Suchergebnisse

In this work, we will analyze the routines and protocols, as well as the agents and the organizations, that are decisive in the agenda-setting and in the formulation of government policies at the Executive Branch. The analysis is based on two cases: the Ministry of National Integration (MI) and the Ministry of Social Development (MDS). We use documents and data collected in 28 semi-directive interviews with members of top-level positions in each Ministry and in the Presidency of the Republic. We argue that the agenda-setting is divided into two parts: the President's priority agenda and ministers' agenda. However, the policy formulation - including the priority - almost always takes place at the ministerial level. The bureaucracy of experts is indispensable to formulate any policy but acts through political delegation, not by their own. Ministers play a pivotal role in setting the agenda, but the ideological intra-coalition conflict - manifested by parties with heterogeneous preferences - is no obstacle to the President, who can push ahead with the agenda of his interest.

The making of a Constitution is a fundamental process towards the development of a post-conflict State, the peaceful coexistence of its citizens and, in the end, to guaranty the social cohesion & reconciliation, as well as a lasting & sustainable peace. The present article focuses on the relevance of the politico-constitutional dimension as a statebuilding element, analyzing the inherent dilemmas & perversities that may result from the intervention of external actors. The lessons that may be learned from the case of Iraq are relevant in order to identify the limits from external assistance on the making of a Constitution within a post-conflict political transition process, as well as the areas in which it can be optimized. This article argues that the intervention by external actors can be constructive if marginal or even partial at a low intensity level. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with two aspects of inflation: distributive conflict and the role of extra money. In this context, the paper discusses some characteristic features of inflation processes in Brazil, difficulties of the reproduction of the money during inflation and aspects solved by the Real Plan. Finally, Plano Real's prospects are adressed. (Rev Econ Polit/DÜI)

This book deals with the nationalization of the bank sector in the context of the Portuguese revolutionary process of 1974-75. Based on a vast collection of documentary sources and inspired by a set of theoretical tools developed by Mario Tronti, Walter Benjamin and Michel Foucault, it starts with an inescapable interrogation: how could a measure that was not included in the Armed Forces Movement Program and had such considerable implications, both in the short and in the long term, obtained enough support to be included in the Constitution as an irreversible conquest of the working class? The response developed in the following pages establishes an articulation between social conflicts and political economy, identifying it as the centre of gravity of the process that would lead to the nationalization of the bank sector. In this sense, it analyzes the way in which social struggles contributed to a process of cumulative radicalization, initiated at the end of the Estado Novo and which would gain increasing intensity throughout the revolutionary process. At the same time, it seeks to understand why the diagnosis of the economic situation contributed to polarize the political struggle, by mapping the lines of force of a debate that underwent successive declinations and covered different aspects, such as inflation, labour laws or property relations. In a context of economic and revolutionary crisis, the banking sector became a critical point in the capital-labour relation: credit concession would take on decisive importance after 25 April, with labour-unions accusing bankers of pursuing destabilization strategies associated with the practice of "economic sabotage"; in the wake of its nationalization, in turn, government officials, managers and trade-unionists sought to put "the banks at the service of the people", in the context of a brief experience of "socialist transition" that would make its way into the text of the Constitution. The case of the bank sector is therefore a privileged interpretative-key to identify the set of problems and the horizon of possibilities that dominated the historical conjuncture following the 25th of April. This book is a contribution to the maturation of the historiographical field dedicated to the interpretation of the revolutionary process of 1975-75, establishing a critical dialogue with the works that have been produced on the subject over the last years. - Este livro ocupa-se da nacionalização da banca no contexto do processo revolucionário português de 1974-75. Baseado num vasto acervo de fontes documentais e inspirado num conjunto de ferramentas teóricas desenvolvidas por Mario Tronti, Walter Benjamin e Michel Foucault, o seu ponto de partida é uma interrogação incontornável: por que razão uma medida que não constava do Programa do Movimento das Forças Armadas e assumia implicações tão consideráveis, a curto e a longo prazo, obteve um apoio suficientemente alargado para ser inscrita na Constituição da República enquanto uma conquista irreversível da classe trabalhadora? A resposta ensaiada ao longo destas páginas estabelece uma articulação entre conflitos sociais e economia política, identificando-a enquanto o centro de gravidade do processo que conduziria à nacionalização da banca. Nesse sentido, analisa o modo como as lutas sociais contribuíram para um processo de radicalização cumulativa iniciado no final do Estado Novo, que ganharia intensidade crescente ao longo do processo revolucionário. Simultaneamente, tenta compreender por que razão o diagnóstico da situação económica contribuiu para polarizar o combate político, cartografando as linhas de força de um debate que conheceu sucessivas declinações e abrangeu aspetos tão diversos como a inflação, a legislação laboral ou as relações de propriedade. Num contexto de crise económica e revolucionária, o setor bancário converteu-se num ponto crítico da relação entre trabalho e capital: a concessão de crédito assumiria uma importância decisiva após o 25 de Abril, com os sindicatos a atribuir aos banqueiros propósitos de desestabilização associados à prática de "sabotagem económica"; na sequência da nacionalização do setor, por sua vez, governantes, gestores e sindicalistas propuseram-se colocar "a banca ao serviço do povo", no contexto de uma breve experiência de "transição socialista" cujo eco se faria sentir no texto da Constituição da República. O caso da banca revela-se assim uma chave interpretativa privilegiada para identificar o elenco de problemas e o horizonte de possibilidades que dominou a conjuntura histórica a seguir ao 25 de Abril. Este livro propõe-se contribuir para o amadurecimento do campo historiográfico dedicado à interpretação do processo revolucionário de 1975-75, estabelecendo um diálogo crítico com os trabalhos de investigação produzidos acerca do tema ao longo dos últimos anos.

The decline of North America's preeminence along the 70s and 80s caused private entrepreneurship to urge the US government towards engagement in an aggressive foreign policy for intellectual-property-rights protection. The conflict between Brazil and the United States on pharmaceutical patenting stems from such a policy. Changes in Brazilian legislation are under way, and new American pressures will but delay the process, raising nationalistic reactions. (Polit Externa/DÜI)

Ground was first broken in 2007 for the Açu Port, one of the largest port projects in the state of Rio de Janeiro, in the Fifth District of São João da Barra. Construction of its megastructures involved the clearing of extensive areas of restinga and the execution of a broad process of family-owned farmland expropriation by the Rio de Janeiro government. The objective of this study is to evaluate local family farmers' perceptions of change as a means to understand their interrelationship with the environment before and after the installation of the Açu Port. Data was collected using a semi-structured questionnaire that was designed to identify the positive and negative interventions related to the Açu Port in the Fifth District and local family farming systems. Two locations were selected for the sampling: Água Preta and Mato Escuro. Questionnaires were applied between May and August 2019 and a total of 105 farmers (65 in Água Preta and 40 in Mato Escuro) were enrolled in the study. The results show that local farmers believed the installation of the Açu Port directly interfered in their social, economic and environmental well-being. The main environmental and economic impacts listed by the farmers were: salinization of water used for irrigation of their plantations and the process of expropriation of their lands. The results obtained demonstrate that in addition to affecting the dynamics of São João da Barra coastal ecosystems, including the restinga and lagoons, the economic development model adopted by the Açu Port has affected the quality of life of these farmers, interfered with their agricultural areas and directly affected their social reproduction. ; A partir de 2007, um dos maiores empreendimentos portuários do estado do Rio de Janeiro, o Porto do Açu, foi implantado no 50 Distrito do município de São João da Barra. Para a construção de suas megaestruturas, extensas áreas de restinga foram suprimidas e um amplo processo de desapropriação de terras pertencentes a agricultores familiares foi conduzido ...

The objective of this paper is to examine the basic formulations of Bresser-Pereira/Nakano's article on the factors of inflation, published in 1984. The empirical test supports the results of their theoretical study. The role of the distributive conflict as a maintaining factor in the inflation process stands out, since past inflation creates strong downward price rigidity. Another hypothesis shown to be consistent refers to the character of money as it represents an endogenous variable in the system

In the center of the present crisis of Brazilian economy and society is the crisis of the state. To understand the reason, this paper argues that in Brazilian peripheral capitalism the state is not only an essential component of the process of capital accumulation, but has difficulty to play the role of an arbiter of class conflicts and competition between different interest groups. The nature of the Brazilian state has produced and reproduced increasing inequality and structural heterogeneity

The state capacity to formulate, supervise, and implement (and in some cases to evaluate) science, technology, and innovation policy is the subject of the present work. The goal is to compare state and policy capacity in Brazil, China, and Argentina to point out comparative institutional advantages and disadvantages. One of the study's main conclusions is the existence of a structured consensus on what sectors the enterprising state should incentivize and promote, on where the frontier is located, and whether these countries are at the frontier of innovation depends on: the existence of a rearguard of institutions capable of undertaking prospective (and retrospective) studies that are effectively considered in the decision-making process; the continuous exercise of foresight or technological foresight, subject to processes of periodic revision; the capacity to take account of conflicts of interest, but equally to neutralize them when building structured consensus; and finally to count on a well-established but effective financial innovation system. Two conditions seem important as far as the governance of the modernization process is concerned: visions of the future and state capacities to implement them. What is at issue is not a continuous set of abilities or expertise but a variety of decision-making processes on long-term strategy and coordination in the development and implementation of technology policies.

This article discusses the influence of external pressure on the Brazilian trade liberalization process. The conditions under which external pressure is defined are based on the approach of international politics authors known as "realists" and related to the interests of the states, reliance on specific pressure instruments and vulnerability to pressure. Events such as the decline of American hegemony, the rise of newly industrialized countries, the globalization of the international economy and the debt crisis, which led to an increase in international conflict during the 1980s are analysed, as well as domestic factors like the economic vulnerability of Brazil. (Rev Econ Polit/DÜI)

A participação da indústria de produtos ultraprocessados nos esforços para reduzir a obesidade e doenças crônicas associadas à má alimentação tem sido questionada, sobretudo porque há evidências de sua interferência no processo de formulação de políticas públicas. Este artigo se alicerça na teoria da ação coletiva e na literatura de ciência política para discutir o papel desse setor como um grupo de interesse especial que utiliza seu significativo poder econômico para influenciar decisões governamentais em seu favor. No Brasil, sua atuação ocorre principalmente por meio de associações. Ainda não se pode assegurar, todavia, que seus interesses prevaleçam no processo decisório. Sugere-se a realização de pesquisas que determinem o grau de sucesso de suas ações, identifiquem as condições associadas à convergência dos resultados das políticas com seus interesses e apontem em que medida as organizações da sociedade civil são capazes de fazer os interesses públicos se sobreporem aos privados. ; The participation of the ultra-processed products industry in efforts to reduce obesity and diet-related non-communicable diseases has been questioned, especially because there is evidence of its interference in policy-making processes. This article builds on the Collective Action Theory and the literature of political science to discuss the role of this sector as a special interest group that uses its significant economic power to influence government decisions in its favor. In Brazil, its participation occurs mainly with industry associations. However, it has not yet been established whether their interests prevail in the decision-making process. It has been suggested that research should be carried out to determine the degree of success of their actions, identifying the conditions associated with the convergence of policy results with their interests and indicating to what extent civil society organizations are able to make public interests override private ones.

The planning and implementation of legal units of environmental management have been
conflicting, generating social and economic predicaments. These conflicts generate cognitive, emotional and
affective movements, that somehow contribute to learning with the operation. The Environmental Education, as
a mediating process, enables the collective construction of the sustainable development process for the
productive sectors, with an open methodological proposal, whose model is to generate solutions from social
participation. In this sense, it is understood that Environmental Education is a process of educational praxis that
aims at building values, attitudes, concepts, skills, standards, knowledge and shared practices for the constructing
a style of thinking that contributes to environmental citizenship. Trying to understand and contribute with this
social dynamics, have been conducted, from 2001 to 2006, numerous and multiple environmental teaching
actions in the highlands region of Santa Catarina. This movement resulted in the development of an open model
of environmental education which is mediated by the environmental perception of social actors involved,
understanding perception as the integration of biological, psychological and social dimensions. Thus, the
proposition for the Open Model of Environmental Education with the paradigm of transdisciplinary opening
mediated by the environmental perception of social actors involved will result in the collective construction of
solutions to local environmental problems.

Nosso objetivo é analisar as ações e as práticas culturais pelas quais os sujeitos reconstroem suas memórias em contextos de violência. Identificar os usos políticos da memória como resistência política nos espaços do cotidiano, do íntimo, familiar ou comunitário. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa, em que o método usado foi o estudo de caso por seu foco no particular e por abordar o significado de uma experiência com base em análise sistemática de um mesmo fenômeno. Identificamos quatro experiências de criação de "altares espontâneos" na cidade de Medellín, na Colômbia. Optamos pelas micro-histórias para compreender o sentido político do retorno ao cotidiano após enfrentar situações de violência. Os "altares espontâneos" são rituais de luto no espaço público, criados como resposta diante de mortes consideradas injustas. São formas de ação política não institucional, que têm como objetivo chamar a atenção para o que aconteceu, expressar sua indignação e evitar que aconteça de novo. Nos casos estudados constatamos que na criação dos altares expressa-se uma narrativa de luto que reivindica o reconhecimento da perda.

The book discusses the work of Italian Capuchins in the face of American otherness, especially in the catechism of Indians and mestizos accused of being devil's wizards. The friars faced a crisis in missionary optimism in the face of an alleged indigenous resistance to Christianity or to European social rules. The Portuguese colonial sources reveal evangelization as a field of dispute between the friars, the natives and the colonists, motivating daily conflicts, also encouraging changes in the social and symbolic traditions inside or near the missions. The indigenous people were not passive subjects in the process, contradicting the missionaries for the determination with which, supposedly, they practiced their "gentile" customs and rites. The documentation gathered adds important information to the study of indigenous peoples in contact with Capuchins in the inner territories of Portuguese America.

For centuries, the Atlantic has played a role in the networking processes that have developed international economies & world superpowers. A kind of Atlantic solidarity persists into the modern era, exemplified by NATO & certain power structures within the UN. Economically, culturally & politically, the Atlantic has been instrumental in the development of a globalized world. In a sense, therefore, the Atlantic is a space without borders. Throughout the history of this Atlantic solidarity, which stretches back to the spread of European empires in the sixteenth century, the Atlantic has assumed a prominent romantic position in the European mind, a feeling that now persists on both sides of the Atlantic. Thus, there has always been an inherent conflict regarding how much of the concept of Atlantic space is real & how much is imaginary. R. Young