Suchergebnisse

In my research I decided to examine the characteristic features of management in civil organizations. In this context, I touched upon the conflict conditions of these structures. When examining conflicts, I had the assumption that in case of an organization with such a widespread network of connections and so many interactions, many sources of conflicts can be identified. An examination of the conflict, because I considered important, since it seemed that these organisations operate at a high level of conflict. In civil activities and in society it often occurs that the participants give different responses to a given issue. The civil interpretation conveys the concept of diversity and different opinions. Even the existence of these organizations expresses disagreement. Thus, they convey conflicts in themselves since they often get into conflicts even with the state powers. These results show that the examined civil organizations have hardly any conflicts. The goal of my examination conflicts was to explore how strong the conflicts are between civil organizations and the participants of their system of relations. I examined which participants get into conflicts and the analysis of the entire sample shows that conflicts are not really characteristic of civil organizations. If conflicts happen to develop, they mainly develop between the civil organizations and the members, the civil society and the supervising organizations. However, the implementation of tasks causes interaction in each type of organizations and interactions generate conflicts. Thus, the low level of conflicts means a low level of activity. Based on the results of conflict examinations, I concluded that the rate of conflicts can be used as a parameter of civil activity in certain cases.

Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Religious and political conflicts in the Southern Slav area : Kanun i Leke͏̈ Dukagjinit (about the Albanian customary law)

The aim of this paper is to provide a detailed overview of the domestic policy changes affecting privately owned businesses in Hungary during the reign of the 2nd and 3rd Orbán governments. After careful selection and omission of the less important measures, 36 examples are discussed. Their common characteristics are their discriminatory nature, meaning that they supported some firms and/or state-owned entities, while other businesses - chiefly the ones owned by foreign investors - were negatively affected. These new laws, regulations, by-laws or daily practices were openly in conflict with the letters and the spirit of the acquis communautaire - the guiding principles of the European Union. The Hungarian authorities played on time. Their assumption was - and this assumption did prove to be correct in practice - that it would take years until the EU machinery would reach a verdict and instruct Hungary, as a member-state to repel the given legislation. An important finding of the paper is that in 16 cases out of the 36 cases presented, the previous Hungarian governments also relied on such discriminatory solutions, but these cases were not so costly for the targeted private businesses and were not implemented with such a brutal force. As it is well-known, parallel to the policy measures discussed in the paper, the 2nd and 3rd Orbán-governments proceeded with a broad renationalization policy as well. These events were discussed at great length in Mihályi (2015a).

Energy is one of the key tools of Russian geopolitical advocacy that Russia can still use efficiently through the energy supply systems built up after WWII and that is still unavoidable. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the advocacy role of the Russian state has decreased however it has never completely lost its influence on the energy sector and thereby on the countries depending on it. We can speak about the active use of energy relations as a tool of political advocacy again since 2006, nonetheless we cannot observe a complete lack of use of these tools between 1990 and 2006 either. The former Soviet republics and the former satellite countries were the targets of these actions, which illustrates the long-term effects of energy dependency systems developed between 1945 and 1990. The 2006 Russian-Ukrainian conflict was the first, when Russia did not only threaten with but actually reduced the amount of natural gas transported. During the 2006 and the 2009 Russian-Ukrainian conflicts, it became clear that Russia actually uses limitation of supply and price policy pressure and not only as a means of threat in order to enforce its political interests, even accepting its negative consequences.

The fragmentation of the Montenegrin society is significant, in terms of identities, ethnic groups and political values as well. However, the subsidized nature of the alternative of joining the EU is significant and almost unified, which can not be stated in the case of the NATO membership at all. The above mentioned fragmentation goes also with strong political division but the internal conflicts of the past 20 years have not led to violent occurrences, civil war, which can be considered a remarkable phenomenon among the Western-Balkan relations. The country is characterized by organized crime, nepotism, the presence of clan-like phenomena, corruption and the underdevelopment of democratic culture. Among the tasks of Montenegro regarding its accession to the EU, besides strengthening the jurisdiction, reducing the political nature of the administration, the fight againstorganized crime and in this context the elimination of the extensive corruption are prominently included.

The aim of the study and the related presentation was to analyze the rules of the Hungarian and Polish administrative procedures in relation to the client status of (minority) NGOs, especially those belonging to the Polish nationality, in order to draw conclusions and make recommendations in the administrative proceedings to develop and promote the participation of non-governmental organizations. The presence of these organizations, especially in cases where there is a conflict of interest and / or the presence of a large number of clients, can make a major contribution to increasing the transparency of the regulatory process, achieving the actual objectives of the regulatory process and exercising adequate social control. A comparison of the experiences of Hungary and Poland is made possible by the accession to the supranational legal order of the European Union, which started at a similar time, and by the harmonization processes and similar legal and social conditions. The research related to the lecture was supported by the Wacław Felczak Foundation, with a scholarship called "Jagello".

The cooperation of the highly developed western European countries has led to significant success, mainly after the establishment of the European Union. The original goals, peace, prosperity and human rights were assured. However, the inner conflicts of the system have been producing operational difficulties time to time. One of the main goals of the "Lisbon Process 2000" was to eliminate these operational problems, in order to strengthen competitiveness. The accession to the EU meant great opportunities to the new members, first of all in the field of environmental infrastructure development. The EU support and funds made it possible to the eastern European countries to reach the level of the h developed counties in a few years. But it's clear that the support systems are difficult, the regulations and conditions are very strict. On one hand, an effective national level regulation and management has to be required, on the other hand the professionalism of the beneficiaries has to be increased in the near future.

The regulation of the Compromise between the Hungarian and Croat parties concluded in 1868 aimed to reach back in a large scale to the results of the political-administrative 'status quo' before 1848. Provisions of administrative competence on the central tier of administration, i. e. "corpus separatum" took place pursuant to 'Pragmatica Sanctio' referring also to Fiume as a port enjoying privileges, with the exception of the surroundings of Fiume administratively being annexed to Croatia, following the request of the Sabor of Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia. Further provisions would have been necessary for the clear delimitation of tasks and scope of the particular administrative matters. This would have been possible to perform on the legislative branch provided and agreement had been concluded between the regularly appointed parliamentary committees. However, this attempt persisted to fail further on. The intermittent status hence legalized, i. e. the 'provisionary status' was maintained until as late as the end of the First World War (1870–1918). In the first period, until the 1880s, national and political conflicts and default of standing regulation basically determined development in Fiume and the avail to the local capabilities; this is the time when the foundation was laid down for the development escalating during the 1880s.

During the Cold War, the Philippines was an indispensable US ally, and this was still basically the case at the turn of the 21st century. However, the inauguration of President Rodrigo Duterte in June 2016 heralded great changes for the international position of the Philippines: a shift towards China and Russia occurred, followed by the emergence of a more balanced foreign policy. The partnership with the US has changed, too: during the Obama administration, the relationship between the two countries became cooler, although the foundations of the alliance were never contested. In the wake of Donald Trump's assumption of office in January 2017, the alliance seems to have become as strong as before, and economic as well as security-military cooperation has continued. The author's aim is to analyze the Philippines' position in the US-led world order from 1945 to the present, as well as the foundations of the United States–Philippines special relationship. After that the main components of Duterte's "independent" foreign policy and the fundamental changes in the Philippines' foreign relations are presented. The analysis focuses on the causes of the conflict at the end of Barack Obama's presidency, followed by the improving partnership during the Trump era and the main geopolitical challenges the alliance has had to face. According to its conclusion the US–Philippines security cooperation will remain strong under Presidents Duterte and Trump due to strategic considerations, which indicate the military alliance is in the interests of both nations.