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In this paper we analyse cyberattacks and cyber conflict and the challenges they pose to the field of conflict resolution. State and non-state actors alike are conducting cyberattacks in new and sophisticated ways that result in conflicts which are not readily addressed by conflict resolution approaches. Consequently, these developments in cyberspace take place without much input from conflict resolution scholars and practitioners. We suggest that these developments in cyberspace result in changing relationships between actors, and thus potentially different types of conflict, based around two key problems. First, there is the problem of attribution. Cyberspace is inherently linked with anonymity and attributing a cyberattack with certainty is almost never possible. In addition, it is difficult to distinguish the difference between various types of actors, which include a mixture of states, non-state groups, and individual hackers. ; peer-reviewed

Antitrust issues increasingly reach beyond national borders. This paper addresses the question whether such issues can reasonably be solved by an extraterritorial application of national competition law or whether they call for an international competition policy of its own. The analysis is based upon 20 case studies which are examined with regard to the suitability of the effects doctrine and the principles of comity as conflict resolution mechanisms. The case studies demonstrate that conflicts in international antitrust are most likely to arise where national competition laws differ from each other or where national authorities are pursuing divergent industrial policy objectives.

Conflict between members of the pencak silat organization is a conflict phenomenon caused by various sources of conflict involving members of the pencak silat organization so that it creates public security disturbances in the Madiun Regency area. The conflict made the government handle it through various efforts to resolve the conflict. The purpose of this study is to find out how conflict and conflict resolution can be created and run in the Madiun area. The research method is this research using qualitative research methods, which is a type of research that emphasizes drawing conclusions based on the interpretation of a phenomenon or fact. The results showed that the silat conflict that occurred in the Madiun area was more of a horizontal conflict, namely the conflict that occurred only among the fighters in the Madiun area and the cause was due to trivial problems that occurred between the silat fighter and his silat association. Next, to deal with this problem, the local government tries to carry out conflict resolution based on a community governance approach, namely as an integrative and participatory community or community empowerment in the decision-making process. The approach taken by the local apparatus succeeded in reducing the conflict and creating peace, although the resolution of the conflict was not able to eliminate the feelings or desires of the fighters to stop the conflict between them.

The objective of this article is to describe the Conflict Resolution interventions used throughout the conflict cycle. The article first presents five levels of conflict intensity of the conflict cycle, namely the levels of Stable Peace, Unstable Peace, Conflict, Crisis, and War. Each level of conflict intensity is characterized by analyzing the variables of Galtung's conflict triangle (behavior, attitudes, and goals), actors' perceptions (friend, rival, and enemy), and the dominant strategy of interaction between actors (positive-sum, compromise, zero-sum, and negative-sum). Each level is illustrated with typical events associated with civil wars and wars between states and proposes threshold events of a possible change in the level of conflict intensity. The article then presents a set of Conflict Resolution approaches that can be carried out in each of the conflict intensity levels of the escalation and de escalation periods of the conflict cycle. Conflict Resolution is subdivided between interventions whose main objective is to contain violent conflict, here called Conflict Management, and interventions with a main objective of solving political problems, which can be Conflict Prevention, if they occur in the period of conflict escalation, or Conflict Termination, if they occur in the period of conflict de escalation. In Conflict Management we identify the interventions of: Crisis Management; Unilateral and Joint Internal Management; External Management in the form of Peacemaking or Peace Enforcement, and Traditional Peacekeeping. In Conflict Prevention we identify Structural and Direct Prevention. In Conflict Termination we identify Multidimensional Peacekeeping, Peacebuilding and Peace Consolidation (associated to Conflict Transformation). Additionally, we present two alternative approaches, Cosmopolitan Peace and Critical Approaches. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Over 1975-2003 nearly 200 new constitutions were drawn up in countries at risk of conflict, as part of peace processes and the adoption of multiparty political systems. The process of writing constitutions is considered to be very important to the chances of sustaining peace, and The Commonwealth and the US Institute for Peace have developed good practice guidelines in this area. These emphasize consultation, openness to diverse points of view and representative ratification procedures. But assessing the impact of constitution-writing processes on violence is methodologically difficult, since there are many channels of influence in the relationship. This paper reports on preliminary findings from an ongoing research project into the effects of processes in constitution-writing. Regression analysis is used to control for important contextual features such as differences in income levels and ethnic diversity across countries. A key finding is that differences in the degree of participation in the drafting of constitutions has no major effect on post-ratification levels of violence in some parts of the world, such as Europe, but does make a difference in Africa, the Americas, and the Pacific together. – constitutions ; Commonwealth ; democracy ; governance

Conflict Resolution in Natural Resources and Teritorial Disputes 'could' mediate without any intervention from International Commitee, however that process ultimately oriented to empower legal mechanisms other than court proceedings. Thus, expected does happen to win-lose solution if it occurs when a problem is always brought to court. Most of the natural resource conflicts and territorial disputes that existed today are not only come from the interests but also the influence of our historical background, and as civilized person we should avoid any disrupted action between the parties that involved in the natural resources conflicts and territorial disputes and had to have consulted all issues together, instead use of Military Power to Solve the problems.

Conflict resolution is essential to obtain cooperation in many scenarios such as politics and business, as well as our day to day life. The importance of conflict resolution has driven research in many fields like anthropology, social science, psychology, mathematics, biology and, more recently, in artificial intelligence. Computer science and artificial intelligence have, in turn, been inspired by theories and techniques from these disciplines, which has led to a variety of computational models and approaches, such as automated negotiation, group decision making, argumentation, preference aggregation, and human-machine interaction. To bring together the different research strands and disciplines in conflict resolution, the Workshop on Conflict Resolution in Decision Making (COREDEMA) was organized. This special issue benefited from the workshop series, and consists of significantly extended and revised selected papers from the ECAI 2016 COREDEMA workshop, as well as completely new contributions.

This paper examines the roles, limitations and prospects of AU in conflict resolution in Africa. It was conducted using documentary analysis as well as discourse analysis approaches. The paper observed that the mono-cultural political economy of Africa is the immediate cause of conflicts while the remote cause of conflicts in Africa is the arbitrariness in creation of the boundaries. The article examined the Peace Operation in Burundi; role of AU mediation team and the Abuja Inter-Sudanese Peace Talks; African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM); AU's role in recent crises in Libya and Côte d'Ivoire. The paper concludes that AU has played very important role in conflict resolution in the region. At least AU raises the alarm for international community to intervene. However, AU's missions have the limitations of financial barriers as well as dearth of technical capacity. The paper recommends that AU should appropriate over 70% of her annual budget to a special fund for responding to conflict emergencies so that it will react swiftly to conflict emergencies. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n27p325

This article analyses the inter-relationships between India's approach to conflict resolution at the global, regional and domestic levels, with a view to clarifying the most consistent positions of the Indian state. At the global level, while there have been some strategic silences reflecting realpolitik, India remains a strong support of UN peacekeeping and critical of armed intervention for humanitarian purposes. At a regional level traditional security approaches dominate. There is a rhetorical commitment to regional integration as a means of building better relationships with neighbours, but India's actions reflect a model of security and conflict resolution based on deterrence and military power-projection. At the domestic level India has a long tradition of managing internal conflicts through state formation and elite co-option. However, in the North East and in particular in Kashmir and in the Maoist conflicts there have been missed opportunities to de-escalate, when the positive conflict resolution experiences in other domestic cases have been crowded out by a highly securitized response.

Elections in most emerging democracies are generally characterised by irregularities which in turn fuel violent and non-violent expressions of displeasure before, during and after the voting excise. This paper discusses options for post-election conflict resolution with focus on African experiences since 2000. The paper holds that political and nonpolitical, local and international actors, play a dire role in ensuring that election-related insecurities are at least pacified. The paper assessed the constitutional, political and diplomatic alternatives to post- election conflict resolution. The paper goes further to examine the challenges that faced by African states in their exertion to deal with post-election conflicts. The study provides recommendations to inform the successes of the he post-election conflict resolutions in Africa. This paper establishes that most African states have lucrative legal frameworks on conducting elections and dealing with post-election unfortunate eventualities, the most compromise comes from, however, lack of political will and respect for the municipal ad international regulations. Furthermore, the paper realises that the continent, in some cases, lacks capacity and effectiveness on policy implementation to enforce electoral outcome or court rulings.

This dissertation analyses the role of industrial mediation within the framework of the relationship between the underlying causes of industrial conflict and the resolution of this conflict. The inextricable relationship between economics and politics means that the underlying causes of industrial conflict need to be located within both the socio-political arena and in the contradictions within the labour process. The Independent Mediation Service of South Africa (IMSSA) has played a crucial role in facilitating the institutionalisation of extra statutory or independent industrial mediation in response to the changing nature of industrial relations in the country. IMSSA is rooted in the pluralist approach to industrial relations. Pluralism is rejected in this dissertation for its implicit acceptance of the existing socio-political status quo and for its belief in the legitimacy of the social system as a fair and democratic one. Thus, a critical question in this research is what is the role of mediation if pluralism is rejected as a starting point for analysis? A distinction is drawn between manifest and latent conflict in this dissertation. The primary hypothesis, which is confirmed, is that mediation addresses the manifest, rather than the latent conflict. This challenges the claim of the problem-solving approach of mediation that the process uncovers the underlying conflict. Instead, this research reveals that mediation is dispute-specific and has the potential for solving the immediate conflict, rather than removing the fundamental sources of this conflict. Further, the role of mediation is limited by the very nature of the collective bargaining process which restricts the expression of the latent conflict. It is argued that, although mediation may be accused of palliating the conflict in the sense that it settles the dispute without addressing the structural causes of the conflict, mediation plays a significant role in the collective bargaining process. This is revealed in the role that mediation plays in improving bargaining skills, empowering the weaker party, legitimising the negotiating parties, educating the parties, overcoming mistrust and promoting understanding between adversaries. Thus, mediation has the potential for significantly affecting the working relationship and altering the dynamics of this relationship in terms of enhancing the essential relationship-building dimension of this relationship and facilitating an approach to bargaining in good faith. The effects of mediation therefore extend beyond the immediate conflict settlement. Mediation is not a response to procedural inadequacies and the utilisation of this process does not reflect inadequate negotiation skills. Instead, the increasing number of industrial mediations may be seen to be a reflection of more sophisticated industrial relations which reveal an acknowledgement of the need to compromise as a prerequisite for successful collective bargaining. Research was conducted and hypotheses tested through primary research which involved interviews with leading management representatives and trade unionists in the Cape Town and Port Elizabeth-Uitenhage regions and mediators in these two areas as well as in Johannesburg and Pretoria. Interviews were conducted oh an open-ended, but structured basis. The two primary regions were chosen for their representation of different trends in the utilisation of industrial mediation. FOcus in the Port Elizabeth-Uitenhage region centred on why mediation has been utilised relatively less frequently in this region than elsewhere in the country. It was found that, although specific forces have shaped the unique nature of collective bargaining in this region, the attitude towards mediation arose not from more militant or confrontational policies, but from a number of misperceptions and faulty assumptions concerning the process and role of mediation.

Notes for Presentation to the Macdonald Royal Commission ; Faculty ; Unreviewed

Academic Diplomacy means activity where international experts, rather than other states, try to broker peace as moderators, mediators or facilitators, by using means and methods that are advised by the theory of conflict resolution. Academic diplomacy has been associated with positivist approaches of peace research and it has aimed at creating exogenous conditions that science has proven as useful for peace, and removing exogenous conditions that analysis has associated with the onset or continuation of violence. Peace diplomacy by scholars is therefore based on knowledge rather than power, but it uses only knowledge that is practical; knowledge that puts the academic diplomat on top of things in conflict resolution. Since academic diplomacy is normally associated with very positivistic "social engineering" of peace, I will in this paper look at how post-positivist approaches could be useful for academic diplomacy and how post-positivist approaches could reveal problems of traditional peace research approaches in the social engineering of peace. The empirical case of this paper is in academic diplomacy in West Kalimantan, Indonesia, where the author conducted conflict resolution training among the leaders of the former conflicting parties. What the case reveals about approaches to academic diplomacy was not what was expected, i.e. generalizations on exogenous conditions of peace. Instead, it taught about the opportunities to denaturalize and criticize social constructs that were necessary for the legitimation of violence, opportunities to challenge and deconstruct them and to offer alternative constructs that constituted less violent realities. In short practice of academic diplomacy in West Kalimantan taught about the pragmatism of critical and constructivist peace research.

In this paper, we described conflict is an unavoidable component of human activity. It is a normal daily occurrence. When it happens the next thing is resolution of conflict. Studies have shown that women are often exonerated when it comes to building peace and resolution of conflict. Given the second-class status of women in Africa, their skills and contributions are often under-valued and under-utilized. It this situation of women that lead the U.N. Security Council in Resolution 1325 reaffirmed the important role of women in peace building and resolution of conflicts and called for "their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and securityâ€. This paper draws upon known capacity of traditional Africa women in peace and resolution of conflict to better understand the implications of SCR1325, and proof that African women deserve to be included in peace building and resolution of conflict in Africa.Â

Mediation is a rapidly growing form of conflict resolution that is being used in community, public policy, and international disputes. Advocates claim that it resolves conflict in ways that can empower individuals and the community, and thus it may serve as a vehicle for personal and political transformation. This claim has important implications for conflict resolution, democratic theory, and public policy. To assess its validity, empowerment was studied in a community mediation setting. The proposition that mediation participation empowers mediators provided the research focus. ; This research used both qualitative and quantitative methods. Conceptual analysis was used to clarify empowerment and facilitate theory building, Eight key characteristics were delineated and used to map the empowerment literature, and to compare the views of social science theorists, mediation theorists, and active mediators. ; A theoretical framework was developed, and used to operationalize empowerment, and to generate a model that linked mediator participation and empowerment. Empowerment was defined as the process of gaining mastery over one's self and one's environment in order to fulfill human needs. The conceptual analysis yielded important insights about empowerment; its multidimensionality, development process, and relationship to power. ; To test the proposition that mediation participation empowers the mediators, a quasi-experimental research design, based on the mediator/empowerment model, compared 50 Trainees, 50 Mediators and 22 Leaders, across eleven measures of empowerment including self-esteem, political efficacy, political awareness, general self-efficacy, perceived competence, and locus of control. Three measures of disempowerment were included for discriminant validity. ; Factor analysis revealed three dimensions, Mastery, Political Awareness/Participation and Leadership. The results of the main analysis of variance indicated that mediation training was significantly empowering for all measures, but actually mediating disputes had no apparent empowering effect. Leaders had higher scores on several measures, indicating increased empowerment compared to Mediators. ; The final chapter contains a discussion of the findings, and their implications for empowerment theory, mediation praxis and policy, as well as citizen participation and democracy. I conclude with remarks on the future of mediation, and the promise of empowerment as a transformational paradigm for domestic and international politics in the 1990s. ; Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 51-05, Section: A, page: 1757. ; Chairperson: Neal Milner. ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Hawai'i at Manoa, 1990.