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Today, in a variety of post-conflict settings international advocates for women's rights have focused bringing issues of sexual violence, discrimination and exclusion into peace-making processes. In On the Frontlines, Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, Dina Francesca Haynes, and Naomi Cahn consider such policies in a range of cases and assess the extent to which they have had success in improving women's lives. They offer concrete analysis and practical solutions to ensuring gender centrality in all aspects of peace making and peace enforcement.

AbstractConflicts are frequently incorporated into research on parent‐adolescent relationships. However, empirical research has inconsistently used "parent‐adolescent conflict" as a broad and often singular term rather than processes involving a range of constructs. To understand the balance of attention to the constructs involved in parent‐adolescent conflicts, we conducted a systematic review of measures that were reported in peer‐reviewed journal articles between January 1, 1970 and January 31, 2021, across several disciplines. The initial search identified 17,036 references; after removing duplicates, excluding studies based on stated criteria, and adding 22 articles from reference lists, 467 articles were retained, and 568 measures were extracted from articles. Two types of content analysis (directed and conventional) were used to organize measures into categories. Findings reveal that conflict frequency, intensity, and quality of interactions are most often used while initiation and duration tend to be overlooked. Uneven coverage may generate biases in understanding parent‐adolescent conflict processes.

We introduce a model of teams' early and late conflict states, conflict processes, and performance. In a study of 529 individuals in 145 teams, we provide a theoretical framework and empirically test a series of hypotheses pertaining to the influence of conflict states, including task and relationship conflict, on performance, as well as the moderating effect of two conflict processes (cooperative and competitive management approaches). We address inconsistencies in the literature related to the effect of team conflict, specifically task conflict, within teams. Our results suggest that task conflict in the end of a team's life cycle, like relationship conflict, can have a significant negative effect on performance, but only when teams' conflict management approaches are competitive (rather than cooperative). We also provide evidence that conflict management approaches are affected by the type of conflict teams exhibit in their early life cycle stages. Thus, we present a study of how early levels of conflict types affect conflict management approaches, and how these approaches affect later levels of the conflict type/performance relationship. Our model suggests that conflict types and conflict management approaches should be modeled together to better understand team conflict.

The "dyad" has become the analytical cornerstone of quantitative interstate conflict studies. Stuart Bremer, in no small part due to his "Dangerous Dyads" article, has been identified with the dyadic/dyad-year approach. We think this has come at the expense of his interest in "process models" of interstate conflict. Our examination of his writings on The Process of War indicate that multilateral conflict processes are most probably misspecified by a dyadic approach. We draw on examples such as alliance coalition formation, extended deterrence, economic sanctions, and especially war expansion, to elaborate upon and support our claim. We conclude our assessment of the dyadic/dyad-year approach by suggesting some areas for our colleagues to consider before adopting a dyadic approach in their own research.

Part I. On Harvey Starr -- Chapter 1.Getting from Then to Now: A Personal Intellectual Autobiography -- Chapter 2. A Selected bibliography of the Publications of Harvey Starr -- Part II. Texts by Harvey Starr -- Chapter 3. Cumulation from Proper Specification: Theory, Logic, Research Design, and "Nice" Laws -- Chapter 4. Opportunity, Willingness and the Diffusion of War, 1816-1965 -- Chapter 5. Democratic Dominoes: Diffusion Approaches to the Spread of Democracy in the International System -- Chapter 6. On Geopolitics: Spaces and Places -- Chapter 7. Opportunity, Willingness and Geographic Information Systems: Reconceptualizing Borders in International Relations -- Chapter 8. Democracy and Integration: Why Democracies Don't Fight Each Other -- Chapter 9. The Kissinger Years: Studying Individuals and Foreign Policy -- On The University of South Carolina -- On Harvey Starr. .

This study systematically explored the role of a range of emotions in the conflict process. In order to do so, we articulated and tested a typology of discreet conflict‐relevant emotion constructs. Emotions were demarcated by the two dimensions of self‐concern versus other‐concern, and motives to approach or withdraw from the other party or conflict. This typology produced four emotion constructs: hostility (self‐focused approach), self‐conscious emotions (self‐focused avoid), relational positivity (other‐focused approach) and fear (other‐focused avoid). Self‐ and other‐blame and self‐ and other‐concern were proposed as cognitive antecedents of emotions and choice of conflict resolution strategy. We measured individual behavior in the conflict using the conflict resolution strategy scale (Rahim & Magner, 1995). A critical incident survey technique was used to gather data on people's self‐report of a conflict experience. We also explored the contextual effects of conflict issue and relative status. Results brought into question the general hypothesis that emotions mediate the effects of cognitive appraisals on choice of conflict resolution strategy. However, there were consistent patterns in the direct links between cognitions, emotions and conflict resolution strategies that shed further light on the complex relationships between these variables.

AbstractParent–child power effectiveness was investigated during naturally occurring polyadic family conflict with young children involving three or more family members. In 35/39 families, 210 conflict sequences were identified and coded for type of power, power effectiveness, and conflict outcome. Effective use of power overall and by each partner was assessed using two methods: microscopic (target's response to an actor's power move during the process of conflict) and macroscopic (power moves related to conflict outcome). Actor findings revealed that parents were more effective using certain types of power microscopically (i.e., simple, legitimate, reward) and macroscopically (i.e., simple, legitimate, questioning), whereas children were more effective using reward power macroscopically. Our findings support the unique qualities of the parent–child relationship and the complex context of polyadic family conflict. The study contributes to the literature on the socialization of young children in the family context.

The article presents in abstract form the results of the initial historical analysis of the Belarusian protests of 2020 in the context of similar processes in the post-Soviet space. The preconditions and reasons for the mass demonstrations are shown: structural problems and the Ukrainian events of 2014 led to the stagnation of the Belarusian economy; confidence in the election results in society declined with each election campaign; the new generation of Belarusians had incomprehensible values, which were preserved and imposed on the society by the authorities. There were also several triggers of protests: the peculiarities of the strategy of the Belarusian leadership in the context of the cavid virus pandemic Kavid19 reduced the authority of the government; and the inconsistency of the official and actual results of the vote, the brutality of the dispersal of the first post-election protests caused mass outrage. Authorities considered and still consider the foreign factor to be the main reason for the protests. Many politicians and experts support the theory of Russian interference in Belarus. Solidarity of Belarusians is a new phenomenon of Belarus in recent history. In many respects it was able to manifest itself thanks to new forms of communication in society and fresh creative forms of activity: a chain of solidarity, walks and marches on avenues and streets, actions in residential areas, etc. The activity of women, pensioners and workers shows a change in their role in the political life of post-Soviet countries. And the support of the protests of other traditional and new professional groups testifies to the nationwide nature of the demonstrations. The lack of obvious socio-economic demands makes it possible to classify the Belarusian protests as political democratic revolutions, which can be conditionally called "Revolutions of Dignity". The most important result of the Belarusian protests is the discovery of the world of the Belarusian political nation. Despite the polarization and a certain division in society, there is a clear general demand for the sovereignty of Belarus by supporters of S. Tikhanovskaya and A. Lukashenko. Now all political forces will have to reckon with the factor of existence and active participation in the political process of the Belarusian political nation.

Identity change is a core element of political conflict and transformation. Most relevant are changes towards and away from dyadically opposed identities. Defining an 'enemy', narrowing, or broadening the inner and outer circles of belonging to include or exclude the Other, are integral to conflict processes at international, state, group, and individual levels. This Special Issue brings together scholars with varied sub-disciplinary interests to engage with a set of common paradoxes surrounding identity change, in order to generate more synthetic comparative understandings of these processes. It aims to synthesize insights from different approaches and to show how change from dyadically opposed identities takes place in different contexts.

Rebels can comply with international law during a conflict by not violating international borders, yet strategic goals may incentivize rebels to violate these borders. When do international borders affect the spatial and temporal distribution of rebel activity in a conflict setting? I theorize rebels have an incentive to refrain from violating borders when doing so will reduce their international legitimacy. When international legitimacy is a less important goal, rebels will be more likely to violate borders. I test this claim in the context of the 1948 War in Mandate Palestine by exploiting a quasi-natural experiment in how the 1947 UN partition line was drawn. Using an original dataset on over 1,000 Palestinian villages from British colonial documents and an atlas of aerial photographs of Palestine, I use a geographic regression discontinuity design to see how the UN partition line affected the location and timing of depopulated villages during the war. The results show that villages in areas that the UN assigned to the future Israeli state as part of the 1947 partition plan were more likely to be conquered before Israel received recognition. These findings have important implications for understanding where and when rebels target areas and shed new light on important dynamics of the 1948 War in Palestine.