Suchergebnisse

La presente tesis es el resultado de un análisis de la reconversión de la Escuela de Mecánica de la Armada (ESMA) a sitio de memoria. El "Espacio para la Memoria y para la promoción de los Derechos Humanos" (ex ESMA) fue creado en el año 2004 por un decreto presidencial en el que se estipuló el desalojo de la Armada para la creación de un espacio para la elaboración y transmisión del pasado reciente, cuya gestión quedó en manos de los organismos de derechos humanos y de distintos estamentos del Estado. Esta investigación indaga las relaciones entre espacio, memoria y visualidad a partir del análisis de los usos, prácticas y "dispositivos de mediación memorial" (Feld, 2011) que se han realizado en un predio de 17 hectáreas y 37 edificios como formas de crear distintas políticas de la memoria. Esta tesis problematiza al predio de la ex ESMA en su totalidad, debido a esto, nuestra indagación se centró en el uso del espacio público del predio (es decir, los espacios comunes por fuera de los edificios), las distintas prácticas que allí se realizaron durante el período 2004 - 2015, los dispositivos de memoria que fueron instalados y las representaciones del pasado que entraron en juego en esas relaciones. Ya que a partir de estos elementos fue posible comprender algunas dinámicas de distribución del poder dentro del predio, disputas por la implantación de sentidos sobre el pasado, distintas formas de concebir a la memoria y crear proyectos de recordación, y disputas claves en torno a la gestión del espacio. El análisis permite realizar un diagnóstico de las políticas de memoria desarrolladas en el predio y de las relaciones entre los distintos actores que intervinieron en esa gestión. El mismo nos permite observar una primera contradicción basada en uno de los consensos al que llegaron los organismos de derechos humanos: acordaron concebir al predio en su totalidad como parte del accionar represivo, y luego encontraron dificultades para generar un proyecto desde una perspectiva de totalidad espacial para el sitio de memoria. Se pusieron en evidencia la continuidad de prácticas y representaciones cristalizadas como las siluetas, los escraches y las fotos como formas de transmitir sentidos sobre el pasado recayendo en la figura de la "víctima inocente" para hablar de los desaparecidos; el estancamiento temporal de la visión de los organismos de derechos humanos hacia la Marina; la tensiones entre distintas matrices de conmemoración categorizadas como "solemne" y "carnavalezca"; y de distintas perspectivas de vivir el espacio: como lugar de "homenaje" y/o de "aprendizaje". También se pusieron de manifiesto distintas formas de apropiación espacial, en la que para algunos organismos primó una noción de "propiedad privada" antes que una visión del predio como construcción colectiva, cuestión que generó distorsiones sobre los sentidos del predio. También observamos la existencia de conflictos entre los organismos de derechos humanos, que van más allá de la gestión de la ex ESMA, pero que igualmente la permean y que tienen que ver con las adscripciones políticas de los organismos, las formas cristalizadas que tienen los distintos organismos de pensar las políticas de memoria, y las voces legitimadas dentro de las luchas por los derechos humanos y las que quedan en segundo lugar. Finalmente, nos fue posible comprender al predio de la ex ESMA como un espacio heterogéneo, superpuesto, simultáneo, contradictorio y múltiple, permeado por un entramado de relaciones y disputas en las que el órgano creado para la mediación y resolución de perspectivas dispares resulta insuficiente. ; The current thesis is the result of analyzing the reconstruction of the Navy Mechanics School into a memory site. The "Space for Memory and Promotion and Defense of Human Rights" (former ESMA) was created in 2004 by a presidential decree, where it was stipulated the displacement of the Navy on behalf of the creation of a site for the elaboration and transmission of the recent past. This responsibility lied both on Human Rights Organizations and different State institutions. This research is set to investigate the relationships between space, memory and visuality built on the basis of the analysis of the uses, practices and "memorial mediation devices" (Feld, 2011) that have been performed as different ways of creating memory policies in a 17-ha plot consisting of 37 buildings. This thesis analyses the territory of former ESMA in its entirety. Due to this fact, we centre our study on the use of the territory's public space (i.e. the common area around the buildings), the different practices that are performed, the memory devices that are set to function, and the past representations that come into play through these relationships. Since it is by means of these, that we are able to comprehend the dynamics of the distribution of power within the venue, the disputes concerning the insertion of different meanings about the past, the diverse ways of understanding memory and creating remembrance projects, and the key disagreements as regards the management of the territory. This analysis allows us to make a diagnosis of the memory policies that have been developed for this venue and of the relationships between the different participants intervening in its administration. Moreover, it allows us to observe a first contradiction reached by the Human Rights Organizations: conceiving the overall territory as an example of repressive operations and nevertheless having difficulty in generating a project which regarded the territory in its entirety for the memory site. The continuity of crystalized practices and representations was evidenced by means of the silhouettes, jeers and photos as a way of transmitting meanings from the past, relapsing into the figure of the "innocent victim" to talk about the disappeared. Also, the temporal stagnation on the part of the Human Rights Organizations towards the Navy, the tension between different commemoration patterns categorized as "solemn" and "carnivalesque"; and the different perspectives in which the space is lived: as a site of "homage" and/or "learning". In addition, diverse ways of spatial appropriation were exhibited, where some organisms prioritized a notion of "private propriety" above a vision of the territory as a collective construction, which was a matter of dispute as regards the significance of the venue. We also observed the presence of conflicts among the Human Rights Organisms which go beyond the management of the former ESMA, but nevertheless lie beneath it and are related to the organisms' political affiliations, its crystallized outlook as regards memory policies and both, the legitimated and the silenced voices within the human rights struggles. To conclude, we were able to recognize the territory of the former ESMA as a heterogeneous, overlapped, simultaneous, contradictory and multiple space, traversed by a net of intertwined relationships and disputes, where the agent in charge of the mediation and the resolution of conflict between the diverse outlooks seems insufficient. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

El Ecuador, como país intercultural y plurinacional recoge en su memoria social todas las costumbres, mitos, leyendas y tradiciones que transforman en direccionamientos para el desarrollo del país en todas sus áreas, ya que compila en el Derecho Consuetudinario de los pueblos originarios del Ecuador su forma de actuar, ya hoy en día gracias a la revolución ciudadana, lo podemos socializar y aplicar, mismos que deben ser cumplidos en forma coercitiva porque ese es su modo de vida, que con toda seguridad lo manifiesto, es la base para llegar al Sumak Kausay. El presente trabajo explica en resumen la historia de nuestros pueblos originarios, mismos que para llegar a la vida republicana y la colonización han sufrido un proceso de expansionismo y dominación incaica – española, en su debido orden, para luego entrar en la capitulación por las grandes empresas de conquistas, organizadas técnicamente en Centro América y expandirse hacia América del Sur e ingresar al proceso de formación del amerindio, que en el tránsito de Inca a indio y campesino, ha sufrido discriminaciones en todo sentido, llegando a ocultar toda la sabiduría ancestral que luego fue catalogado como actividades paganas en contra de Dios de acuerdo a la Biblia que nos trajeron del viejo mundo (Vera, 1989) En este proceso, el amerindio pasa por un período de tamizaje en donde se cumplió con el gran objetivo de la conquista; que desaparezca de una vez por todas los rasgos culturales de la cosmología andina, que el runa y la huarmi tengan vergüenza de sus ancestros, sus etnias y culturas; de este modo, terminaron con su vestimenta, culto, creencias, mitos, leyendas y tradiciones (Derecho Consuetudinario). Conscientes estamos que toda la memoria ancestral se resume en el Derecho Consuetudinario de los pueblos originarios del Ecuador, pero no se puede desarrollar, preservar y socializar sino existe un proceso de enseñanza básica para que sea transmitida de generación en generación, caso contrario, toda esa riqueza cultural quedaría en el olvido. Razón por la cual los maestros cumplen un papel importante en el proceso de enseñanza aprendizaje, ya que son los responsables del conocimiento histórico real del antes y el después de las comunidades y pueblos del Ecuador. Para que un docente pueda transmitir los conocimientos ancestrales inéditos a las futuras generaciones, debe dominar la norma y la sociología jurídica ya que nos da la sabiduría y todas las herramientas para hacerlo con eficiencia, efectividad, y eficacia de todos los conocimientos ancestrales en prácticas diarias; es así como, en la vida republicana, hasta la década de los 90 los educadores no podían realizar prácticas educativas reales en forma clara, transparente y cierta, porque los contenidos científicos se basaban sólo en conocimientos extranjeros o currículos de otros países y en el mejor de los casos al catecismo. Es la Sociología Jurídica, la filosofía y el Derecho Consuetudinario especialmente la danza el teatro y los juegos populares las únicas actividades que de una u otra manera utilizan legalmente los educadores para realizar el proceso de enseñanza aprendizaje con saberes ancestrales plasmados en mensajes a través de corografías, obras teatrales y juegos lúdicos o populares. Tanto en el Ecuador como en el resto de América Latina, existe un nuevo escenario político en la cual la: multi-pluri-inter-culturalidad está ganando espacio y legitimidad. Esta nueva coyuntura incluye el reconocimiento por parte de los estados sobre la diversidad étnica y cultural, así también la necesidad de reconocer derechos específicos, colectivos y de la naturaleza, lo que algunos autores llaman el nuevo "constitucionalismo multicultural", que está enfocado en una nueva forma de solución de conflictos, ya sea por la conciliación, mediación, arbitraje, pero principalmente la justicia indígena (Van, 2000) y su relación con la ciudadanía "étnica" "cultural". (Montoya, 2002). Ratifican la aplicación de los Métodos Alternativos y Solución de Conflictos (MASC) mismos que están amparados por la Constitución ecuatoriana en su Artículo 190. Como bien sabemos, a diferencia de otros países de la región, en el Ecuador este reconocimiento oficial es de mayor jerarquía; reflejo y resultado de luchas y demandas del movimiento indígena, de sus procesos de fortalecimiento identitario como actores sociales, políticos y culturales y de su cuestionamiento de los modelos existentes de ciudadanía, democracia, estado y nación liderados por los movimientos indígenas en sus diversas organizaciones de la costa, sierra y oriente. Las demandas de reconocimiento cultural de los pueblos indígenas y pueblos originarios del Ecuador, han puesto en duda la vigencia de un sistema jurídico mono cultural, aun teniendo en cuenta el escenario del multiculturalismo constitucional que recorrió las reformas constitucionales latinoamericanas desde la aprobación del Convenio No. 169 por parte de la Organización Internacional de Trabajo en 1989. En el Ecuador este proceso es primordial y de sumo interés, razón por la cual con la aprobación del referéndum de la nueva Constitución en el 2008, en la que se define como Estado Plurinacional de Derechos, reconociendo la coexistencia de una diversidad de sistemas jurídicos. Los países de la región, como Bolivia y Venezuela, entre otros, han transitado procesos similares, cuestionando la permanencia del denominado monismo jurídico quien plantea que las crisis son una precondición para el surgimiento de nuevas teorías y referentes para la solución de conflictos. El reconocimiento por parte del Estado de los sistemas jurídicos, no implica que las autoridades de los pueblos y nacionalidades indígenas tengan el objetivo de crear algo nuevo, sino el reconocimiento de una realidad histórica de ejercicio de derechos consuetudinarios, que en el marco de la construcción colonial de la dominación estatal fueron invisibilizados, negados y perseguidos, como prácticas al margen de la ley. El pluralismo jurídico no es una "alternativa" del derecho, sino un proceso de construcción de otras formas jurídicas que identifiquen al derecho con los sectores mayoritarios de la sociedad, y de respuestas institucionales a procesos de transición de una sociedad marcada por la colonialidad hacia una construcción social y estatal de carácter intercultural y plurinacional, en donde se compila todas las costumbres, tradiciones, leyendas y mitos ancestrales. Tal como lo plantea (Coutinho, 1990), "un pluralismo de sujetos colectivos fundado en un nuevo desafío: construir una nueva hegemonía que contemple el equilibrio entre el predominio de la voluntad general, sin negar el pluralismo de los intereses particulares". En los últimos cuatro años de vigencia de la nueva carta magna del Ecuador, la coexistencia de la justicia ordinaria y la justicia indígena no ha estado exenta de conflictos respecto de los alcances de la jurisdicción de la administración y justicia indígena, de la adaptación de procesos a los derechos humanos, de los mecanismos de coordinación entre autoridades estatales y autoridades indígenas, entre otros. En ciertos casos se alcanzan situaciones en las que las autoridades comunitarias fueran sometidas a la justicia ordinaria por exceder su jurisdicción (Ref. Caso La Cocha), así como fuertes reclamos por parte de las autoridades comunitarias respecto de la intervención no solicitada de operadores de justicia al margen de sus derechos colectivos. Razón por la cual sociólogos, filósofos e investigadores para dar jerarquía a toda la memoria, filosofía ancestral y la cosmovisión andina, enfocan como Derecho Consuetudinario para llegar al cumplimiento de la armonía comunitaria. ; Ecuador, as an intercultural and multinational country in its social memory, collects all customs, myths, legends and traditions that become the country's means for development in all areas, as compiled in the customary law of the indigenous peoples of Ecuador that nowadays, thanks to the citizen's revolution we can socialize and apply, these should executed as an imperative because that is their way of life, which I can surely say, is the foundation to achieve the Smac Kausay. In this paper we explain in brief the history of our people, whom to reach the republican status and colonization have undergone a process of expansionism and Inca- Spanish domination, thereafter entering the capitulation by the big companies conquests, technically organized in Central America to expand into South America and enter the process of formation of the Amerindian going from Inca to Indian and peasant, has suffered discrimination in every way; thus hiding all ancient wisdom since it was listed as pagan activities against God and the Bible that were brought from the old continent. In this process the Amerindian goes through a period of screening where he meets the great object of conquest, disappearing once and for all the cultural traits of the Andean cosmology, the run and huarmi are ashamed of their ancestors, their ethnicities and cultures; in this way the screening process finished with their costume, religion, beliefs, myths, legends and traditions. It is known that all the ancestral memory is summed up in the customary law of the indigenous peoples of Ecuador, however, it is not possible for it to develop, preserve and socialize, unless through a process of basic education to be transmitted from generation to generation; otherwise, all this cultural richness would be forgotten. This is why teachers play an important role in the teaching-learning process since they are responsible for the actual historical knowledge before and after the communities and people of Ecuador. For a teacher to transmit to future generations unpublished ancestral knowledge, you must 22 master the art, as only art gives us the wisdom and all the tools to do it with efficiency, effectiveness, and expertise of all ancient knowledge in daily practices; the reason being is that during the republican period until the 90s, educators could not make real educational practices in clear, transparent and authentic ways, because scientific contents are based only on foreign expertise or curricula of other countries. Performing arts are especially theater and dance popular games the only activities that one way or another legally used educators for the teaching-learning process with ancestral knowledge embodied in messages through choreographies, plays and recreational or popular games. Both in Ecuador and in the rest of Latin America, there is a new political scenario in which the multi- -inter-culture is gaining ground and legitimacy. This new bias includes the States recognition over ethnic and cultural diversity, and also the need to recognize personal and common rights, as well as those of nature, for which some authors call the new "multicultural constitutionalism." Van Cott (2000) and its relation to the cultural ethnicity. Montoya (2002). In relation to what is the Alternative Dispute Resolution mean (ADR) which are covered by the Constitution in Article 190. As we know, unlike other countries in the region, in Ecuador this official recognition is of major prominence; reflection and result of struggles and demands of the indigenous movement in the processes of strengthening identity and social, political and cultural actors and their questioning of existing models of citizenship; democracy, state and nation led by indigenous movements in their various organizations through the coast, mountains and east. The demand for cultural recognition of indigenous peoples and indigenous people of Ecuador have questioned the validity of a mono cultural legal system, even taking into account the stage of the constitutional multiculturalism that swept Latin American constitutional reforms since the adoption of Convention No. 169 by the International Labor Organization in 1989. In Ecuador this process is essential and of great interest, thus with the approval of the referendum on the new Constitution in 2008, which is defined as multinational State of Rights, recognizing the coexistence of a variety of legal systems in it. The countries of the region such as Bolivia, Venezuela and others, have passed similar processes, questioning the permanence of the so-called legal monism who argues that crises are a precondition for the emergence of new theories and relating to conflict resolution. The recognition by the State of legal systems does not imply that the authorities of the indigenous people and nationalities have the goal of creating something new, but the recognition of a historical reality exercise of customary rights, which under the colonial domination were invisible, denied and persecuted, and practices outside the law. We do not consider the legal pluralism as an "alternative" use of law but as a process of construction of other legal forms identifying the law with the majority sectors of society and institutional responses to processes of transition from a society marked by colonialism moving towards a social state characterized as intercultural and multinational where all the customs, traditions, legends and ancient myths are compiled. As stated by Coutinho (1990), "a pluralism of collective subjects based on a new challenge: to build a new hegemony that considers the balance between the dominance of the general will, without denying the pluralism of individual interests". In the last 4 years of validity of the new Constitution of Ecuador, the coexistence of ordinary justice and indigenous justice, has not been free of conflict over the scope of the jurisdiction of the administration and indigenous justice, the adaptation of cases to human rights, the mechanisms of coordination between state authorities and indigenous leaders, among others. Reaching in some cases, situations where the Community authorities were subjected to regular courts to "exceed" its jurisdiction (Ref. Case La Cocha) and strong complaints from the Community authorities regarding the unsolicited intervention of justice operators regardless of their collective rights. 24 In this research all cultural features of the main communities and indigenous nationalities of the three regions of Ecuador are also being analyzed, which have gone unnoticed in the social context and in the best case, taken as isolated activities, put in practice or socialized in the main festivities of the people. This is the reason for us as educators for basic education, to give all the memory hierarchy, ancient philosophy and the Andean world we take it as customary law to take into action with the community may it be as a voluntary act or coercively. Part of the study of this paper is also to extent the responsibility to the State-Government, to maintain all the values and principles of the ancestral memory and cultural heritage of the indigenous people of Ecuador in an intact and unchanged way, to transmit to future generations; goal which you can achieve only with the education and training of teachers in different areas, but mainly in performing arts ; as well, on how to handle: customs, traditions, ethnic and folk legends, which is part of the standard of living of the indigenous people and peasants, and serves as a relevant issue to the development of basic education curriculum. This research with proposed development schedule was fulfilling the objectives, analyzing the extent to which cultures of indigenous people of Ecuador are present in the teaching of basic education, teacher training, and the level of positioning in the absence the arts, the presence of popular traditions in the curriculum and teacher preparation for teaching and its impact on society, and only then get to know the cultures of indigenous people of Ecuador in basic education. A study on the contribution of arts and popular traditions in the curriculum of basic education to achieve the implementation of the common system of legal pluralism with coarse principles based on Andean philosophy. The methodology, as an instrument for the operationalization of variables and objectives of the research is based on the paradigm of functionalism and constructivism, with field research (indigenous community leaders, members of councils, cultural promoters, educational authorities, elders of the different communities , basic education teachers) as descriptive, bibliographic and documentary scientific contributions in the areas of study, collecting data with the technique of the survey, interview and observation, and tools such as questionnaire. Interview guide and observation sheets, which allowed establishing the relationships between variables and approving the alternative hypothesis. Thus affirm that in our country, knowledge of the cultures of the indigenous people of Ecuador have not been involved, but rather have been marginalized and forgotten, where only basic education devoted to teaching general knowledge and specified in the area of mathematics and language, which is why there is a lack of 80% of the current population, and especially of teachers, both Ecuadorian reality as ethnicities and cultures of our ancestors.

The fiber optic communications industry has undoubtedly revolutionized the information and telecommunications technology (ICT) offering higher-performance and more reliable telecommunication links with ever decreasing bandwidth cost [1]. Simultaneously with these developments, fiber optic sensor technology has been associated with the optoelectronic and fiber optic communications industry, and many of the components associated with these industries were often developed for fiber optic sensor applications [1]. Fiber optic sensors take advantages of the exceptional characteristics of the optical fiber, which include compactness and small size, fast response, high resolution and sensitivity, good stability and repeatability, multiplexing capabilities, remote sensing, high flexibility, low propagating loss, affordable fabrication costs, simultaneous sensing ability, and resistance to electromagnetic interference [2–5] [1]. As optics and fiber optics component prices have fallen and quality has improved, the competence of fiber optic sensors to displace traditional sensors has increased [1], [6]. Nowadays, sensors rule the world. Sensors play a fundamental role to control and predict different products and systems, from consumer electronics to industrial environments, passing by the weather monitoring and biological and healthcare diagnosis. Those applied to health care monitoring have many benefits: minimize the cost per analysis, easy access to remote places without laboratory facilities such as vulnerable populations, reduce the treatment time and optimize the resources of the government health care system, among others [7–10]. In Colombia, for example, some transmissible diseases most frequently affect the most vulnerable populations. Since the Ministry of Health and Social Protection in Colombia should guarantees free diagnosis and treatment, and many of Colombia's rural areas have no access to adequate health services due to geographical and demographic 26 Optical Fiber Sensors for measurements in Life Sciences characteristics, along with the difficulties caused by the armed conflict, and other situations of violence; the priority must be given to those rural areas. One of the main purposes of the Ministry of Health and Social Protection is to carry out continuous and systematic monitoring of the epidemiological behavior in transmissible diseases. This monitoring should be performed in accordance with processes established that allow the notification, collection, and data analysis. Thus generating valid and reliable timely information to guide prevention and control measures for those diseases [11]. However, achieving this purpose is very complicated if conventional methods used for the detection of the diseases fail to reach the population affected. Therefore, it is essential to adapt and improve the technology used to detect those diseases when it is required to collect information at the remote zones with difficulties in accessing health services. The optical fiber biosensensing technology exhibits a good promising future to solve the issues that the conventional diagnosis methods used present such as: long procedures, expensive equipment and reagents, specialized personnel, lack of portability, low sensitivities, and need of biomarkers. In addition to the sensitivity and selectivity, one of the fundamental characteristics that makes most biosensors so potential is the possibility of performing the analysis of the substance to be determined directly, i.e. without the need for a marker, and in real time. These two characteristics give biosensors the possibility to perform not only a qualitative and quantitative analysis, but also the possibility of evaluating the kinetics of the interaction (affinity constant, association and dissociation, among others) and, therefore, elucidate the fundamental mechanisms of such interaction. In this thesis it is studied a novel biosensing technology applied to immunoassays (detection of an antigen/antibody binding) based on the single-mode-multimode-single mode (SMS) fiber optic structure. This structure consists of optical fiber that relies on a multimode interferometry operating principle. Optical fiber SMS immunosensors here studied present several advantages: Optical Fiber Sensors 27 • The proposed structure has biosensing parameters comparable to those achieved by more complex structures like long period grating and surface plasmon resonances, which places this immunosensing device as a very promising option for biological and medical applications where high sensitivities, high selectivity and compact structures are required. • The sinusoidal spectrum of the SMS sensors proposed allows a sharp peak corresponding to the fundamental frequency to be observed. Consequently, it is possible to obtain a phase sensitive device by tracking the phase of this fundamental frequency as a function of the parameter to detect. FFT analysis technique is shown to have advantages since it could simplify the detection system making unnecessary the use of sophisticated optical interrogators. • The proposed structure and the bioassay performed is a label free assay, which implies that detection molecules are not labelled or modified. This means easier and lower cost procedures. The main results obtained using this concept of biosensors will be presented along this thesis as is described. First, Chapters 1 and 2, include an overview of the optical fiber sensors field, mainly focused on optical fiber biosensors. The sensors developed as a result of this thesis are presented as contributions in Chapters 3, 4, 5 and 6. These contributions were submitted to peer-reviewed top scientific journals and conferences. Finally, Chapter 7 presents and discusses a series of conclusions, current work, and future perspectives derived from this thesis. ; Doctorado

El objetivo del presente trabajo es el de abordar, de forma analítica y crítica, el rol del Estado local, en lo que respecta a la promoción-prohibición del acceso a la ciudad, para el caso de la autoproducción de hábitat y, en particular, de los mecanismos de expulsión de la ciudad promovidos a escala local, constituidos en la articulación entre poder ejecutivo local, fuerzas de seguridad privadas dependientes de ese mismo nivel de Estado, poder judicial provincial y fuerzas de seguridad públicas, dependientes del poder ejecutivo provincial. Con esta finalidad es que el abordaje de un caso, con epicentro en Argentina, nos permite reconocer las alianzas entre actores, para deslegitimar aquel modo de autoproducción de la ciudad y sostener una política habitacional donde los desalojos constituyen un eje central. A través de un caso de desalojo, en el Barrio Los Leñadores, de la ciudad de Ushuaia, en la Provincia de Tierra del Fuego, donde se articularon múltiples actores públicos y privados de diferentes escala, se indaga acerca de las distintas etapas del conflicto y de la resolución del mismo, para reconocer las características territorializadas de la política de desalojos perpetrada por el Estado local. A partir del análisis de fuentes secundarias y de la construcción de datos, podemos afirmar que, en el período 2007-2015, la política habitacional municipal se caracterizó por limitar la expansión de la ciudad y disciplinar a los habitantes sobre las formas de acceso a la ciudad, a través de los desalojos forzosos como mecanismo de contención del crecimiento de los asentamientos informales. Asimismo, se priorizó la transferencia de tierras a personas jurídicas de tipo asociativo (principalmente, asociaciones gremiales), promoviendo el acceso al suelo, sólo para sectores de la población organizados alrededor del empleo formal. ; The objective of the present work is to analyze, in an analytical and critical way, the role of the local State, in relation to the promotion-prohibition of access to the city, in the case of habitat self-production and, in particular, Of the expulsion mechanisms of the city promoted at local level, constituted in the articulation between local executive power, private security forces depending on that same level of state, provincial judicial power and public security forces dependent on the provincial executive power. With this aim in mind, the approach of a case with an epicenter in Argentina allows us to recognize the alliances between actors, to delegitimize that mode of self-production of the city and to maintain a housing policy where evictions constitute a central axis. Througha case of eviction, in the Barrio Los Leñadores, in the city of Ushuaia, in the Province of Tierra del Fuego, where multiple public and private actors of different scales were articulated, the different stages of the conflict were investigated and the resolution of the same, to recognize the territorialized characteristics of the policy of evictions perpetrated by the local State. From the analysis of secondary sources and the construction of data, we can affirm that in the period 2007-2015, the municipal housing policy was characterized by limiting the expansion of the city and disciplining the inhabitants on the forms of access to the city, through forced evictions as a mechanism to contain the growth of informal settlements. Priority was given to transferring land to legal entities of an associative type (mainly trade associations), promoting access to land only for sectors of the population organized around formal employment. ; O objetivo deste estudo é abordar, analítica e criticamente, o papel do Estado local, no que respeita ao acesso promoção-ban para a cidade, para o caso da auto-produção de habitat e, em particular, mecanismos de expulsão da cidade promovido localmente, formado na articulação entre o poder executivo local, as forças de segurança privadas dependentes no mesmo nível de estado, judiciário provincial e as forças de segurança pública, os funcionários do executivo provincial. Para este efeito, é que a abordagem de um caso, com epicentro na Argentina, nos permite reconhecer as parcerias entre os atores para deslegitimar que o modo de auto- produção da cidade e mantenha uma política de habitação, onde os despejos constituem um eixo central. Através de um caso de despejo em Barrio Los Madeireiros, cidade de Ushuaia, na província de Tierra del Fuego, onde vários atores públicos e privados de diferentes escalas foram articulados, olhamos para as várias fases do conflito e resolução dos mesmos, para reconhecer as características territorializadas despejos políticos perpetrados pelo estado local. A partir da análise de fontes secundárias e dados de construção, podemos dizer que no período 2007-2015, a política municipal de habitação foi caracterizado por limitação da expansão da cidade e disciplinar as pessoas sobre as formas de acesso cidade, através de despejos forçados como forma de conter o crescimento dos assentamentos informais. Além disso, a transferência de terras para pessoas jurídicas priorizadas associativa (principalmente associações comerciais), promovendo o acesso à terra, apenas para setores da população organizada em torno de emprego formal.

The objective of the present work is to analyze, in an analytical and critical way, the role of the local State, in relation to the promotion-prohibition of access to the city, in the case of habitat self-production and, in particular, Of the expulsion mechanisms of the city promoted at local level, constituted in the articulation between local executive power, private security forces depending on that same level of state, provincial judicial power and public security forces dependent on the provincial executive power. With this aim in mind, the approach of a case with an epicenter in Argentina allows us to recognize the alliances between actors, to delegitimize that mode of self-production of the city and to maintain a housing policy where evictions constitute a central axis. Througha case of eviction, in the Barrio Los Leñadores, in the city of Ushuaia, in the Province of Tierra del Fuego, where multiple public and private actors of different scales were articulated, the different stages of the conflict were investigated and the resolution of the same, to recognize the territorialized characteristics of the policy of evictions perpetrated by the local State. From the analysis of secondary sources and the construction of data, we can affirm that in the period 2007-2015, the municipal housing policy was characterized by limiting the expansion of the city and disciplining the inhabitants on the forms of access to the city, through forced evictions as a mechanism to contain the growth of informal settlements. Priority was given to transferring land to legal entities of an associative type (mainly trade associations), promoting access to land only for sectors of the population organized around formal employment. ; El objetivo del presente trabajo es el de abordar, de forma analítica y crítica, el rol del Estado local, en lo que respecta a la promoción-prohibición del acceso a la ciudad, para el caso de la autoproducción de hábitat y, en particular, de los mecanismos de expulsión de la ciudad promovidos a escala local, constituidos en la articulación entre poder ejecutivo local, fuerzas de seguridad privadas dependientes de ese mismo nivel de Estado, poder judicial provincial y fuerzas de seguridad públicas, dependientes del poder ejecutivo provincial. Con esta finalidad es que el abordaje de un caso, con epicentro en Argentina, nos permite reconocer las alianzas entre actores, para deslegitimar aquel modo de autoproducción de la ciudad y sostener una política habitacional donde los desalojos constituyen un eje central. A través de un caso de desalojo, en el Barrio Los Leñadores, de la ciudad de Ushuaia, en la Provincia de Tierra del Fuego, donde se articularon múltiples actores públicos y privados de diferentes escala, se indaga acerca de las distintas etapas del conflicto y de la resolución del mismo, para reconocer las características territorializadas de la política de desalojos perpetrada por el Estado local. A partir del análisis de fuentes secundarias y de la construcción de datos, podemos afirmar que, en el período 2007-2015, la política habitacional municipal se caracterizó por limitar la expansión de la ciudad y disciplinar a los habitantes sobre las formas de acceso a la ciudad, a través de los desalojos forzosos como mecanismo de contención del crecimiento de los asentamientos informales. Asimismo, se priorizó la transferencia de tierras a personas jurídicas de tipo asociativo (principalmente, asociaciones gremiales), promoviendo el acceso al suelo, sólo para sectores de la población organizados alrededor del empleo formal. ; O objetivo deste estudo é abordar, analítica e criticamente, o papel do Estado local, no que respeita ao acesso promoção-ban para a cidade, para o caso da auto-produção de habitat e, em particular, mecanismos de expulsão da cidade promovido localmente, formado na articulação entre o poder executivo local, as forças de segurança privadas dependentes no mesmo nível de estado, judiciário provincial e as forças de segurança pública, os funcionários do executivo provincial. Para este efeito, é que a abordagem de um caso, com epicentro na Argentina, nos permite reconhecer as parcerias entre os atores para deslegitimar que o modo de auto- produção da cidade e mantenha uma política de habitação, onde os despejos constituem um eixo central. Através de um caso de despejo em Barrio Los Madeireiros, cidade de Ushuaia, na província de Tierra del Fuego, onde vários atores públicos e privados de diferentes escalas foram articulados, olhamos para as várias fases do conflito e resolução dos mesmos, para reconhecer as características territorializadas despejos políticos perpetrados pelo estado local. A partir da análise de fontes secundárias e dados de construção, podemos dizer que no período 2007-2015, a política municipal de habitação foi caracterizado por limitação da expansão da cidade e disciplinar as pessoas sobre as formas de acesso cidade, através de despejos forçados como forma de conter o crescimento dos assentamentos informais. Além disso, a transferência de terras para pessoas jurídicas priorizadas associativa (principalmente associações comerciais), promovendo o acesso à terra, apenas para setores da população organizada em torno de emprego formal.

En este trabajo se exponen las reflexiones del abate Sieyès sobre la necesidad
de configurar un órgano de defensa de la Constitución. Sieyès ¿creador intelectual
de la distinción entre Poder Constituyente y poderes constituidos, y uno de los fundadores,
por tanto, del constitucionalismo contemporáneo¿ no sólo defendió siempre la necesidad
de establecer un procedimiento especial de reforma de la Constitución ¿aspecto este que
fue destacado por otros autores¿ sino que llevó a cabo también el diseño de un órgano
de defensa de la Constitución. En el contexto revolucionario francés, el abate de Frejús fue
el único en advertirlo. El órgano de defensa de la Constitución se configura como la clave
de bóveda de su modelo político y el corolario lógico del concepto de Poder Constituyente,
como fundamento del Estado Constitucional, por él alumbrado. Esta necesidad la advirtió
por vez primera en un importante discurso pronunciado el 2 de Termidor. Dos semanas
después desarrolló su idea en otro discurso proferido en la Convención Nacional, concretamente
el 18 de Thermidor del año III. En él, Sieyès se plantea la necesidad de crear un
«guardián de la Constitución» para que esta pueda configurarse como una norma jurídica
vinculante, y de obligatorio cumplimiento. Sieyès fue el primero en establecer con gran rigor
técnico, y con un muy elevado nivel de detalle, el diseño básico de esa magistratura,
tanto en lo que se refiere a su composición como a sus funciones. Y lo hizo anticipándose
a muchas ideas que son hoy patrimonio común del Derecho Constitucional europeo. Entre
ellas cabe destacar la configuración de la Justicia Constitucional como una institución protectora
de las minorías, como un órgano de integración política, como la suprema instancia
jurídico-política para la resolución de los conflictos constitucionales, y como una jurisdicción
de la libertad.
Lan honetan, Konstituzioa defendatzeko organo bat osatzearen beharrari
buruz Sieyès apaizak egindako hausnarketak azaldu dira. Sieyès botere eratzailearen
eta botere eratuen arteko bereizketaren ¿hortaz, konstituzionalismo garaikidearen¿ sortzaile
intelektuala izan zen. Konstituzioa aldatzeko prozedura berezia ezartzeko beharra defendatzeaz
gain ¿alderdi hori nabarmendu zuten beste idazle batzuek¿, Konstituzioa defendatzeko
organoa ere diseinatu zuen. Frantziako Iraultzan, Frejúsko apaizak soilik eman
zuen horren berri. Konstituzioa defendatzeko organoa bere eredu politikoaren giltzarria da,
baita botere eratzailea kontzeptuaren ondorio logikoa ere, botere horrek sortutako estatu
konstituzionalaren oinarria delako. Behar hori Thermidorren 2an esandako hitzaldi garrantzitsu
batean azaldu zuen lehen aldiz. Handik bi astera, III. urteko Thermidorren 18an, ideia
bera garatu zuen Konbentzio Nazionalean eman zuen beste hitzaldi batean. Sieyèsek Konstituzioa
nahitaez bete beharreko arau juridiko loteslea izateko «Konstituzioaren zaindari»
bat sortu behar zela planteatu zuen. Sieyès izan zen magistratura horren oinarrizko diseinua
egiten lehena, zehaztasun tekniko eta xehetasun maila handiekin, bai osaerari bai funtzioei
zegokienez. Eta egun Europako Zuzenbide Konstituzionalaren ondare diren ideia asko aurreratu
zituen. Nabarmentzekoa da Justizia Konstituzionala sortu zuela, hainbat helbururekin:
gutxiengoak babesteko instituzioa, politika integratzeko organoa, konstituzioarekin lotutako
gatazkak ebazteko instantzia gorena eta askatasun jurisdikzioa izatea.
This work sets forth the critical thoughts of the Abate Sièyes regarding
the need to set up a body for the protection of the Constitution. Sièyes ¿the intelectual
author of the distinction between constituent power and constituted power, and one
of the fathers of the contemporary constitutionalism¿, did not only stand up for the
need to establish a special procedure for the reform of the Constitution ¿a facet which
was emphasyzed by another authors¿ but also he carried out the design of a body for
the defense of the Constitution. In the framework of the revolutionary french context,
the Abate from Frejús was the only one to notice it. The body for the defense of the
Constitution was envisaged as the cornerstone of his political model and the logic corollary
of the notion of constituent power, as the basis for the Constitutional state figured out by
him. This necessity was notized for the first time in an important speech pronounced the 2
of Thermidor. Two weeks later, he developed his idea in another speech issued before the
National Convention, specifically the 18 of Thermidor of the third year. Sièyes sets the need
to establish a «guardian for the Constitution» in order to become a binding legal rule of
compulsory observance. Sièyes is the firt one to establish with great technical rigour and
with a high level of details, the basic design of that court both regarding its membership
and its tasks. And he did it so foreseeing many ideas which are nowadays common ground
for the European Constitutional law. Among them it can be emphasyzed the configuration
of constitutional justice as a protective institution for minorities, as a body of political
integration, as the supreme instance for the resolution of constitutional conflicts and as a
jurisdicition for freedom.

La lógica del mercado y al cambio de modelo de desarrollo en América Latina, en el intento de poder competir a nivel mundial, ha agudizado las disparidades y el deterioro ambiental. La presión que ejercen las grandes empresas y ciertos grupos con poder, el enquistamiento de una estructura administrativa que puja por mantener esquemas tradicionales ya perimidos y la falta de planificación impiden atender uno de los problemas claves que plantea la economía en el territorio, el de la concentración y los desequilibrios territoriales. Surge entonces el Ordenamiento Territorial como alternativa válida para atenuar estos procesos y dar respuesta a la sociedad. El caso que se presenta pone en el tapete muchos de estos temas que hoy preocupan y puede servir como experiencia transferible y aplicable a otras realidades que buscan consolidar un desarrollo local sustentable. El ante-proyecto de Ley de Ordenamiento Territorial y Usos del Suelo para la provincia de Mendoza, República Argentina, es un instrumento elaborado en el año 2006 por el sector académico-científico que desde una visión interdisciplinaria incorpora fundamentos técnicos y aportes de los actores sociales involucrados. La metodología aplicada permite consensuar por la sociedad en su conjunto los principios que sustentan la Ley, determinar la aplicación de ciertos instrumentos para efectivizar acciones en el territorio y definir una forma innovadora de hacer política, gestionar y planificar el uso del suelo. La propuesta considera al Ordenamiento Territorial como una política de Estado que debe propiciar condiciones de gobernabilidad. Sus principios y normas priorizan la equidad y el bienestar general por encima de los intereses particulares así como también el respeto de los valores y costumbres de la sociedad. Surge de un proceso participativo y sus principios y fines responden a los problemas actuales. Incorpora una serie de instrumentos debidamente jerarquizados conforme a las competencias jurisdiccionales y existencia de distintas escalas geográficas, como también, instrumentos jurídicos y prácticas administrativas innovadoras que permiten la resolución de conflictos territoriales. Identifica además recursos financieros para implementarla y prioriza el fortalecimiento de los mecanismos de control para un funcionamiento más ágil y eficaz de la gestión pública. Sin embargo existen riesgos vinculados a la voluntad política y el poder económico que pueden impedir que esta utopía se transforme en realidad. Solo la participación social es la que puede lograr vencer los intereses en juego y conseguir la aprobación de la Ley. Si esto se consigue se habrá dado un paso muy importante a ser imitado, sin lugar a dudas, en otros lugares de Argentina y América Latina. ; The logic of the market and the changing pattern of development in Latin americas, in an attempt to be able to compete globally, has exacerbated the disparities and environmental degradation. The pressure exerted by large companies and certain groups with power, enquistamiento of an administrative structure that bid to maintain traditional patterns and perimidos and lack of planning impede meet one of the key problems posed by the economy in the territory, the concentration and territorial imbalances. Surge then land use planning as a valid alternative to mitigate these processes and respond to society. The case shown in the table puts many of these issues that concern today and experience can serve as transferable and applicable to other realities that are seeking to consolidate a sustainable local development. The face-Bill spatial planning and land use for the province of Mendoza, Argentina, is an instrument developed in 2006 by academics-from a scientific vision that incorporates interdisciplinary technical foundations and contributions from social actors involved. The methodology allows consensus by society as a whole the principles underpinning the Act, determine the application of certain instruments to effectuate actions in the territory and define an innovative way of doing politics, manage and plan the land use. The proposal considers the spatial planning as a state policy that should promote conditions of governability. Its principles and norms prioritize equity and the general welfare over individual interests as well as respect for the values and mores of society. Surge of a participatory process and its principles and purposes respond to current problems. It incorporates a range of instruments properly classified under the jurisdiction and existence of different geographical scales, as well as legal instruments and innovative management practices that allow the resolution of territorial conflicts. Identifies further financial resources to implement and prioritizes strengthening control mechanisms for a more agile and efficient governance. But there are risks associated with the political and economic power that can prevent this utopia is transformed into reality. Only social participation is what can be done to overcome the interests involved and get the approval of Law. If this is achieved will be given a very important step to be followed, no doubt, elsewhere in Argentina and Latin americas. ; Fil: Gudiño, María Elina. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto de Investigación y Formación para el Ordenamiento Territorial

El tema que aborda esta Tesis para optar el Grado de Maestro, titulada "Impacto de las Normas Legales del Subsector Pesquería en la Efectividad de las Políticas Públicas en la Pesca Artesanal", reflejará la percepción actual de los pescadores artesanales acerca de su relación con los agentes del gobierno y con los otros actores involucrados en la actividad pesquera en el Perú. En esta Tesis se pretende evaluar el impacto que las normas legales del Subsector Pesquería, han producido en la efectividad de las políticas públicas, durante el período gubernamental 2006-2011, circunscrita al ámbito de la pesca artesanal. Además, se pretende analizar la relación entre las normas legales y las políticas públicas, que siempre ha sido muy poco transparente en el Perú y que, en el caso de las políticas en materia de pesca artesanal, no son una excepción. Ello permitirá una mejor posición del Estado para desarrollar políticas públicas más asertivas y eficaces en el Subsector Pesquería. La presente Tesis se estructura en cuatro (04) Capítulos. El Capítulo I describe el problema, los objetivos de la investigación para evaluar el impacto que las normas legales del Subsector Pesquería, han producido en la efectividad de las políticas públicas de la pesca artesanal, durante el período gubernamental 2006-2011; así como, la importancia, limitaciones y alcances del presente trabajo de investigación. En el Capítulo II se expone el planteamiento teórico en el que se presentan los antecedentes de investigación para el presente trabajo. Como base teórica general, se efectúa una descripción de la situación de la pesquería ·en el Perú, el panorama de la pesquería mundial, historia de la pesquería en el Perú y la situación del sector pesquero nacional y del recurso anchoveta, dada su importancia económica. Asimismo, se exponen como bases teóricas específicas para la presente investigación, la pesca artesanal como objeto de estudio y sus políticas públicas en el sector pesquero nacional. También se expone la situación de la pesca artesanal en Chile y Colombia y algunas reflexiones de la realidad nacional en este tipo de pesquería. En este Capítulo se aborda también las normas legales para el Subsector Pesquería, relacionadas con la pesca artesanal que conllevaron al establecimiento de los criterios de cumplimiento, publicidad, oportunidad, criterio técnico y capacidad de resolución de problemas para la variable independiente "normas legales". Para evaluar el impacto de estas normas legales y su efectividad de las políticas públicas en la pesca artesanal como variable dependiente, se definen algunas aproximaciones sobre el concepto de políticas públicas con los criterios de participación de sus actores, la conflictividad y el criterio técnico de los actores sobre las políticas públicas. Este Capítulo termina con el planteamiento de las hipótesis de investigación, las variables y presenta la matriz de consistencia. Finalmente, de todo el marco teórico derivan las diez (10) hipótesis centradas específicamente en la importancia de las normas legales en el Subsector Pesquería y su impacto en la efectividad de las políticas públicas en la pesca artesanal, que se intentan contrastar a lo largo de esta Tesis. El Capítulo III está referido a la metodología utilizada; en ella, se presenta la forma cómo se aborda el problema; es decir, la especificación del modelo de trabajo, la recopilación de la información, el desarrollo de la encuesta y el tamaño de la muestra que presentan los resultados, para los que hemos utilizado encuestas por muestreo, aplicando el programa SPSS y se recurre a un análisis cualitativo y cuantitativo. El Capítulo IV presenta la prueba de hipótesis general y las específicas. Las conclusiones de esta Tesis de Magíster presentadas en este Capítulo, confirman o rechazan las hipótesis que se plantean sobre el "Impacto de las Normas Legales del Subsector Pesquería en la Efectividad de las Políticas Públicas en la Pesca Artesanal". Asimismo, se muestran las siguientes recomendaciones: que los operadores gubernamentales deben invertir mucho más en la difusión de las normas legales, más allá de la publicación formal en los medios oficiales; sobre todo, tratándose de un sector en el que las limitaciones educativas, la informalidad y la desorganización, son tan evidentes. Una segunda recomendación es que la autoridad pública debe tener mayor presencia e involucrarse más en la resolución de los problemas de la pesca artesanal, en el nivel de formulación de las normas legales como en la implementación de las políticas públicas. Finalmente, se presenta la bibliografía utilizada para el presente trabajo de investigación. ; The subject approached by this Thesis for the degree of Magister, entitled "Impact of the Standards Legal of the Subsector Fishery in the Effectiveness of the Policies Publics in the Fishing Craft", will reflect the current perception of artisanal fishermen about their relationship with the agents of the Government and other actors involved in fishing activities in the Peru. This Thesis aims to evaluate the impact that this legal standard of the Fishery Subsector, have occurred in the effectiveness of public policies, during the governmental period 2006- 2011, circumscribed the scope of artisanal fisheries. In addition, intends to analyze the relationship between legal standards and public policy, which has always been very transparent in the Peru and for policies on artisanal fisheries, are not an exception. This will allow a better position of the State to develop public policies more assertive and effective in the Fishery Subsector. The present Thesis is structured in four chapters (04). The chapter one describes the problem and research objectives to evaluate the impact of the legal norms of the Fishery Subsector, have occurred in the effectiveness of public policies in artisanal fisheries, during the governmental period 2006-2011. In the Chapter II there is exposed the theoretical exposition in which they present the precedents of investigation for the present work. As theoretical general base, a description is effected of to situation of the fishery iii Peru, the panorama of the world fishery, history of the fishery in Peru and the situation of the fishing national sector; and, of the resource anchoveta, given his economic importance. Likewise, they are exposed as theoretical specific bases for the present investigation, the handcrafted fishing as object of study, his public policies in the fishing national sector. Also, there is exposed the situation of the handcrafted fishing in Chile and Colombia and some reflections of national reality in this type of fishery. In this Chapter, the legal procedure is approached also for the Subsector Fishery, related to the handcrafted fishing that they carried to the establishment of the criteria of obeisance, advertising, opportunity, technical criterion and capacity of resolution of problems for the independent variable "legal procedure". To evaluate the impact of these legal procedure and his efficiency of the public policies in the handcrafted fishing as variable salesman, you define some approximations on the concept of public policies with the criteria of participation of his actors, the conflict and the technical criterion of the actors on the public policies. This Chapter ends with the exposition of the hypotheses of investigation, the variables and presents the counterfoil of consistency. Finally, from the whole theoretical frame there derive ten (10) hypotheses centered specifically on the importance of the legal procedure on the Subsector Fishery and his impact in the efficiency of the public policies in the handcrafted fishing, which tries to be confirmed along this Thesis. The Chapter III is recounted to the used methodology; in her, one presents the form how the problem is approached; it is to say, the specification of the model of work, the summary of the information, the development of the survey and the size of the sample that present the results, for that we have used surveys for sampling applying the program SPSS and one resorts to a qualitative and quantitative analysis. Toe Chapter IV presents the test of general hypothesis and the specific ones. Toe conclusions of this Magister's Thesis, presented in this Chapter, confirm or reject the hypotheses that appear on the II Impact of the Legal Procedure of the Subsector Fishery in the Efficiency of the Public Policies in the Handcrafted Fishing 11 Likewise, the following recommendations appear: that the governmental operators must invest much more in the diffusion of the legal procedure, beyond the formal publication in the official means; especially, treating itself about a sector in which the educational limitations, the informality and the disorganization, they are so evident. Toe second recommendation is that the public authority must have major presence and to interfere more in the resolution of the problems of the handcrafted fishing, in the level of formulation of the legal procedure as in the implementation of the public policies. Finally, the bibliography used for the present work of investigation. ; Tesis

In a previous note on these same pages, we made reference to Obama's unpredictable use of executive power and his tendency to overuse it for certain domestic policies, while deferring to the military and foreign policy establishmenton issues he is ambivalent about, such as the international use of force. We also alluded to his tendency to isolate himself and rely excessively on his own judgment in shaping policy, to the detriment of his relations with staff, cabinet and other leaders. The long-drawn decision to seek Congressional approval before striking Syria is a case study of these proclivities.After resisting calls for intervention in Syria by Senate Republican "hawks"and foreign policy specialists since 2011, a year ago Obama conceded that, in spite of his aversion to intervene in "sectarian struggles",certain actions such as the use of chemical weapons by the Syrian regime against the opposition would constitute a "red line" which, once crossed, would automatically bring about an armed response by the United States. This week he had to face the consequences of his own words.Whenrobust evidence of the use of sarin gas by Bashar Al Assad's forces in rebel occupied territory was produced, the President had no choice but to spendthelast week of the month of Augustfrantically building a case for immediate intervention. Acting simultaneously as Chief Executive, policy shaper and his own spokesman, he used several venues, including an NPR interview, to announce to the American people that the time had come to act.But while Secretary of State John Kerry made a compelling speech on the need to act swiftly to punish the "moral obscenity" committed by the Assad regime, Obama appeared much more circumspect in his appeals to the American people. His early words conveyed both his outrage at the disproportionate actions by Assad as well as his empathy with the war-weary American citizens. In private, he confided he had qualms both about the legality and the political legitimacy of military action. In public, his argument focused on the violation of an international convention prohibiting the use of chemical weapons and the absolutely unavoidable duty to enforce it. But the fact that UN inspectors had not completed their field report on the attack, coupled with the refusal of the UN Security Council to consider armed action, gave him pause and forced him to confront his own doubts once again.In the meantime, momentum was building in the United States where, according to press reports, it was all but certain there would be a military strike to "punish and deter" the Syrian regime, by Labor Day weekend. GOP Senators John McCain and Lindsey Graham were vocal in their support of intervention but demanded more than just a punitive strike and showed some impatience towards the President's pondering an action that should have been decided long ago.Abroad, Turkey, Israel and Saudi Arabia were in favor of the US action. As it is widely known, Russia was against it and that is why the US had to bypass the UN Security Council where Russia has veto power. While NATO allies all offered strong support (indeed, both France and Britain were the first to insist on support for the rebels a year ago), Prime Minister David Cameron was delivered a strong blow when he lost a vote in the House of Commons, with some of his own backbenchers voting against intervention. German Chancellor Angela Merkel, facing a coming election and against the perennial background of German Basic Law constraints, had already told the President that Germany would stand in the sidelines, while offering moral support. The long shadow cast by the Iraqi war around the world once again became evident. But the French President, not required by the Fifth Republic Constitution to consult the legislature, and encouraged by France's recent successful actions in Mali and Libya, remained firm.By Friday, Obama's tortured deliberations came to an end as he abruptly changed courses. Against the advice of his National Security and political advisors team, he made a dramatic announcement from the Rose Garden: his decision on the need for a narrow punitive action against Syria had been made, he said, but he had decided to ask for Congressional authorization first. As Commander in Chief, and in spite of the War Powers Resolution of 1973, he is not obligated to do this. He thus appears to be shifting responsibility onto the legislature while simultaneouslybuying some time to explore diplomatic solutions in the upcoming G-20 summer.The cerebral constitutional law professor and the risk- taking politician in him have made a Faustian bargain. If Congress authorizes the use of force, he will have both legal and political cover for his action while at the same time fulfilling his moral duty of punishing a violator of the Chemical Weapons Convention and of Humanitarian law. If they vote No, he can just blame them for his own lack of action and use all the power of the Presidency on his domestic agenda.It is, in any case, a big gamble, one that has the potential of weakening him and turning him into a lame duck for the rest of his Presidency. The GOP is internally divided on many issues, among them foreign policy, where conservative ideologies run the gamut from minimalist /isolationist to neo-cons/regime- change interventionists and all the shades in-between. And the far left in Obama's own party is against intervention. So there is no guarantee he will get Congressional approval. The cost of losing this vote is enormous: it may set a strong precedent in diminishing Presidential prerogatives.To be fair to the President and his vacillating stance, this is not an easy decision. None of the world leaders have made a compelling public case for a strategic need of intervention in Syria. The proposed limited "punitive" strike will most likely be inconclusive: it will not deter further extreme actions by Assad, who has now been given time to disperse his military assets and capabilities. The strike will not significantly degrade his capacity to fight, and there will be little change in his main goal, namely, to destroy the opposition and regain total control of the country.This is a fight to the end by both sides. If overthrown, Assad and his Alawite supporters (as well as the Christians who have traditionally been under his protection) will be massacred. There are no desirable outcomes in this conflict. The rebels are divided and the biggest group is that ofthe jihadists with strong support of Al Qaeda. While Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Israel are on the side of the United States and want a moderate alternative to the Assad regime, Iran, to an extent Iraq, and Hezbollah in Lebanon are on the dictator's side (as, incongruously, is Venezuela). The Palestinian group Hamas, previously favoring Assad has now changed sides and is supporting the rebels. So in many ways this is a war by proxy that could become a generalized regional war. There is no indication that the President or anyone else has a political plan or a diplomatic effort in mind for the post-strike scenario.However, US inaction at this time undermines the security of its allies, especially Israel. Even though Netanyahu has adopted a "no comment" stance and hasn't, accordingly, said a word on this issue, other Israeli politicians are worrying out loud about the implications the US lack of resolve will have on other "red lines": Will the United States act when Iran crosses the nuclear threshold? Or will Israel find itself facing Iran alone?They bitterly remind themselves of Obama's speech in Jerusalem, in March this year, when he said in Hebrew: "Atem lo levad" ("You are not alone"). They are very skeptical, now more than ever, that the President will match his lofty rhetoric with action.In the United States the momentum is gone, Congress won't reconvene until September 9, and the President is using the last week of summer to energetically lobby House and Senate leaders and persuade skeptics through intelligence briefings. Urgent issues in the domestic agenda will thus have to be postponed.What no one, either at home or abroad denies, is that the credibility of the Presidency and with it, that of the United States, is at stake. International support for the operation is unlikely to improve. A negative vote by Congress will further weaken the President and may complicate the White House legislative agenda, where he will have to spend all his political capital and still,perhaps, fall short.In a keynote speech to the National Defense University earlier this year, Obama expressed the need to chart a new way in American foreign policy, one that would end the "perpetual wartime footing" that characterized the post 9-11 era, after G.W. Bush got a virtual blank check from Congress in the use of military force and intelligence gathering. So far, Obama has ended two protracted unpopular wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and it is clear he will not engage in regime change. But a new foreign policy strategy has not crystallized yet. There is no Obama doctrine, no overall framework to guide his decisions and give predictability to his actions.His whole approach to the Middle East, the most explosive region in the planet today, is misconceived. His tepid reaction to the Egyptian situation had already given some approximation of how reluctant he is about taking sides in conflicts in the region. Syrian use of chemical weapons has confirmed his ambivalence and exposed his indecision. At the same time, it has provoked a collapse of American credibility abroad, anduncertainty about its reliability as an ally. Regardless of what follows after this week, his hesitancy will have dire consequences for American foreign policy into the future.The larger problem that looms over the heads of world leaders and that few seem to acknowledge is that this is not about Syria or Egypt or Libya or Yemen or Tunisia as separate conflicts; it is a regional conflagration that has to be addressedcomprehensively, within the larger regional and international context. All major actors, whether it is Europe, Russia, or China and of course the United States, have a stake in the region and it is in their interest to define the rules of the game and together find an overall solution to this predicament.

Global Governance has been increasingly used in the study of International Relations which, thanks to its versatility and utility, has generated an expansion of its conceptual, methodological, and practical scope. Regional governance is a useful derivation because it makes it easier to understand, from a more precise perspective, how global issues with local repercussions are solved. In this sense, the article shows that security governance in Latin America is characterized by enduring balance of power practices, geopolitics, and mistrust between different parties. At the same time there is coexistence between the historical intention to establish security communities, to find resolutions to controversies, and to solve disputes through institutional instruments, principles, and values that favor peaceful means. In other words, in the region we are in the presence of a hybrid security governance, with practices that evolve over time in accordance with three key factors: the behavior of States and other agents, the capacity of institutions to overcome structural and conjunctural challenges, and finally, the effects of changes in perceptions of organized crime and other ideological and political challenges. Therefore, this article consists of three parts. In the first, the definitions and scope of global governance will be reviewed. Subsequently, its utility will be validated for the comprehension of regional orders and the characteristics that are forged there. Finally, it will be used to expose the hybrid characteristics in Latin America throughout the 21st century. Traditionally, since its inception as a scientific discipline, the explanations provided by International Relations,have been the subject of multifaceted debates. In fact, it was through these great debates, sometimes theoretical and in other cases methodological, that the discipline grew in terms of academic and research production, as well as in the political scope for decision-making. This led to the creation of a true field of study, which took as its initial object of study the area of war and peace between nations, before later moving on to cooperation, the environment, and other issues of the contemporary international agenda. Likewise, governance has been an ideal vehicle to give greater scope and heterogeneity to explanations of processes and empirical events, ones which go beyond traditional theoretical approaches such as realism, institutional liberalism or constructivism. Along the same lines, this progressive academic production has stimulated the specialization and concentration of governance in regional orders, since it allows a clearer reflection on the historical patterns of behavior among the members. This offers a more nuanced explanation of the challenges present,the responses required for structural or conjunctural issues, and the eventual emergence of distinctive elements between different groups. Security governance has mainly focused on four challenges to solve. First, the expansion of the research agenda to specific contexts; second, the greater attention that academic production should give to the relationship between intergovernmental organizations and other non-state actors in defined spaces; third, the predominance of explanations on security in the Euro-Atlantic region and, finally, the need to further link the security governance agenda to debates on region and regionalism. In the same way, the construction and specific behaviors developed in the regions cannot be detached from global dynamics. In this sense, regardless of the geographical character of a region such as Europe or South America, these are mainly political factors, as Hurrell well recognizes, that regional dynamics are a historical social construction, which has been politically contested and criticized. with the intention of recognizing patterns of continuity and transformation, which facilitate the identification of dynamics that particularize and distinguish between them. In this sense, Latin America has not neglected the use of governance, as a concept and as a valid analysis methodology to understand the distinctive characteristics that have made up a particular set of elements that, on the one hand, endure over time and, on the other hand, have recently changed. When referring to security, the opposing points of view show the emergence and incipient development of a heterogeneous, incomplete, and controversial governance. The main objective of this article, based on a hybrid and eclectic approach, will be to understand the evolution of the concept of governance and establish the characteristics of security for Latin America. Thus, in matters of security governance, this article highlights the hybrid character from two lines of argument; on the one hand, there are defenders of a vision based on geopolitics, the balance of power and the latent tension between states; and on the other, there is one more oriented to analyze security characteristics from a constructivist, associative and cooperative perspective. Indeed, Adler and Greve presented an interesting initial reflection on the subject, in the sense that both are necessary for the holistic understanding of the movements, not always ascending, that states carry to equip themselves with instruments and mechanisms that enable them. They allow you to live together in a more harmonious and peaceful way. First, some authors situate regional governance in mainly realistic terms, in which the dynamics of balance of power between states continue to prevail two hundred years after independence. They underline, for example, realities of ungovernability, while a series of specific variables, among which at least five stand out: first, the old geopolitical tensions between states continue to determine situations of conflict and mistrust; secondly, the competencies of individual and personal leaders in provision of common goods and dispute resolution stand out. Third, regional disputes have continued to be fueled both by internal competition - that is, between the states of the region - and, at the same time, by permissiveness in the face of the influence of external powers; Fourth, the importance of the quality of democracy for the countries of the region, which facilitates internal governance processes and strengthening the rule of law and, finally, the link between security and the economy in terms of economic development, that is, the effect of economic independence and economic autonomy in strengthening state security. Second, there is the most interpretive line of reflection on reality, highlighting that beyond the instruments of power and geopolitical, political processes and new ideological realignments must be understood, in which the following variables can be highlighted: first, the internal factors that condition or reinforce the international action of the States; second, the regional redefinition based on the creation of alternative multilateral forums, beyond the OAS, such as CELAC, UNASUR or ALBA, in which there are also components not only of trade and integration, but also of security and, finally, the little regional cooperation in security with low institutional, political and budgetary density. ; La gobernanza global es un enfoque que se incorpora con mayor interés en el estudio de las Relaciones internacionales. Su versatilidad y utilidad amplían el alcance conceptual, metodológico y práctico de la disciplina, lo cual permite investigar y explicar las interacciones y procesos en ocasiones poco claros que se producen entre actores de distinta naturaleza. Desde esta aproximación, la Gobernanza se ha erigido como una herramienta que amplía las explicaciones de los enfoques conceptuales y metodológicos tradicionalmente utilizados, en otras palabras, la gobernanza es un enfoque multidisciplinario y reflexivo que logra desvanecer fronteras interpuestas por los lentes teóricos convencionales y adicionalmente genera nuevas comprensiones entre lo global y lo local. Con base en lo anterior, se ha abierto y estimulado la utilización de la gobernanza al estudio de los órdenes regionales, pues aquellos se encargan de gestionar la agenda internacional, variada y compleja, ubicándose en un punto medio entre dinámicas globales y afectaciones locales. En ese sentido, ha contribuido a fortalecer una comprensión holística de los patrones históricos de comportamiento entre los miembros que los conforman, otorgándole mayor profundidad, ampliación y reflexividad a los procesos y desafíos allí presentes, así como a las respuestas requeridas a disyuntivas estructurales y coyunturales que evolucionan o emergen. En ese sentido, América Latina ha vivido en los últimos veinte años importantes transformaciones en la forma en la que se relacionan los estados y otros actores. La agenda de seguridad no ha sido ajena al fenómeno, por el contrario, el estudio de la gobernanza de seguridad se ha insertado como una categoría adicional de estudio. Así las cosas, la seguridad contemporánea emerge de una combinación entre estructuras políticas, sociales y culturales, que reflejan tendencias históricas, así como nuevos marcos de comprensión analítica, generando un espacio gris, híbrido y heterogéneo. El objetivo central de este artículo es establecer aquellas variables teóricas y prácticas necesarias para el estudio de la gobernanza híbrida de seguridad en América Latina a lo largo del siglo XXI a partir de un enfoque metodológico analítico, ecléctico y situado que señale los elementos distintivos y al mismo tiempo disputados o enfrentados que le han dado forma a la región. Se señala entonces que, la gobernanza híbrida seguirá alterando las definiciones tanto de seguridad como de región, conforme se alteren las dinámicas de poder, los principios y valores que guían el comportamiento de los agentes involucrados y la eficacia que tengan las organizaciones regionales para la gestión de los desafíos presentes y futuros. Para lo anterior, este escrito consta de tres partes. En la primera, se hará una revisión exhaustiva de las definiciones y alcance de la gobernanza global para así facilitar la comprensión sobre su utilidad teórica, revisando algunas críticas. Posteriormente se validará su beneficio para formular nuevos marcos de comprensión acerca de los órdenes regionales y las características que allí se forjan y, finalmente, se empleará para mostrar cómo ha consolidado una estructura heterogénea, disputada y conflictiva que no se ha terminado de completar o de desarrollar en América Latina.

The short-lived popularity boost of the Osama bin Laden operation having all but faded, President Obama for the first time appears vulnerable and could be defeated in the 2012 election. Indeed, many are starting to wonder if he will be a one-term president like Jimmy Carter and George H.W. Bush. As congressional leaders continue to meet with Vice President Joe Biden to negotiate a reduction of the federal budget and to avoid a potential default on government debt, the economic recovery seems to be stalling: reports released last week show unemployment rose again to 9.1 % and job growth slowed down, and manufacturing and retail sales are also down from last quarter.The only good news for the President is that the Republican field of candidates, while still fluid, is very weak so far, and the Republican Party leadership divided and ineffective. Hefty potential candidates such as Jeb Bush (undoubtedly the strongest intellect in the GOP today) and New Jersey Governor Chris Christie have eschewed confronting the formidable President-candidate in 2012 and seem to be lying in wait for 2016, when they expect the field to be wide open.The first serious national presidential debate for the Republican candidacy took place on Monday, June 13. Mitt Romney, former governor of Massachusetts and the author of a health plan there which critics contend is very similar to Obama's, emerged as the solid front-runner and Michelle Bachman, an Evangelical Congresswoman from Minnesota and a Tea Party favorite, as the one who can challenge him. She is a former tax lawyer and a mother of five, who also apparently has found time to raise 23 foster kids. She is often compared to Sarah Palin, but most agree that she has more substance, understands how the government and can articulate ideas. She portrays herself as the anti-establishment figure, although she has been in Congress for a while and is at present the Chair of the House Intelligence Committee. Similarly to Palin, she considers the federal government an "elitist conspiracy" against middle-America and has invoked the War Powers Resolution to force Obama to request Congress authorization to continue operations in Libya. Tim Pawlenty, former governor of Minnesota, also an Evangelical with Tea Party following, was expected to be a serious challenger, but missed an opportunity to confront Romney on his health care plan for Massachusetts, which he had severely criticized the day before on national TV, stating it was very similar to Obama's, and going as far as calling Romney a "co-conspirator in Obama care." This lack of courage to confront the front-runner personally has made him a distant third in the primary race. Romney, on the other hand, was very well-prepared, confident in his own image of the businessman/CEO who can fix the jobs problem. The rest of the Republican candidates were a motley crew, starting with Herman Cain, an African-American businessman, owner of a pizza chain and talk show host, followed by Ron Paul, a radical libertarian that in spite of his quirky ways is quite endearing in his candid contempt for government, and Newt Gingrich, whose entire campaign staff had just resigned due to his lack of discipline and inability to run a serious campaign. All candidates focused more on bashing Obama than each other, since it is early in the race and there will be time enough for that this coming fall. Rick Santorum, another fiscal and social conservative (but in this case Catholic) and former Senator for Pennsylvania, completes the second-tier line-up of Republican candidates.But the Republican field has not firmed up yet, and there could be some surprise Republican candidates entering the race, as the President appears more vulnerable. In fact, only yesterday John Huntsman, a new intriguing figure who has been Obama's ambassador to China, joined the fray announcing his candidacy from Liberty Island, next to the Statue of Liberty, in the same spot where Ronald Reagan announced his in 1980. Huntsman, former governor of Utah, is a billionaire, a moderate and a Mormon, just like Romney. Both will skip Iowa, the first test for candidates, and one dominated by Evangelical "value" voters. Both are well-spoken, good looking family men with no rough edges. Unlike Romney, he has very little name recognition at the national level, and spent years as a missionary in China, where he learnt to speak Mandarin fluently. What he brings to the race is his expertise in that country, the main holder of American's debt, and therefore, the one that worries Americans the most. He has framed this primary contest as one between "renewal and decline". He speaks in a very quiet, civil tone and he introduced himself to the public through a stream of unusual videos, one for example that shows the candidate himself, in motocross attire from heads to toe, riding his motorbike across the Utah desert, as dreamy country music plays in the background. The White House is said to be concerned about his candidacy, not only because of moderation, his capacity and his presidential demeanor but also because he has been an insider of this administration and may use information thus acquired against the President. He could become a formidable opponent, a Republican mirror image of the President.Another prospective candidate, who, if he decides to run, could throw all calculations into disarray, is Rick Perry, the Governor of Texas. He is an attractive candidate for the party establishment and has two very strong qualities: first, he is a social conservative who could supersede Bachman and Pawlenty in drawing the Tea Party vote; second, he has been a successful governor who can boast about his job creation record in Texas (40% of all new jobs during the recovery were created in Texas). He is still testing the waters, and similarly to Huntsman, may perhaps use 2012 as a platform that can propel him into the 2016 election. Although he has not announced his candidacy, observers point to his convening of a "National Day of Prayer" for early August as a sign that he may run. He would be a formidable contester, since he can speak both the language of the Tea Party as well as the national language of this 2012 election, which is the economy and jobs.In comparing the Republican Party today with the one of ten years ago, one cannot help but notice the big shift that has occurred, and in doing so, perhaps be less dismissive of Ron Paul's philosophical influence on the party rank and file. The truth is the libertarian streak has made important inroads inside the party, and voters are now serious about not only fiscal conservatism and smaller government, but also a retrenchment of America's role in the world. This was apparent during last week's debate and the public conversations that followed in the airwaves throughout the week. Most of the candidates blasted Obama for intervening in Libya and called for an early withdrawal from Afghanistan. Michelle Bachman invoked the War Powers Resolution, passed in 1973 during Watergate, which obligates the President to seek the approval of Congress 60 days after the beginning of hostilities. The Republican Party has traditionally been the home of National Security "hawks", and the last strong isolationist mood in the party dates to the 1920s. While an isolationist wing emerged again right before Gen. Eisenhower became president, after that it was represented by a very small group, led in the last twenty years or so by Pat Buchanan. Today, a war-weary and budget- conscious American public is in favor of withdrawal from Afghanistan by a wide majority (73% of all Americans, 59% among Republicans), in spite of the fact that most had understood that to be a "war of necessity" as opposed to Iraq, a war of choice. If we count American military presence in Iraq, Libya, Yemen and the tribal areas of Pakistan, today the US is involved in five different conflicts, and spending billions of dollars a month on them, most of which are considered wars of choice. Today, President Obama is in fact a victim of his own success: bin Laden is dead, so Americans want out of Afghanistan. This is echoed loudly enough by his opponents. The President is thus under pressure to bring the troops home not only by libertarians but also by extreme Right candidates (Bachman) and even by mainstream candidates like Huntsman and Romney.After the debate, Republican Senators John Mc Cain and Lindsay Graham and Defense Secretary Gates took to the airwaves to admonish the candidates on this issue, accusing them of choosing politics over policy in matters of national security. Mc Cain went so far as to say that Reagan would not recognize his own party: "This is not the Republican Party of Ronald Reagan, who was always willing to stand up for freedom all over the world". He insisted that Khadafy was crumbling and that US logistical support, intelligence and refueling capabilities had to be continued to finish him off. He went even further and picked the opportunity to criticize Obama for not using America's own airpower, and instead "leading from behind". This was a theme that Bachman had also used in her speech, somewhat incoherently, since she vilified Obama for allowing the French to lead the operation in Libya while at the same time invoking the War Powers Resolution and demanding US withdrawal, since there were no apparent US interests involved there. Mc Cain in his own interview with Christiane Amanpour, later refuted Bachman's claim by stating that Khadafi had consistently supported terrorism, was responsible for the bombing of Pan Am 103 and was about to massacre his own people at Benghazi when NATO intervened and stopped him. "Our interests are our values" and "Sometimes leadership entails sacrifice," he added.To Romney's equivocal reference to the "Afghanis (sic) war of Independence" (an expression that per se brings serious doubts to his basic knowledge of geopolitics) Senator Lindsay Graham also in his own interview, later retorted: "This is not a war of Afghan independence, from my point of view" (of course, it isn't, it's a civil war!). He continued: "This is the center of gravity against the war on terror, radical Islam. It is in our national security interest to make sure that the Taliban never come back". He warned them not to try to position themselves to "the Left" of President Obama on this issue" and he hinted that that decision would lose them the nomination.Among the wide array of opinions, only Tim Pawlenty heeded the party line that the advice of military commanders and the situation on the ground would be the main determinant of troop withdrawals under his watch. Outgoing Defense Secretary Robert Gates criticized the "declinists" who put the short term expediency politics ahead of long-term national security interests. He added that examining the bottom line only is short-sighted, since intervention is not about sheer cost, it is about the cost of failure of early withdrawals, such as Afghanistan in 1989. Earlier, on his last trip as defense secretary, Gates had bluntly told NATO members meeting in Brussels that the military weakness of most members and their lack of will to share risks and costs of NATO operations were putting severe strains on the organization and particularly on the United States. Indeed, less than a third of NATO members are taking part in the Libyan operation, although NATO is a consensus- based organization and therefore, all members voted to approve it.According Secretary Gates, the need to cut spending and radically reduce the budget has become an obsession and sparked a new current of isolationism that now insidiously divides the traditionally hawkish Republican Party. This, he told a Newsweek interviewer, is one of the main reasons that have led to his resignation, after serving two administrations and becoming the epitome of bipartisanship. His unwillingness to plan for more withdrawals and find other ways to reduce the bloated defense budget has been criticized both from the Left and the Right. He complains about how both "Congress budget hawks and defense hawks" constantly interfere with his work. He ends by saying he refuses to be part of a nation that is forced to scale back its military power so much that it can no longer lead. His frustration is apparent; his resignation paved the way for Obama's announcement of troop withdrawal, a few days later.This last week, the presidential politics of war became clearer. Feeling the pressure of Republicans attacking him from his "left flank", President Obama told a war-weary nation that he plans to start withdrawing troops by December this year, ending the surge by the summer of 2012 and bringing home most of the rest by 2014. Although there is a widespread sense that Obama has gotten so involved in the daily details of the war that would prefer to stay on and see his counterinsurgency policy through, he has quickly readjusted to the realities at home and accelerated the withdrawal timeline that his generals had recommended. With his earlier decisions of aggressively pursuing the war on terror, signing off on drone killing missions, and having bin Laden killed inside Pakistan, he successfully beat the image of a Dovish President, weak in National Security. This past Wednesday, with the words, "It is time to do nation-building at home", he acknowledged the public's concerns about the waste of American power, blood and treasure abroad while the country is still suffering from the recession, and quickly moved back to center.This is the spirit of the times. It requires a new type of leadership, one that is strong enough to face down enemies, yet flexible enough to accommodate to the new and constantly shifting realities, to accept a revised status of the nation and to lead it into new era in its history. Time will show whether such leader is among the Republicans new line-up or whether he is already in the White House.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

Introducción, objetivos y justificación Esta tesis doctoral analiza, con perspectiva cuir y decolonial, la (re)producción de la sexualidad no normativa palestina en el cine israelí y en el cine palestino. Se centra concretamente, por un lado, en el cine israelí mainstream que se exporta a festivales LGTB internacionales y, por el otro, en la resistencia que se articula desde Palestina a estos discursos hegemónicos. Los objetivos de este texto son, por tanto: el análisis de los mecanismos fílmicos que producen la sexualidad palestina como Otra, el de los que resisten dicha producción, y el archivo y registro de los filmes que participan de estos corpus discursivos. La pertinencia y la relevancia ética, política y científica de esta investigación están justificadas por el contexto de creciente violencia racista e islamófoba, que instrumentaliza las experiencias y los discursos de las personas disidentes del género y de la sexualidad; así como por la escasez de un corpus bibliográfico que registre y explore los mecanismos fílmicos que sostienen, vehiculan, naturalizan y se resisten a la construcción colonial de la sexualidad palestina no normativa. Marcos de la investigación y metodología El marco epistemológico y teórico en el que se encuadra este trabajo lo mantiene anclado a: la producción de saberes situados y fronterizos, consciente de las relaciones de poder que se entretejen con la elaboración y difusión de conocimiento; la capacidad performativa y subversiva del discurso, único instrumento de aprehensión de la realidad; los feminismos interseccionales y cuir; y, por último, las teorías críticas acerca del orientalismo y el homonacionalismo. Concibo además el cine, hecho fílmico, como acto cinematográfico y como dispositivo discursivo, una tecnología (de género) más. El análisis fílmico desarrollado en estas páginas es una operación de producción de sentido, la transformación del espacio textual (el objeto-filme) en texto, con el objetivo de desmenuzar los mecanismos naturalizadores del discurso: cómo se fabrica la Verdad al invisibilizar, por un lado, la construcción de la imagen como representación de la realidad y, por otro, las relaciones de poder (coloniales, raciales, de género, funcionales, de clase). En contra de la idea de un abanico infinito de interpretaciones, el límite de éstas (los límites de pertinencia del texto) lo marca su sujeción a la historia y los propios límites del espacio textual fílmico. La muestra de análisis está compuesta por quince obras israelíes y once palestinas. Las primeras son cortos o largometrajes producidos y/o distribuidos con ayuda estatal que se promocionan en festivales internacionales LGTB. Las segundas son obras palestinas que resisten tanto el sistema normativo de sexo/género/deseo como las relaciones de poder coloniales, disidencias que no se articulan de forma paralela o separada, sino que se (re)producen mutuamente. Resultados y conclusiones Una de las conclusiones preliminares es que en los discursos israelíes analizados se articulan también mecanismos de resistencia, igual que en los palestinos hay rastro de normatividad y hegemonía. Aunque estos hallazgos sí sean comentados, su análisis pormenorizado sería objeto de nuevas líneas de investigación. Este trabajo, siguiendo los objetivos previamente diseñados y justificados, se centra en los mecanismos hegemónicos de los discursos israelíes y en las prácticas de resistencia de los discursos palestinos; y así es como son distribuidos los resultados y las conclusiones. Son cinco las ideas principales que circulan en los discursos hegemónicos israelíes analizados: (1) se naturaliza el proceso de fabricación de una Verdad determinada, invisibilizando las relaciones de poder en el ejercicio de la representación fímica; (2) se dibujan dicotomías maniqueas, jerarquizadas y excluyentes que producen diferencias insalvables entre los espacios imaginados de Israel y Palestina; (3) el mimetismo (que el sujeto colonizado pase por colono) es la única resolución posible del conflicto, pero su fracaso es un rasgo inherente a él; (4) el deseo y las relaciones de poder circulan entrelazadas en la mirada unidireccional de Israel a Palestina; y (5), la ausencia de Palestina en la mayoría de los filmes contribuye a la construcción de la subjetividad israelí, que se edifica sobre exclusiones con marcas nacional, étnica y de género. Respecto a los discursos palestinos de resistencia, son éstos los mecanismos principales que se inscriben en las obras analizadas: (1) desplazamiento de las narrativas hegemónicas y producción de contranarrativas, (2) hibridación de las subjetividades, cuerpos y territorios, y (3) problematización de la violencia y el poder que se entretejen con el deseo. Futuras líneas de investigación abarcarían, principalmente, la des-orientalización de la reflexión sobre el homonacionalismo, el racismo y la islamofobia, analizando los mecanismos que los (re)producen en los artefactos culturales, activismos y subjetividades de este "Occidente" imaginario, más concretamente en el sur de Europa, en el estado español, en este mismo Madrid que co-habitamos. ; Introduction, Objectives and Justification This thesis analyzes the (re)production of Palestinian non-normative sexuality in Israeli and Palestinian cinemas, from a queer and decolonial point of view. It is specifically focused, on the one hand, on the Israeli mainstream cinema that is exported to international LGBT film festivals. And, on the other hand, it focuses on the resistance that Palestine articulates in order to face those hegemonic discourses. Then, the objectives of this thesis are: the analysis of filmic mechanisms that produce Palestinian sexuality as an Other, the analysis of the ones that resist that production, and the archive and record of the films that shape this discursive corpus. The scientific, political, and ethical pertinence and relevance of this research are justified by the increase of racism and Islamophobia, which use queer experiences and discourses as a tool; as well as by the scarcity of a bibliographic body that explores the filmic mechanisms holding, vehiculating, naturalizing, and resisting the colonial construction of Palestinian non-normative sexuality. Theoretical Framework and Methodology This research is theoretically and epistemologically framed in: the production of situated and border knowledge, aware of the intertwined power relations; the performative and subversive dimension of discourse, which is the only tool for apprehending reality; intersectional and queer feminisms; and critical theories on orientalism and homonationalism. Besides, I conceive cinema, the filmic fact, as an act and a discursive dispositive: another technology (of gender). The film analysis I have developed is an operation that produces meaning, it is the transformation of textual space (the film object) into text, with the goal of scrutinizing the naturalizing mechanisms of discourse. Those mechanisms invisibilize the fact that images are not a representation but the production of reality; and they invisibilize colonial, colonial, racial, gender, and class power relations as well. Against the idea of an infinite range of interpretations, their limits (the limits of text pertinence) are set by its subjection to history and by the limits of the film's own textual space. The research sample consists of fifteen Israeli and eleven Palestinian films. The first ones are short or full-length films, produced and/or distributed with state funds, promoted in LGBT international film festivals. The second ones are Palestinian works resisting both the normative sex/gender/desire system and colonial power relations; those dissidences do not occur separately neither in parallel, but they mutually (re)produce each other. Results and Conclusions There are resistance mechanisms within analyzed Israeli discourses, as well as there are traces of normativity and hegemony within Palestinian works. Their analysis would lead to possible future lines of research. In this thesis, following the previously designed and justified objectives, I separate the conclusions based on their link to hegemonic (Israeli) discourses or resistance (Palestinian) ones. Five main ideas circulate within hegemonic discourses: (1) the process of making up a specific Truth is naturalized by invisibilizing the power relations attached to the representation practice itself (the debate about who writes and who is written); (2) they draw hierarchic and excluding dichotomies, which produce insurmountable differences between the imagined spaces of Israel and Palestine; (3) the only possible resolution of the conflict is mimicry (the colonized trying to pass as colonizer), but its failure is an integral part of it; (4) power relations and homoeroticism circulate interwoven relations within the Israeli gaze at Palestine; and (5), Palestinian absence in most of the films contributes to the production of Israeli subjectivity, built on national, ethnic and gender exclusions. According to the analyzed Palestinian discourses, the main mechanisms that show resistance are: (1) destabilizing of hegemonic narratives and production of counter-narratives; (2) hybridity of subjectivities, bodies and territories; and (3) making problematic the relations among violence, power, and eroticism. Future lines of research would mainly include the un-orientalizing of the debate about homonationalism, racism, and Islamophobia, analyzing the mechanisms that (re)produce them in the cultural works, in the activism and in the subjectivities that are located inside this imaginary "West" –southern Europe, Spain, and inside this same Madrid that we inhabit. ; Programa Oficial de Doctorado en Investigación en Medios de Comunicación ; Presidente: Luz Gómez García.- Secretario: Rocío Navarro Comas.- Vocal: Remedios Zafra Alcaraz

La presente tesis doctoral tiene como objetivo estudiar las formas que adquiere la experiencia de clase de las asambleas que en la provincia de La Rioja se pronunciaron públicamente en contra de la megaminería metalífera en la última década. La construcción de este objeto de estudio es resultado de la vinculación entre una particular posición teórica y analítica sobre la clase y su formación, por un lado; y la observación de las particulares condiciones de emergencia y lucha política de las asambleas ambientales en La Rioja, por el otro. En Argentina, los análisis de luchas por cuestiones ambientales ofrecen fuerte evidencia respecto de dos cuestiones que hacen pertinente un abordaje clasista alrededor de los procesos de constitución de sujetos: las siempre renovadas formas de dominación capitalista que estas luchas denuncian; y, las prácticas o propuestas de proyectos alternativos que sugieren o realizan de manera más o menos sistemática. A partir de dar cuenta de este conjunto de antecedentes, este trabajo sostiene teóricamente el carácter procesual, relacional y dinámico de la formación política de la clase: la clase remite a la forma subjetiva a partir de la cual los sujetos se reconocen y actúan en el marco de un conjunto de enfrentamientos antagónicos que tienen con otros sujetos por establecer, reorganizar o alterar sus condiciones sociales de existencia. A nivel analítico, es la categoría thompsoniana de experiencia la que nos permite desagregar una serie de dimensiones que guían el análisis sistemático y comparativo: 1) una situación de clase (el conjunto de relaciones y posiciones sociales que, para los sujetos, se presentan definiendo sus condiciones de vida); 2) unos intereses que los convocan y oponen a otros, con cierta intensidad y escala; 3) unas determinadas estrategias de acción política, que son respuesta a las estrategias de sus adversarios; 4) y, por último, unas formas de solidaridad, desde y hacia otros sujetos en lucha. El proceso de constitución de clase de un colectivo en lucha se dirime en la particular combinación y disposición histórica de todos estos aspectos que involucran en su experiencia de clase. La principal hipótesis orientativa con la que se encaró este estudio sostuvo la posibilidad de identificar una específica experiencia de clase de las asambleas riojanas. Asimismo, presumimos que, a lo largo de 10 años, esa experiencia de clase no constituiría un proceso lineal y permanente en el tiempo, sino que se producirían desplazamientos o modulaciones. Estos supuestos explican que los materiales y las técnicas de producción y de análisis de datos se correspondan con un diseño metodológico cualitativo de la investigación. Por un lado, este trabajo constituyó un corpus de 117 comunicados públicos escritos por las asambleas riojanas, entre los años 2006 y 2016. A ello se le suman 34 entrevistas en profundidad realizadas a integrantes de estas asambleas entre los años 2010 y 2016. Por otro lado, a efectos de reconstituir los contextos de lucha a lo largo de 10 años, recurrimos al análisis de datos secundarios: notas periodísticas, documentos legales (leyes, políticas, resoluciones ministeriales) y resultados de otras investigaciones. El análisis cualitativo de estos materiales incluye una combinación entre técnicas de análisis de contenido - apoyadas en el uso de herramientas informáticas- y técnicas propias del análisis del discurso - especialmente basadas en las marcas de la enunciación. El principal resultado del análisis expone una experiencia de clase en las asambleas riojanas que, al menos en el periodo estudiado, no se expresa en una auto-identificación explícita como clase. Ello, no obstante, no es un obstáculo para corroborar, a través del discurso, una particular experiencia de clase que observa tres modulaciones diferentes; éstas se corresponden con tres maneras de elaborar las cuatro dimensiones analíticas que definimos como parte de la experiencia de clase. Analizar la situación de clase, los intereses de lucha, las estrategias de acción y las formas de solidaridad, nos permitió abrir un importante abanico de respuestas sobre cómo entran en conflicto las asambleas riojanas, cómo se organizan y cómo se auto-definen en tanto sujetos políticos en lucha; cómo plantean, resuelven o re-organizan las relaciones de antagonismos que sostienen y protagonizan.En su correspondencia y relación, estas modulaciones constituyen tres "momentos" o "instantes" de la experiencia de clase de las asambleas riojanas que, en su particular (dis)continuidad, crean una temporalidad propia. Acceder a esa temporalidad (dis)continua requiere, más bien, unir esos "instantes" o "instantes" excepcionales en los que emerge la experiencia de clase de las asambleas riojanas, inaugurando un modo único de constitución clasista en y por relaciones históricas y cambiantes de lucha. Por último, la relación entre tales "momentos" de la experiencia de clase es una relación de ruptura que abre nuevos cauces a la politización de la experiencia de lucha y a sus planos de acción política. Estos momentos no pueden ser simplemente superpuestos entre sí para un objetivo comparativo; no representan "adiciones" o "reacomodamientos" de aspectos o sentidos" como si fueran, por ejemplo, cubos de igual tamaño que solo presentan variaciones en sus componentes internos, o cubos de distintos tamaños que pueden introducirse uno adentro de otro. Más bien, el "paso" de un "momento" de la experiencia de clase a otro se comprende mejor como una "catarsis" que supone la liberación o eliminación de las antiguas conexiones, y una reformulación cualitativamente diferente. ; The objective of this doctoral thesis is to study the forms acquired by the class experience of the assemblies that have spoken publicly against the metalliferous mega mining in the last decade in the province of La Rioja. The construction of this object of study is the result of the link between a particular theoretical and analytical position about the class and its formation, on the one hand; and the observation of the particular conditions of emergence and political struggle of the environmental assemblies in La Rioja, on the other.In Argentina, analyzes of struggles for environmental issues offer strong evidence regarding two issues that make a class approach relevant to the processes of constituting subjects: the always renewed forms of capitalist domination that these struggles denounce; and, the practices or proposals of alternative projects that suggest or perform more or less systematically. Based on this set of antecedents, this work theoretically supports the procedural, relational and dynamic character of the political formation of the class: the class refers to the subjective form from which the subjects recognize themselves and act in the frame of a set of antagonistic confrontations that have with other subjects for having established, reorganized or altered their social conditions of existence.At the analytical level, it is the Thompsonian category of experience that allows us to disaggregate a series of dimensions that guide the systematic and comparative analysis: 1) a class situation (the set of relationships and social positions that, for the subjects, are presented defining their living conditions); 2) some interests that summon them and oppose others, with a certain intensity and scale; 3) certain strategies of political action, which are a response to the strategies of their adversaries; 4) and, finally, some forms of solidarity, from and towards other subjects in struggle. The process of class formation of a collective in struggle is resolved in the particular combination and historical disposition of all these aspects that involve their class experience.The main guiding hypothesis with which this study was conducted supported the possibility of identifying a specific class experience of the Riojan assemblies. Furthermore, we presume that, during 10 years, that class experience would not constitute a linear and permanent process over time, but would produce displacements or modulations. These assumptions explain that the materials and techniques of production and data analysis correspond to a qualitative methodological design of the research. On the one hand, this work constituted a corpus of 117 public communiqués written by the Riojan assemblies, between 2006 and 2016. To this is added 34 in-depth interviews with members of these assemblies between 2010 and 2016. On the other side, inorder to reconstitute the contexts of struggle over 10 years, we resort to the analysis of secondary data: journalistic notes, legal documents (laws, policies, ministerial resolutions) and results of other investigations. The qualitative analysis of thesematerials includes a combination of content analysis techniques -supported by the use of computer tools-and techniques of discourse analysis -especially based on the marks of enunciation. The main result of the analysis exposes a class experience in Riojan assemblies that, at least in the period studied, is not expressed in an explicit self-identification as a class. This, however, is not an obstacle to corroborate, through discourse, a particular class experience that observes three different modulations; these correspond to three ways of elaborating the four analytical dimensions that we define as part of the class experience. Analyzing the class situation, the interests of struggle, the strategies of action and the forms of solidarity, allowed us to open an important range of answers about how the Riojan assemblies come into conflict, how they are organized and how they define themselves being political subjects in struggle; how they pose, solve or re-organize the relationships of antagonisms that sustain and lead.In their correspondence and relationship, these modulations constitute three "moments" or "instants" of the class experience of the Riojan assemblies that, in their particular (dis)continuity, create a temporality of their own. Accessing that (dis)continuous temporality requires, uniting those "instants" or exceptional "instants" in which the class experience of the Riojan assemblies emerges, inaugurating a unique mode of class constitution in and because of historical and changing relationshipsof struggle. Finally, the relationship between such "moments" of the class experience is a relationship of rupture that opens new channels to the politicization of the experience of struggle and its planes of political action. These moments can not simplybe superimposed on each other for a comparative purpose; they do not represent "additions" or "rearrangements" of aspects or meanings -as if they were, for example, cubes of equal size that only show variations in their internal components, or cubes of different sizes that can be introduced inside each other. Rather, the "passage" from one "moment" of class experience to another is better understood as a "catharsis" that involves the liberation or elimination of the old connections, and a qualitatively different reformulation. ; Fil: de la Vega Avila Tulian, Candela. Universidad Católica de Córdoba. Área de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba; Argentina

[spa] La actual organización geopolítica y económica ha configurado una situación laboral y social que implica una serie de riesgos para los trabajadores (Sennett, 2000, 2001, 2006, 2009, 2011) derivados de un contexto global, de la presión e inestabilidad laboral y de las exigencias de la tarea, a los que la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT) ha clasificado como riesgo psicosocial. Simultáneamente, la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) ha manifestado que las nuevas enfermedades profesionales, entre las que destacan el estrés, la depresión y la ansiedad, son la epidemia del siglo XXI. De todo ello, cabe destacar que el creciente interés por la salud laboral y el "bienestar psicológico" ha propiciado un gran avance en la investigación de estos trastornos, concienciando a los trabajadores y a las organizaciones de la necesidad de poner en marcha programas de prevención, evaluación, formación, información e intervención para mejorar la calidad de vida tanto a nivel personal, como a nivel laboral y social. Por otra parte, el actual contexto global y el auge de las nuevas tecnologías, han puesto de manifiesto la aparición de riesgos emergentes que representan una amenaza para la seguridad de las personas, de sus bienes y del medio ambiente donde se mueven y, que debido a su complejidad, son difusos y difíciles de controlar. Tal es así, que lo que acontece fuera de la propia comunidad puede trascender o afectar de forma directa o indirecta al entorno próximo, como sucede en grandes catástrofes y atentados terroristas, entre otros. Ello ha obligado a las diferentes comunidades, tanto en el orden nacional como internacional, a reorganizarse y analizar nuevas estrategias para hacer frente a este tipo de amenazas. Seguridad y defensa son términos complementarios que analizaremos en el presente estudio, así como la estructura necesaria para el desarrollo de las tareas de seguridad en el marco de las emergencias. Dentro de esta estructura, los cuerpos y fuerzas de seguridad del Estado, a nivel gubernamental y también algunas organizaciones no gubernamentales, constituyen el sector de profesionales y voluntarios implicados en la resolución de situaciones consideradas de riesgo o emergencia para la población. Cuando todavía son pocos los estudios en el área de emergencias, consideramos que la importancia de este trabajo radica en aportar una visión práctica de la intervención en emergencias. En la revisión teórica, inicialmente, se abordarán algunas variables conductuales del personal de emergencias y su relación con las variables psicosociales, motivacionales y organizacionales, centrando el foco de atención en las respuestas de mayor riesgo, la ansiedad y el estrés, consideradas conductas de riesgo psicosocial. Ello implica a su vez, el análisis del medio donde se desarrollan estas conductas con el fin de canalizar este tipo de conflictos dentro de un contexto global. En esta línea, la clínica y la intervención estratégica en emergencias se centra, en primer lugar, en mantener el equilibrio entre los recursos y necesidades de las personas y en el análisis de las demandas y oportunidades del medio, dando lugar a nuevos modelos para afrontar situaciones de riesgo, tanto a nivel individual como a nivel comunitario. En cuanto a las variables conductuales, partiendo de los trabajos pioneros de Selye (1936, 1960,1974) respecto a la respuesta fisiológica del estrés, se ha revisado el modelo de Lazarus y Folkman (1986), el cual considera el estrés como un proceso de afrontamiento (adaptativo o no adaptativo, eficaz o ineficaz) que no siempre guarda relación con los resultados, ya que éstos dependen en gran medida del contexto. Más adelante, Carver y Scheier (1994) presentaron dos tipos de afrontamiento, definiendo el afrontamiento situacional en función de los cambios del entorno y, el afrontamiento disposicional en base a dos componentes, denominados estilos de afrontamiento y estrategias de afrontamiento. Finalmente, los trabajos de Lazarus y los trabajos de Moos sobre el afrontamiento han sido el eje principal de este estudio por su visión integral de la persona y el contexto en el marco de las emergencias. Respecto a las variables motivacionales, los trabajos pioneros de McClelland, Atkinson, Clark y Lowell (1953) publicados en su obra "La motivación de logro" (The Achievement Motive), fueron un avance sobre las teorías cognitivas y sociales. De igual forma, los trabajos de R.H. Moos (2005) destacan el papel de la atmósfera social en la satisfacción de las personas, identificando los principales factores del clima laboral en el desarrollo organizacional, en la salud laboral y en la productividad. En la actualidad, se consideran "organizaciones inteligentes" aquellas que disponen de un sistema abierto en el que sus miembros, además de relacionarse, pueden desarrollar su capacidad creativa y de aprendizaje (Senge, 1992, 1995, 2014). Finalmente, sin entrar en valoraciones o criterios personales, nos ha parecido importante mostrar algunos modelos de afrontamiento, tanto a nivel personal como a nivel comunitario, desde el enfoque de la psicología positiva, tales como el pensamiento sistémico, la resiliencia y el crecimiento postraumático, entre los que destacan autores como Siegrist (1996), Grotberg (1998, 2001), Folkman y Moskowitz (2000), Calhoun y Tedeschi (2001), Seligman (2003), Zuckerfeld y Zonis (2006), Cyrulnik (2007), Leka y Cox (2010) y Wollin (2010), entre otros, y también cabe mencionar la propuesta de la UNESCO respecto a la educación en emergencias, como principal estrategia de afrontamiento. La segunda parte del estudio se centra en el análisis y tratamiento estadístico de las respuestas de afrontamiento del personal de emergencias. Para ello hemos revisado algunos instrumentos de medida elaborados por diferentes autores tales como la Escala de Modos de Afrontamiento de Folkman y Lazarus (1980), el Inventario COPE de Carver, Scheier y Weintraub (1989), el CSI de Tobin, Holroyd y Reynolds (1984,1989) y el CRI-A de R.H. Moos (1993), entre otros. En este contexto, los objetivos que se plantean en el presente estudio pretenden validar una serie de hipótesis capaces de aportar un enfoque eminentemente práctico respecto al perfil del profesional de emergencias y a las estrategias más utilizadas por los intervinientes, con objeto de presentar o validar un instrumento ágil y eficaz que nos permita establecer cuáles son las estrategias de afrontamiento más adecuadas en los procesos de selección y formación e intervención del personal de emergencias. Resumiendo, nuestro esfuerzo va dirigido a proporcionar una visión integral del profesional de emergencias en relación al contexto donde se desarrolla la tarea, poniendo el foco de atención en los estresores laborales que afectan la salud y el bienestar psicológico, personal, familiar, laboral y social y, como éstos pueden ser manejados de forma más eficaz por el propio interviniente y por la organización. ; [eng] The actual geopolitical and economic structure has given place to a social and occupational situation which involves new risks for workers (Sennett, 2000, 2001, 2006, 2009, 2011), deriving from the global context, of inestability and persistent pressoure in employment and the demands of the job, which the International Labour Organisation (ILO) has classified as a psychosocial risk. At the same time, the World Health Organization (WHO) has declared that the new professional diseases, amongst which they attach great importance to stress, depression and anxiety, are the epidemic of the 21st century. Above all, we must underline that the growing interest in occupational and "psychological well being" has propitiated a great advance in the investigation into these disorders, making workers and also institutions aware of the need to implement programmes for prevention, evaluation, formation, information and intervention in the hope of improving the standart of life as much on a personal, as on occupational and social level. On the other hand, the current global context of events and the increase in new technologies, have made it evident that the consequent new risks represent a threat to personal safety, to personal property and the environment in which we move and, due to their complexity, they are disordered and difficult to control. And this means, that what may occur outside of our own community can extend or can cause an affect in a direct or indirect way on our immediate surroundings, such being the case during large scale disasters or terrorist attacks, amongst other matters. This fact has made many different communities, as much on a national level as on international level, reorganise and analyse new tactics to be able to face up to this kind of treats which we will see throughout this study. Security and defense are complementary terms that we will analyse in this study, as well as the essential framework necessary for the development of safety duties within emergency settings. Within this structure the nation´s security forces, on a governmental level and also some non-governmental organizations, make up the sector of professionals and volunteers involved in the resolution of situations considered to be of a high risk, a threat, or an emergency for the population. While there are still few investigations in the emergency field, we consider that the importance of this study lies in providing a practical view of interventions in emergencies. In the theoretical revisión, we will initially broach some of the behavioural variables of the emergency personal and their relation to psychosocial, motivational and organizational variables, focusing our attention on the reponses of greater risk, anxiety and stress, that are considered to be conducts of high psychosocial risk. This involves at the same time, an analysis of the environment where these conducts develop with the aim of canalizing this type of conflicts within a global context. On these lines, the current clinical and strategic intervention in case of emergency centre, in the first place, on maintaining a balance between the resources on hand, and the needs of the people and on the analysis of the demands and opportunities of the environment, giving rise to new ways of confronting hazardous situations as much as on, an individual level as on a communitarian scale. As for the behavioural variables, starting with the pioneering works of Selye (1936, 1960, 1974) in relation to the physiological reponse to stress, we have reviewed Lazarus` model (1986) which considers stress to be a coping process (adaptive or not adaptive, effective or not effective), that does not always bear any relation to the results, as these depend in greater part on the context. At a later date, Carver and Scheier (1994) presented two kinds of confrontation, defining situational coping as relating to the changes in our surroundings and, dispositional coping as based on two components designated as manners of coping and coping strategies. And finally, Lazarus` studies and Moo`s Works on coping have been the main crux of this investigation because of his integral visión of the person and its context within an emergency framework. With regard to motivational variables, the pioneering works of McClelland, Atkinson, Clark and Lowell (1953), in this field with their studies published as "The Achievement Motive", maked an advance in cognitive and social sciencies. In the same way, R.H. Moos (2005), underlines the role of a social atmosphere for personal satisfaction, identifying the principle factors of the working atmosphere as organizational development, in occupational health and in productivity. Nowadays we regard as "intelligent organizations" the institutions that provide an open system in which their members as well as mixing socially can develop their creative and learning abilities (Senge, 1992, 1995, 2014). Finally, without entering into personal evaluation or personal judgement, we have thougtht it important to offer some patterns of coping, as much at a personal level as at a communitarian level, from the point of view of positive psychology, such as systemic thinking, resilience and post-traumatic growth , with works by noteworthy authors such as Siegrist (1996), Grotberg (1998, 2001), Folkman and Moskowith (2000), Calhoun and Tedeschi (2001), Seligman (2003), Zuckerfeld and Zonis (2006), Cyrulnik (2007), Leka and Cox (2010), and Wollin (2010), amongst others, and also the UNESCO´S proposal with regard to education for emergencies, as the main coping strategy. The second part of this work centres on the analysis and statistics treatment of coping responses used by a representative simple of emergency staff. For this matter we have review a several scales of measurement worked by different authors, for example Folkman and Lazaru´s "Scale of Coping Modes" (1980), Carver, Scheier and Weintraub´s COPE Inventary (1989), CSI by Tobin, Holroyd and Reynolds (1984,1989) and R.H. Moos CRIA (1993), amongst others. In this context, the objetives set out in the present study are those which seek to validate a series of hypotheses capable of forming a highly practical point of view with regard to the profile of the emergency personnel and the strategies most used by the professionals who intervene in emergencies, whit the purpose of presenting or validating an effective and flexible instrument that will let us establish the most appropiate confrontational strategies for the procedures of selection, formation and intervention of emergency personnel. Summing, our main endeavour is directed at proportioning an overall view of the professionals who deal with emergencies in relation to the context in which their task evolves, focusing our attention on the factors of occupational stress that affect their health and their psychological well-being, on a personal and social level, at work and within the family and, how these factors can be dealt with in the most efficacious manner by the person intervening and by the organization.

The Law Review of the Legal Research Institute of the Faculty of Legal Sciences of the National Autonomous University of Honduras presents its forty-first (41) volume, number one (1) of the year two thousand and twenty (2020). The institute with an investigative trajectory of more than fifty (50) years has managed to carry out research and legal articles among other scientific works, which are part of the tradition of university work and are reflected in the Law Review. Generating a national and international space for consolidated researchers with a long history in the investigation, such as those who want to expose their first works and intellectual productions. All complying with the rigor of scientific and legal research method. Our magazine is already the favorite place to publish for many who have the discipline and rigor to present their scientific findings and conjectures to the intellectual community as citizens in general, to shed light and facilitate the interpretation of legal reality in the light of the truth verified in their works. The current edition of the Law Review is marked by a special context for Honduras and the world, the COVID-19 pandemic, hurricanes "Eta" and "Iota", have left our nation devastated in its territorial and social dimensions. economic, environmental, food, educational and others that can be imagined in human development, according to economists are projected at least fifty (50) years behind. We must face precisely with the contribution of science, innovation and technology, but above all with a humanistic and solidary approach, the construction of new national and international scenarios supported by solid social networks supported by a legal platform capable of legitimizing the coexistence needs of egalitarian, equitable, socially just, with a rights approach that generates trust, transparency, inclusion and legal security. The directors of both the Institute and the Law Review spared no effort to make this new edition possible in the current context of pandemic and crisis, health, humanitarian, food and climate, precisely because what we need as countries is, more science, more research and more reflection on our realities, achieve proposals to overcome the challenges of the SXXI. The fourteen (14) articles that emerge from many more extensive investigations and two (2) essays on current issues, achieve a range of legal issues that mark the region such as the country and Spanish law, the changes that we are undergoing as societies and how they affect us in our rule of law, our democracy and our state of human rights in general. Under diverse methodological approaches, many on comparative law. In criminal matters, reference is made to fundamental issues such as article number one (1) with "… the criminal responsibility of legal persons in the new Penal Code…, it is a model that has failed and little supported by Dogmatics and by jurisprudence. " ; Article two (2) also manages to "compare from a legal-scientific perspective the role of the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) and the Mission for Support Against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras (MACCIH)." ; Article five (5) as a proposal sets out to "… promote the basis of a Theory of the" ISN "(Best Interest of the Child) that allows studying the assumptions that support the rights linked to the best interest of the child. Holding their right to special protection, during the criminal process, due to their high vulnerability… "; Article number six (6) analyzes the gender perspective in the new penal code "… penal regulations approved in the light of doctrinal developments on the matter, in order to determine whether the inclusion of these elements is sufficient to affirm that the new Penal Code has a gender perspective… "; Article number seven (7) analyzes the crimes and penalties in the "… new Penal Code contained in Decree 130-2017, which is now the fifth Penal Code that governs crimes and penalties in our country; Historical fact that we consider should not go unnoticed in academic activity, even more so when we know prior to its entry into force there was a great controversy about the convenience or not of this new normative order . "concluding on this issue with article number nine (9) issue that relates private corruption where it is done "… the weighting between the legal interests that said crime must protect. Likewise, the perception that Honduran citizens have regarding the crime of private corruption, in relation to introducing the issue into the Honduran dynamics. " Interesting human rights illustrations; Article three (3) presents a case publication marking the "… most relevant elements of the study and analysis carried out in the resolution of the Ninth Metropolitan Regional Chamber of the Federal Administrative Court of the United Mexican States, in which it recognizes the Refugee status for an applicant of Guatemalan nationality who identifies as gay in a context of violence and discrimination due to sexual orientation and gender identity, developing a definition of refugee including a gender component in accordance with the regulations of both national origin -Mexico - as an international in matters of asylum… "; article number eight (8) The effective protection of fundamental rights "… determine if the legal person is the beneficiary or not of fundamental rights in Honduras,… examining in turn the constitutional doctrine on the theory of attribution of ownership of these rights, in order to observe the Honduran legal - constitutional reality in light of the principles and purposes of the founding text… "; article number twelve (12) With emphasis on sustainable development and environmental risk we have "… The study is justified taking into account the guidelines established by this branch of law that allow transversality with the guidelines of Environmental Law, revealing some challenges that are it faces planning in the face of emerging risks and the need to promote the protection of the environment for current and future generations… "; Article number fourteen (14) as part of the study of the current context of the health pandemic, the examination of China's international responsibility is presented "… an internationally wrongful act, the international responsibility of universal and regional international organizations in the spread of Covid-19 and Either by action or omission, in strict accordance with the implication of inaccurate collaboration by China in the study and timely disclosure of the pathological consequences of Coronavirus 2 Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS-CoV2) in humans , . " In civil matters, an interesting work published, in article number four (4), the order for payment process as an effective means to protect the right of credit "… comparative view of the Spanish payment order in order to know some reforms that have taken place in the same to ensure greater effectiveness in its application, all this considering that the Spanish Civil Procedure Law served as inspiration for the creation of the CPC (Civil Procedure Code). "; as well as article number eleven (11) and its argument of ". Industrial Secret, currently with such excessive competitiveness in the international and national market, it is becoming more and more used by companies of different sectors, same as for its essence of secrecy it is highly coveted to be obtained illegally, current regulations are insufficient to deal with these various practices of commercial bad faith, since they violate it directly, unlike other figures of industrial property that have protective mechanisms, . " Under the protection of the issue of legal interpretation with a historical approach, in article number ten (10) it presents a publication on the origins of constitutional interpretation in tax matters "… the crisis that developed in the Mayor's Office of Tegucigalpa due to the interpretation that various indigenous peoples gave certain articles of the Political Constitution of the Spanish Monarchy, during its second period of validity from 1820… "; Article number thirteen (13) the anticipated test analyzed through the "… comparative law to demonstrate which is the notion that the world is having regarding the relevance of the parties to resolve their conflicts, I also offer the mechanism of advance test as a new notion, with characteristics of autonomy with the mere intention of information, influenced mainly by the current Brazilian procedural law and the origin of Common Law. " Finally, as far as the presentation of scientific articles is concerned, the problem of bribery is seen as a world crisis. This pernicious practice has been present throughout the entire history of mankind. This research seeks to explore the ethical approaches to bribery as well as its devastating effects on democracy and the development of a country. Closing with two essays, one on the unconstitutionality of parliamentary immunity derived from the reform of the organic law of the national congress and the other on women in politics: towards the vindication of political-electoral rights. The valuable effort of all researchers is recognized as well as the direction of the revisit for such an important edition. Hoping to be cited the authors, in the future research works of the readers and can fill the publications with value. ; La Revista de Derecho del Instituto de Investigación Jurídica de la Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Honduras presenta su cuadragésimo primero (41) volumen, número uno (1) del año dos mil vente (2020). El instituto con una trayectoria investigativa de más de cincuenta (50) años ha logrado realizar investigaciones y artículos jurídicos entre otros trabajos científicos, que son parte de la tradición del hacer universitario y se ven reflejados en la Revista de Derecho. Generando un espacio nacional como internacional para investigadores consolidados de larga trayectoria en la indagación, como de aquellos, que quieren exponer sus primeros trabajos y producciones intelectuales. Todos cumpliendo con la rigurosidad de método de investigación científica y jurídica. Nuestra revista ya es el sitio predilecto para publicar de muchos que tienen la disciplina y el rigor de presentar ante la comunidad intelectual como ciudadana en general, sus hallazgos y conjeturas científicas, para dar luz y facilitar la interpretación de la realidad jurídica a la luminosidad de la verdad comprobada en sus obras. La actual edición de la Revista de Derecho es marcada por un contexto especial para Honduras y el mundo, la pandemia de la COVID-19, los huracanes "Eta" y "Iota", han dejado devastada nuestra nación en sus dimensiones territoriales, sociales, económicas, ambientales, alimentarias, educativas y demás que se pueda imaginar en el desarrollo humano, se proyectan según los economistas al menos cincuenta (50) años de atraso. Debemos enfrentar justamente con el aporte de la ciencia, la innovación y la tecnología, pero sobre todo con enfoque humanista y solidario, la construcción nuevos escenarios nacionales e internacionales apoyados en redes sociales solidas soportadas por una plataforma jurídica capaz de legitimar las necesidades de convivencia de manera igualitaria, equitativa, justa socialmente hablando, con un enfoque de derechos que genere confianza, trasparencia, inclusión y seguridad jurídica. Los directores tanto del Instituto como de la Revista de Derecho no escatimaron esfuerzos para hace posible en el actual contexto de pandemia y de crisis, sanitaria, humanitaria, alimentaria y climática mundial, esta nueva edición, justamente porque lo que necesitamos como países es, más ciencia, más investigación y más reflexión de nuestras realidades, lograr propuestas para superar los desafíos del SXXI. Los catorce (14) artículos que se desprenden muchos de investigaciones más amplias y dos (2) ensayos en temáticas de actualidad, logran un abanico de temáticas jurídicas que marcan la región como el país y el derecho español, los cambios que estamos sufriendo como sociedades y de que forma nos afectan en, nuestro estado de derecho, nuestra democracia y nuestro estado de derechos humanos en general. Bajo enfoque metodológicos diversos muchos sobre derecho comparado. En materia penal , se hace referencia a temáticas fundamentales como lo es el articulo número uno (1) con la "…la responsabilidad penal de las personas jurídicas en el nuevo Código Penal…, es un modelo que ha fracasado y poco sostenido por la Dogmática y por la jurisprudencia." ; el artículo dos (2) igualmente se logra "comparar desde una perspectiva jurídico-científica el rol de la Comisión Internacional Contra la Impunidad en Guatemala (CICIG) y de la Misión de Apoyo Contra la Corrupción y la Impunidad en Honduras (MACCIH)."; el articulo cinco (5) como propuesta se plantea "…promover la base de una Teoría del "ISN" (Interés Superior del Niño) que permita estudiar los supuestos que sustentan los derechos vinculados al interés superior del niño. Ostentando su derecho a una protección especial, durante el proceso penal, por su alta condición de vulnerabilidad…" ; el artículo número seis (6) analiza la perspectiva de genero en el nuevo código penal "…normativa penal aprobada a la luz de los desarrollos doctrinales en la materia, con el propósito de determinar, si la inclusión de estos elementos es suficiente para afirmar que el nuevo Código Penal cuenta con una perspectiva de género…"; articulo número siete (7) hace los análisis de los delitos y penas en el "… nuevo Código Penal contenido en el Decreto 130-2017, siendo ya el quinto Código Penal que rige los delitos y las penas en nuestro país; hecho histórico que consideramos no debe pasar inadvertido en la actividad académica, más aún cuando sabemos previo a su entrada en vigencia existió una gran polémica sobre la conveniencia o no de este nuevo orden normativo…" concluyéndose en esta temática con el articulo número nueve (9) tema que relaciona la corrupción privada en donde se hace "… la ponderación entre los intereses jurídicos que dicho delito debe proteger. Asimismo, la percepción que tiene la ciudadanía hondureña con respecto al delito de corrupción privada, con relación a introducir el tema en la dinámica hondureña." En materia de derechos humanos interesantes ilustraciones ; el articulo tres (3) presenta una publicación de caso marcando los "…elementos más relevantes del estudio y análisis de realizados en la resolución de la Novena Sala Regional Metropolitana del Tribunal Federal de Justicia Administrativa de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, en la que reconoce la condición de refugiado a un solicitante de nacionalidad guatemalteca que se identifica como gay en un contexto de violencia y discriminación por orientación sexual e identidad de género, elaborando una definición de refugiado incluyendo un componente de género de conformidad de la normativa de origen tanto nacional -México- como internacional en materia de asilo …"; artículo número ocho (8) La tutela efectiva de derechos fundamentales "…determinar si la persona jurídica es beneficiaria o no de derechos fundamentales en Honduras, …examinando a su vez la doctrina constitucional sobre la teoría de atribución de titularidad de estos derechos, para así observar la realidad jurídico – constitucional hondureña a la luz de los principios y fines del texto fundacional…"; articulo número doce (12) Con énfasis en desarrollo sostenible y riesgo ambiental tenemos "…El estudio se justifica habida cuenta de las directrices establecidas por esta rama del derecho que permiten una transversalidad con las pautas del Derecho Ambiental, revelando algunos desafíos a los que se enfrenta la planificación frente a los riesgos emergentes y, la necesidad de promover la protección del medio ambiente para las generaciones actuales y futuras…"; articulo número catorce (14) como parte del estudio del contexto actual de pandemia sanitaria se presenta el examen de la responsabilidad internacional de China "…un hecho internacionalmente ilícito, la responsabilidad internacional de organismos internacionales universales y regionales en la dispersión del Covid-19 ya sea por acción u omisión, en estricta consonancia con la implicación de colaboración inexacta por parte de China en el estudio y divulgación oportuna de las consecuencias patológicas del Síndrome Respiratorio Severo Agudo Coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV2 por sus siglas en inglés) en el ser humano, …" En materia civil ,un interesante trabajo publicado, en el artículo número cuatro (4) ,el proceso monitorio como medio efectivo para tutelar el derecho de crédito "…visión comparativa del monitorio español a efecto de conocer algunas reformas que se han producido en el mismo para procurar una mayor efectividad en su aplicación, todo esto considerando que la Ley de Enjuiciamiento Civil española sirvió de inspiración para la creación del CPC( Código Procesal Civil)."; así como el articulo número once (11) y su argumento del "…Secreto Industrial, actualmente con la competitividad tan desmesurada en el mercado internacional y nacional, cada vez se vuelve más utilizada por empresas de diferentes rubros, misma que por su esencia de secreto es muy codiciada para su obtención de manera ilícita, la normativa actual es insuficiente para hacerle frente a estas diversas prácticas de mala fe comercial, ya que la vulneran directamente, a diferencias de otras figuras de la propiedad industrial que cuentan con mecanismos protectorios,…" Al amparo de la temática de interpretación jurídica con un enfoque histórico, nos presenta en el artículo número diez (10) una publicación sobre los orígenes de interpretación constitucional en materia tributaria "…la crisis gestada en la Alcaldía Mayor de Tegucigalpa por la interpretación que varios pueblos indígenas dieron a ciertos artículos de la Constitución Política de la Monarquía Española, durante su segundo periodo de vigencia a partir de 1820…"; articulo número trece (13) la prueba anticipada analizada a través del "…derecho comparado para demostrar cual es la noción, que el mundo está teniendo en cuanto a la relevancia de las partes para resolver sus conflictos, asimismo ofrezco el mecanismo de la prueba anticipada como una nueva noción, con características de autonomía con la mera intención de información, influenciada principalmente por el derecho brasileño procesal vigente y de origen de Common Law." Finalmente en cuanto a la presentación de artículos científicos se refiere, se el problema del soborno como una crisis mundial. Esta práctica perniciosa ha estado presente a lo largo de toda la historia de la humanidad. En esta investigación se busca explorar los planteamientos éticos sobre el soborno así como sus efectos devastadores en la democracia y en el desarrollo de un país. Cerrando con dos ensayos uno sobre la inconstitucionalidad de la inmunidad parlamentaria derivada de la reforma a la ley orgánica del congreso nacional y el otro sobre las mujeres en política: hacia la reivindicación de los derechos políticos-electorales. Se reconoce el valioso esfuerzo de todos los investigadores al igual que a la dirección de la revisita por tan importante edición. Esperando sean citados los autores, en los trabajos futuros de investigación de los lectores y puedan llenar de valor las publicaciones.