnic, religious, & civil strife, & on the other, this is a conflict with a critical international dimension. There have been various definitions of the conflict in Northern Ireland, but one thing is certain: this is undoubtedly one of the most prolonged & bloodiest conflicts in modern Europe, in which 3,600 people have lost their lives, & 47,000 have been injured. This conflict is an amalgam of past & present events, processes, & relations from aspects of four types of relationships: between the Catholics (nationalists/republicans) & the Protestants (unionists/loyalists) in Northern Ireland itself; the London-Belfast relationship; London-Dublin & Dublin-Belfast. The analysis of this conflict shows that from the perspective of conflict theory it is one of a kind. No such theory explains this conflict completely; as a matter of fact, the conflict in Northern Ireland is covered by elements of several conflict theories. The analysis also shows that the conflict in Northern Ireland can be solved only by political means. However, due to the complexity of this conflict it is not possible to reach a single solution that would satisfy the maximalist demands of all the parties. This conflict can be resolved by means of a political compromise that would create a framework for action of all the conflicting parties, the framework that would be an end in itself, ie, a way of life & not an instrument for the realization of the original (opposing) ultimate goals of those involved in the conflict. 3 Tables, 107 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article reconstructs and interprets Bakaric's views on the causes of reproduction of extensive economic development in Yugoslavia in the historical context. Emphasis is put on Bakaric's political-economic criticism of the ideology and practice of Yugoslav socialism. His research into the causes of the economic structure's lack of balance and the consequences thereof starts from the etatist relations of production, which were the basic framework and an insurmountable obstacle to the possibility of their liberalization. He found the causes of imbalance in the bureaucratic relations and in the basic motives of the governing stratum to ensure -- through incessant new big investments -- mass employment, improvement of the standard of living, additional influx to the budget and preservation of the monopoly of party power. A long process of gradual, slow and uneven development of self-government in an unequally developed multiethnic community did not make it possible to break out of the vicious circle. Frequent normative and organizational changes concealed constant political debates and conflicts regarding budget distribution and fiscal solidarity among the republics and regions. Bakaric was critical towards the governing stratum, which focused on distribution instead of fulfilling prerequisites for far-reaching changes of the economic and social system, and this resulted in a general crisis and in the collapse of the Yugoslav model of socialism. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the process of democratization of international relations & the future configuration of international order following the end of the era of bipolar confrontation & the establishment of cooperation in a world that has witnessed changes in the key actors' roles regarding their approach to the resolution of the post-Cold-War crises that jeopardize the world's peace & stability. First, the author provides a short outline of the genesis of the evolution of US foreign policy, from the end of WWII to the beginning of the Cold War & the formation of NATO. He points out that today's agenda of the international order, its structures, interventionism, & use of force in achieving political objectives, were already shaped at that time. The suggestions put forward constituted the framework & foundation for world politics until the late 1980s; the cumulative effect of these responses on today's attempts at solving post-Cold-War crises enables us to evaluate the roles & behavior of individual actors in the resolution of the Kosovo crisis. The maintenance of peace & stability in the post-Cold-War world in the circumstances of cooperation & partnership requires an appropriate approach & manner of resolving the crises triggered off by the collapse of communist federations. Imperial policies & regimes must be eliminated, while the processes of geopolitical consolidation & the creation of independent & sovereign states in Central & Eastern Europe (& in Euro-Asia on the whole), built around democratic & market principles, must be wrapped up. The new political leaders (mostly leftist) in the countries that for 50+ years (& now through the Kosovo crisis) have been developing the transatlantic alliance within the military-political framework of NATO (based on the same values, principles, & goals), are now developing appropriate strategies for the post-Cold-War hotspots (based on cumulative experience). 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the process of the NATO expansion in Europe following the collapse of the Berlin Wall & the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact. Paradoxically, after the end of the Cold War, the security conditions in Europe have not improved. On the contrary, the danger of military conflicts has increased. That is why most former communist countries, including the newly created states that emerged after the disintegration of Yugoslavia & the Soviet Union, have been trying to eliminate this danger & strengthen their security by joining NATO. The Russian Federation is the main opponent of the NATO expansion in Eastern Europe, particularly into the states that came into being after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The author describes in detail the geostrategical & geopolitical implications of the admittance of the first group of Eastern European countries into NATO (Poland, the Czech Republic, & Romania), as well as the prospects of the NATO expansion into the other countries in the region. He sees the American initiative for cooperation in Southeastern Europe as a complement to the process of NATO expansion. In the end he criticizes NATO's process of selection of new members, the process that has left Croatia (for the time being) in a sort of a geostrategical void. 5 Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.

The disintegration of communist societies is a continuation of the processes that were interrupted when the communist parties came to power with their programs of radical changes aimed at erasing all the social relationships that had been developed within a civil society. The author does not contest the thesis that the development of bourgeois countries is a historical rule, but he stresses that the problems of postcommunism cannot be solved by simply imitating everything from the West. The East European countries will have to undergo the same historical processes as the West, but in their own manner. The phase in which national states are formed cannot be avoided, & it does carry certain risks. Potential conflict situations cannot be avoided by stopping the processes put into motion by the fall of communism because this would produce an opposite effect. The author contests the opinion of the advocates of large integrative wholes who assert that the communist federations have disintegrated as a consequence of the activities of the nationalists & the national movements. He shows that disintegration represented an inseparable part of the dissolution of the old political order. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper, the author argues that political education is indispensable to democracy & dependent on models of democracy. In analysing normative models of democracy, his focus is on the process of creating political will because it is during this process where the role of citizens themselves becomes prominent. The analysis has demonstrated that there are various ways in which citizens can become engaged in the process of creating political will, & that these various ways in fact determine the distinctiveness of each model of democracy. The author shows that strategic political action, as instrumental political action, is characteristic of the classical liberal model, whilst value-rational, ethically laden, action is characteristic of the classical republican model of democracy. The problem with both these models is that the key motives for citizen political engagement -- interests in the liberal model, & the common good in the republican model -- are in a way exogenous to the political process itself. The development of the third model, the theory of deliberative democracy, seeks to overcome these exogenous qualities of interests & the common good in relation to the political process & thus reassert the role of politics in constituting interests & the common good. Thus, the deliberative model of democracy has the potential for constituting & transforming interests & conceptions of the common good. In this model, politics assumes its distinctive function of organising society, resolving conflicts & achieving consensus. In the deliberative model of democracy, political education is provided with new outlines & dimension. These are based on the premises of social cooperation & the notion of the person as capable of acting justly & participate in the public sphere for the purpose of resolving shared problems. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point is the claim that, despite integrative tendencies, the number of national states in the world is on the increase. The opposing national interests & conflicts may be mitigated or avoided if the central concepts & issues, the ways of the accommodation of interests, & the features of the postcommunist transitions are known. The author explains the concepts & issues such as nation, ethnic group, national state, nationalism, protection of minorities, right to self-determination, decentralization, autonomy, federalism, consociational democracy, & nonterritorial autonomy. He focuses on the issues that reflect the current controversies of both global & national policies. He concludes that, among other things, the national issues are central to the process of transition & they cannot be ignored (since nations are a reality, which must be coped with); there are principles & mechanisms of the regulation of the conflicting national interests; democracy & nation-building are not incompatible but contradictory notions; democratic societies are nationally tolerant; & resolution of the national question is a prerequisite for democratic transition. Adapted from the source document.