Delelinjeforhandlingene mellom Norge og Sovjetunionen
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 61, Heft 2, S. 139-162
ISSN: 0020-577X
16 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 61, Heft 2, S. 139-162
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 61, Heft 2, S. 245-248
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 2, S. 163-188
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 2, S. 275-286
ISSN: 0020-577X
Fragile or failed states are often caused by long lasting and violent conflicts - Liberia is one of them. Since the war ceased in 2003, the United Nations and its coalition of states have tried to rebuild the nation and maintain its peace. Nation building can be seen from two different angles: as a Weberian legal and rational order or as a process that highlights social and contextual factors. Within social sciences this process can be studied either by looking into what factors contribute to a successful nation building or how this process works in practice. The article focuses on the former, by listing and analyzing the involved UN institutions with an emphasis on the Peacebuilding Commission and Peacebuilding Fund. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 2, S. 261-273
ISSN: 0020-577X
The Liberian state was originally founded by freed American slaves, or Americo-Liberians, who became the elite group of the country and against whom the natives fought. A bloody war lasted from 1989 to 2003 between the 16 different groups of people, which eventually tapered down in 2003 when the United Nations re-entered the country. Since then, the UN has fought for increased security and against corruption and conflicts, which were reduced by democratizing and localizing the political power. The major unsolved problems evolve around citizenship and landownership issues. Commissions have been set up to solve these, but they lack funding, political support and a clear mandate. The 100,000 soldiers that became unemployed after the war ended are also causing concerns in a newly stabilized country that essentially lacks legitimacy among its people. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 63, Heft 1, S. 75-88
ISSN: 0020-577X
Vraalsen discusses the history of conflict resolution in the case of the Sudanese civil war. While parties internal to the conflict demonstrate their own difficulties in establishing a feasible approach to conflict resolution, so, too, do external powers experience a series of tensions & complexities when attempting to establish a forum for problem recognition & solution. This article describes Norway's early attempts to facilitate resolution meetings between Sudan's leaders, the shift in positions assumed by the United States before the Sudan problem, & the various organizations & forums which have endeavored to gain precedence in the conflict resolution procedure. Non-productive competition between forums & other complications emerging from the engagement of Western powers in the Sudan affair are critiqued here in order to present some of the lessons on necessary conditions which have become clear throughout the process. Some of the positive results which have come about in Sudan today are also discussed in conclusion. 28 References. C. Brunski
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 61, Heft 2, S. 225-234
ISSN: 0020-577X
At the close of Norway's 2-year appointment to one of the rotating seats of the UN Security Council, the actions of the Security Council, & Norway in particular, are reviewed by Norway's ambassador to the UN, with particular attention to the correlation between Norway's UN votes & its own foreign policy. Also discussed is the political campaigning that UN members must engage in for consideration for Security Council seats, not only with countries from other parts of the world but with other Nordic countries. Norway's service on the council coincided with the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 & the US-led war against the Taliban in Afghanistan that followed. Norway played a large role in mediating Horn of Africa conflicts between Ethiopia & Eritrea, & the civil unrest in Somalia. The ambassador also addresses the outsized influence that the P-5 (the five permanent Security Council members) play in decision making, & also summarizes Norway's role in the ongoing Iraq question, as well as the installation of the International Criminal Court. A. Siegel
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 4, S. 417-442
ISSN: 0020-577X
The article gives a background to the resumption of peace negotiations in Nicosia in Jan 2002. The negotiations follow on a period of increased polarization in the conflict resulting from the prospects that Cyprus will be admitted to the European Union (EU). Concepts from ripeness theory are thereafter used in an analysis of whether the Cyprus conflict is now ripe for resolution. Although the prospect of EU membership is found to have provided Greek & Turkish Cypriots with new incentives to strike a deal in their long-standing conflict, the prevailing asymmetry -- to which EU has added -- raises doubts on the possibility of reaching an agreement in time for admission. In addition, on neither side has the ground been prepared for a compromise settlement. However, the development of EU's relationship with Turkey is found to be of even more crucial importance, as that will have a decisive effect on the respective parties' incentive structure. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 65, Heft 2, S. 229-256
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 2, S. 229-234
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 59, Heft 3, S. 333-366
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 71, Heft 3, S. 303-326
ISSN: 0020-577X
What does it mean for a military operation when a gender perspective based on UN Security Council Resolution 1325 should be integrated in the daily work? The question is interesting if one considers that such 'gender integration' has to take place on every level of this male-dominated institution. This article study of the gender-integration process in the 2008 Nordic Battlegroup and connects the analysis of the process with ongoing national and international developments. In interpreting the content of the resolution in practical assignments and capacity building it is found that ambiguous interpretations at the highest levels have resulted in difficult decisions and conflict at the lower levels. Moreover, gender integration is caught up in discussions related to professional identity. To some extent the approach to connect resolution 1325 with 'operational effectiveness' is resulting in decreasing resistance. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 61, Heft 2, S. 241-243
ISSN: 0020-577X
Acknowledges that Norwegian participation in the Security Council led to some good things (the Mar 2002 Mideast peace resolution, the settling of the Eritrean-Ethiopian conflict), the breakdown of the Security Council over the Iraq question during this period does not reflect well on anyone, even Norway. Norway also was too willing to accommodate the US's demands for immunity from any International Criminal Court indictments. It is unlikely that Norway will serve on the Security Council in the near future, but it is hoped that the council itself will be reformed, & no longer will be subject to the same veto pressures of the five permanent members. A. Siegel
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 62, Heft 2, S. 153-176
ISSN: 0020-577X
The article examines three processes, running parallel in time, that have contributed to the Islamization of the Chechen separatist movement. The first war in Chechnya between 1994 & 1996 resulted in the radicalization of several Chechen warlords & politicians. These individuals came to play an influential role during the interwar period & have increasingly defined the rhetoric & language of the separatists in the second war. This local impetus toward radicalism was reinforced by the attempts on the part of international Islamists to co-opt the Chechen conflict as part of their global struggle. At the same time the Russian policies on Chechnya have become increasingly hard & uncompromising, not least after the advent of the global war on terror. The article argues that these processes have contributed to marginalize the moderate players in the Chechen separatist movement & have rendered the conflict so polarized that there is little hope for peaceful resolution. 42 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 2, S. 183-206
ISSN: 0020-577X