The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.
The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.
The Thesis explores the motives and conditions under which the US, China, and Russia are likely to cooperate on arms control in cyberspace in order to improve both their national and international security. It is stated that hostile states will be in favor of negotiating a limitation of cyber capabilities to reduce escalation and avoid the damage caused by a potential conflict. The analysis is based on defensive realism theory, which explains the conditions leading to "negative cooperation" among potential adversaries. Three variables are identified which help to analyze the potential of cooperation in cyberspace: a) motives; b) the distinction between defensive and offensive cyber capabilities; c) information. The research shows that the risk of a cyberspace conflict escalating between the US, China and Russia encouraged them to seek cooperation. However, only few cooperation precedents could be described as successful. The same principles and conditions are valid for both cyber and military disarmament regimes. Two types of conditions necessary for effective cyber disarmament are identified. The first refers to external conditions such as the increased confrontation, the use of offensive cyber capabilities and applying of exhaustion strategy. The second refers to internal condition – this is a lack of trust between states which deepens the security dilemma in cyberspace. While evaluating the potential of cyber disarmament regime, worth mentioning that conditions which lead to "negative cooperation" create the ground for the disarmament regime in cyberspace.
The information revolution is changing the international system and the security environment in which we live. The state is loosing its monopoly of power in a global information space where, with the help of new technologies, people create their wellbeing and where, by means of the same modern technologies, military conflicts of a new type are occurring. The Western civilisation conception of a military conflict, based on the Clause-witz model where leaders set political goals and control soldiers; soldiers fight directly and become lawful targets of violence; and civilians do not participate in the conflict, but support their leaders by paying taxes and backing their political goals, is falling apart. A conflict of the information age is, in a sense, a "pre-Westphalian" conflict where crimes against civilians and the internal order of the state were the norm. The question arises of how the state may ensure the security of its citizens. The great powers try to find an answer in the strategies and programs of information operations. A great amount of attention is given to the public information of the state during a conflict, as well as to information security. In the latter sphere, Lithuania has already made its first steps; however, Lithuania needs to learn the principles of public information not only during conflict, but also during peacetime.
The information revolution is changing the international system and the security environment in which we live. The state is loosing its monopoly of power in a global information space where, with the help of new technologies, people create their wellbeing and where, by means of the same modern technologies, military conflicts of a new type are occurring. The Western civilisation conception of a military conflict, based on the Clause-witz model where leaders set political goals and control soldiers; soldiers fight directly and become lawful targets of violence; and civilians do not participate in the conflict, but support their leaders by paying taxes and backing their political goals, is falling apart. A conflict of the information age is, in a sense, a "pre-Westphalian" conflict where crimes against civilians and the internal order of the state were the norm. The question arises of how the state may ensure the security of its citizens. The great powers try to find an answer in the strategies and programs of information operations. A great amount of attention is given to the public information of the state during a conflict, as well as to information security. In the latter sphere, Lithuania has already made its first steps; however, Lithuania needs to learn the principles of public information not only during conflict, but also during peacetime.
The information revolution is changing the international system and the security environment in which we live. The state is loosing its monopoly of power in a global information space where, with the help of new technologies, people create their wellbeing and where, by means of the same modern technologies, military conflicts of a new type are occurring. The Western civilisation conception of a military conflict, based on the Clause-witz model where leaders set political goals and control soldiers; soldiers fight directly and become lawful targets of violence; and civilians do not participate in the conflict, but support their leaders by paying taxes and backing their political goals, is falling apart. A conflict of the information age is, in a sense, a "pre-Westphalian" conflict where crimes against civilians and the internal order of the state were the norm. The question arises of how the state may ensure the security of its citizens. The great powers try to find an answer in the strategies and programs of information operations. A great amount of attention is given to the public information of the state during a conflict, as well as to information security. In the latter sphere, Lithuania has already made its first steps; however, Lithuania needs to learn the principles of public information not only during conflict, but also during peacetime.
The information revolution is changing the international system and the security environment in which we live. The state is loosing its monopoly of power in a global information space where, with the help of new technologies, people create their wellbeing and where, by means of the same modern technologies, military conflicts of a new type are occurring. The Western civilisation conception of a military conflict, based on the Clause-witz model where leaders set political goals and control soldiers; soldiers fight directly and become lawful targets of violence; and civilians do not participate in the conflict, but support their leaders by paying taxes and backing their political goals, is falling apart. A conflict of the information age is, in a sense, a "pre-Westphalian" conflict where crimes against civilians and the internal order of the state were the norm. The question arises of how the state may ensure the security of its citizens. The great powers try to find an answer in the strategies and programs of information operations. A great amount of attention is given to the public information of the state during a conflict, as well as to information security. In the latter sphere, Lithuania has already made its first steps; however, Lithuania needs to learn the principles of public information not only during conflict, but also during peacetime.
Many conflicts in the 21st century are perceived as intractable: long-lasting, brutal, irreconcilable, of a zero-sum nature. One of these conflicts – over a century long Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This conflict is a struggle between two nations claiming their rights to the same territory which they both consider to be their homeland. This struggle is usually perceived as a zero-sum conflict over the territory but one of the main propositions of this research is that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for many years was perceived as a zero-sum struggle over national identity as well. For over four decades many Jews and Palestinians believed that one nation can implement its national aspirations only at the expense of the other nation. This belief was the principal impediment for the conflict to break-through. This mutual belief also resulted in neglecting any possibility to recognize the other nation's legitimacy and therefore – permanent confrontation and conflict escalation. This paper seeks to take a different approach to the analysis of conflict. One fundamental statement of this research is that many academics limit their analysis of Israeli-Palestinian struggle to mechanistic and deterministic explanations this way failing to explain some crucial factors having tremendous impact on the course of the conflict. This research paper emphasizes the role of national identity in conflict resolution and claims that the condition for peace between these two nations was never only about Israel's retreat from the occupied territories. The premise of this paper is that there is a direct connection between national identity and state's foreign policy decisions. The paper is based on the constructivist approach of international relations which emphasizes constitutive nature of social reality: the lived life and knowledge about it are socially constructed. But the research was also very much influenced by Michael Barnett's theoretical "hybrid" – conditional combination of constructivism and institutionalism. This theoretical approach emphasizes that constructivist theories fail to incorporate a core insight of institutionalism – actors strategize in an institutional setting – and therefore is not able to address foreign policy change. On the other hand institutionalism fails to incorporate a core insight of constructivism – actors are embedded in a normative structure – and therefore is unable to explain what creates and constitutes legitimate action. The aim of this paper is after determining how and when national identity influences state's foreign policy decisions to analyze Israel's national identity's influence on the course of Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This conflict is analyzed from its beginning at the end of the 19th century seeking to reveal what caused changes in Israel's foreign policy decisions. But the focus of analysis is Israel's national identity in the years 2000–2007. The goal of this analysis is to determine what influence this identity had on the renewed peace talks with Palestinians in 2007.
Many conflicts in the 21st century are perceived as intractable: long-lasting, brutal, irreconcilable, of a zero-sum nature. One of these conflicts – over a century long Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This conflict is a struggle between two nations claiming their rights to the same territory which they both consider to be their homeland. This struggle is usually perceived as a zero-sum conflict over the territory but one of the main propositions of this research is that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for many years was perceived as a zero-sum struggle over national identity as well. For over four decades many Jews and Palestinians believed that one nation can implement its national aspirations only at the expense of the other nation. This belief was the principal impediment for the conflict to break-through. This mutual belief also resulted in neglecting any possibility to recognize the other nation's legitimacy and therefore – permanent confrontation and conflict escalation. This paper seeks to take a different approach to the analysis of conflict. One fundamental statement of this research is that many academics limit their analysis of Israeli-Palestinian struggle to mechanistic and deterministic explanations this way failing to explain some crucial factors having tremendous impact on the course of the conflict. This research paper emphasizes the role of national identity in conflict resolution and claims that the condition for peace between these two nations was never only about Israel's retreat from the occupied territories. The premise of this paper is that there is a direct connection between national identity and state's foreign policy decisions. The paper is based on the constructivist approach of international relations which emphasizes constitutive nature of social reality: the lived life and knowledge about it are socially constructed. But the research was also very much influenced by Michael Barnett's theoretical "hybrid" – conditional combination of constructivism and institutionalism. This theoretical approach emphasizes that constructivist theories fail to incorporate a core insight of institutionalism – actors strategize in an institutional setting – and therefore is not able to address foreign policy change. On the other hand institutionalism fails to incorporate a core insight of constructivism – actors are embedded in a normative structure – and therefore is unable to explain what creates and constitutes legitimate action. The aim of this paper is after determining how and when national identity influences state's foreign policy decisions to analyze Israel's national identity's influence on the course of Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This conflict is analyzed from its beginning at the end of the 19th century seeking to reveal what caused changes in Israel's foreign policy decisions. But the focus of analysis is Israel's national identity in the years 2000–2007. The goal of this analysis is to determine what influence this identity had on the renewed peace talks with Palestinians in 2007.
The objective of the research: to ground the model of controling conflicts in state and private sectors. The object of the research: the model of controling conflicts in state and private sectors. Seeking to put the objective of the thesis into life, these tasks were approached: - to generalize the conception of conflict and reasons in scientific literature; - to create the model of controling conflicts on the base of theoretical analysis of literature; - to reveal strategies of controling conflicts; - to ground created model of controling conflicts theoretically; - on the base of research to ground created model of controling conflicts in state and private sectors. Hypotheses. H1. Substantiation of the model controling conflicts is grounded if: - creation of the model will be linked with prevention of conflicts; - the model will be created by bosses or employers; - while creating models, peculiarities of the group (age, nature of work, achievable tasks) and observed weaknesses will be taken into account; - The main component of the model will be analysis of conflict reasons. H2. Models of controling conflicts in different sectors should have similarities and differencies, as: - in the solution of each conflict should the precondition prevail – frankness, mutual confidence and preparation for cooperation, which is different; - arrising conflicts are inclined to be solved not according beforehand made model of controling conflicts; - the model of controling conflicts are grounded on cause and effect analysis. Methods of research: Scientific literature analysis was used in order to reveal comprehension, structure, diversity of types, expose reasons stipulating conflicts and their models, styles of controling conflicts and their dependence on controling style, systematize methods of controling conflicts, present strategies of controling conflicts. The qiestionnaire enabled to reveal strategies of controling conflicts is state and private sectors. Statistical data analysis enabled to process and summarize results of the research.
The paper was written by Liudas Skrodenis, valedictorian of Vilnius Pedagogical University of extramural master studies. The theme of the paper – "Relationship of Pupils, Teachers and Parents: Prevention of Conflicts\". Education, the system of education, the caseload of work and so on has always been one of the most important themes for the society. The background is always relevant and underlying for the state's politics. Conflicts appear constantly in our society that's why it is important to control conflicts and especially in educational institutions in order to prevent the degradation of teaching level. The most important aims of the education are: to help the person to reveal common values and to ground ones life by them; to educate critically thinking person who is able to understand the fundamental and existential questions of life, to make responsible decisions and act alone; to educate the person who is ready for professional activity and able to adapt himself or herself to the changing social and economical life as well as to accomplish it; to mature person's national and cultural consciousness; to mature the person for democratic; to educate the Citizen of Lithuania what is possible only while working in a harmonious and constantly working team. Because the conflicts appear in every sphere of human life it is important to be able to control them. without any control they might destroy whatever is possible and what was achieved or created by the person. The rise of the conflict is determined by the objective or subjective facts while ignoring the conflict situation and the communication might be impossible. The conflict might lead some personal and social life changes. The aim of the paper - to make research of the relationship between pupils, teachers and parents, to find out the possibilities of conflict prevention. The six hypotheses were upraised. The first hypothesis that the understanding of parents' conflict differs from that of teachers and pupils was proved. The second hypothesis that conflicts between pupils more often appear in emotional sphere was proved. The third hypothesis that in the opinion of parents and teachers the conflicts between teachers and pupils are initiated by conflictive pupils though in the opinion of teachers which is contrariwise to pupils and parents opinion that the declaration of such conflicts is the effective means of problem solution was proved. The fourth hypothesis that the conflicts between pupils and teachers should be solved by the chief, administration or teachers themselves was proved. The fifth hypothesis that the reason of conflicts between parents and teachers is the education of children was proved. The sixth hypothesis that thus the majority of all groups of respondents estimate the role of a special pedagogue as very important while solving various conflicts in the educational institutions and do not estimate enough his or her aims of activity was proved.
The paper was written by Liudas Skrodenis, valedictorian of Vilnius Pedagogical University of extramural master studies. The theme of the paper – "Relationship of Pupils, Teachers and Parents: Prevention of Conflicts\". Education, the system of education, the caseload of work and so on has always been one of the most important themes for the society. The background is always relevant and underlying for the state's politics. Conflicts appear constantly in our society that's why it is important to control conflicts and especially in educational institutions in order to prevent the degradation of teaching level. The most important aims of the education are: to help the person to reveal common values and to ground ones life by them; to educate critically thinking person who is able to understand the fundamental and existential questions of life, to make responsible decisions and act alone; to educate the person who is ready for professional activity and able to adapt himself or herself to the changing social and economical life as well as to accomplish it; to mature person's national and cultural consciousness; to mature the person for democratic; to educate the Citizen of Lithuania what is possible only while working in a harmonious and constantly working team. Because the conflicts appear in every sphere of human life it is important to be able to control them. without any control they might destroy whatever is possible and what was achieved or created by the person. The rise of the conflict is determined by the objective or subjective facts while ignoring the conflict situation and the communication might be impossible. The conflict might lead some personal and social life changes. The aim of the paper - to make research of the relationship between pupils, teachers and parents, to find out the possibilities of conflict prevention. The six hypotheses were upraised. The first hypothesis that the understanding of parents' conflict differs from that of teachers and pupils was proved. The second hypothesis that conflicts between pupils more often appear in emotional sphere was proved. The third hypothesis that in the opinion of parents and teachers the conflicts between teachers and pupils are initiated by conflictive pupils though in the opinion of teachers which is contrariwise to pupils and parents opinion that the declaration of such conflicts is the effective means of problem solution was proved. The fourth hypothesis that the conflicts between pupils and teachers should be solved by the chief, administration or teachers themselves was proved. The fifth hypothesis that the reason of conflicts between parents and teachers is the education of children was proved. The sixth hypothesis that thus the majority of all groups of respondents estimate the role of a special pedagogue as very important while solving various conflicts in the educational institutions and do not estimate enough his or her aims of activity was proved.
Women's Participation in Military Conflicts: a Case Study of Ukraine Women's participation in military conflicts is one of the phenomena of international politics, that is discussed in various academic discussions. It is often said that war is a matter for men and women are victims of war or perform insignificant and non-physical functions. This is commonly referred to as traditional or conventional thinking, that suggests that gender is an expression of power relations and war or its consequences are usually understood through a masculine trajectory. Yet historically in wars women have played many different roles, named different motivations to join and either contributed to the empowerment of stereotypes or broke them with their personal examples. The object of this research is Ukraine where a part of the society, as well as women and their organizations took an active part in the struggle for the preservation of the country after the beginning of the conflict with Russia in 2014. The case of Ukraine was chosen for the study because it is a significant conflict on a European scale and close to us. It is also important that the conflict in Ukraine is a new one in the 21st century. It makes possible to understand how participation in war looks like here and now. In addition, analysis of women's participation in the Ukrainian war are very limited because the collection of empirical data in war zones is difficult, so this study aims to supplement the existing literature on the Ukrainian conflict and provide an empirical analysis of women's participation. The main goal of this study is to investigate the participation of women in the Ukrainian war and to understand why they joined the war, what roles they played and what the situation is due to traditional stereotypes. To achieve the set goal, interviews (in Russian) are conducted with women who took part in military operations on the pro-Ukrainian side. A total of 20 semi-structured interviews were conducted with women involved in the Ukrainian war and 5 with other external observers (journalist, 2 Lithuanian photographers, a representative of the Lithuanian Blue - Yellow organization and the Ukrainian Women's Guard). In total, this thesis is based on data collected during 25 interviews and secondary sources. The study was conducted in 2019 December - 2020 May. Ukrainian women said that one of the main motives to join military conflict is the desire to defend country and the future. Another interesting finding of this study is the fact that although Ukrainian society is traditional, women involved in war were not inclined to view the existence of stereotypes as a motive for joining the war. The categories of women's roles did not differ from the general context and global research, as it was seen that the main roles they held remained essentially the same - as a doctor, chef or working in headquarters and administration. On the other hand, Ukrainian women have not confirmed the basic conventional thesis that women are victims of war. It raises questions about the survey sample and the specificity of the profiles of the selected respondents. Perhaps the women who were interviewed did not want to expose this side of the war or did not actually experience it. Furthermore, in assessing the contribution of this study to the issue of women in war, most women did not attach particular importance to them in speaking or evaluating their roles because they either felt that the role was not important in defending the country or found it difficult to name. In general, in the context of war the roles overlap greatly. In conclusion, based on this study there can be two recommendations for future analysis: a) expand the sample of participants to construct more groups and categories; b) increase survey variables. For example, it could help to add more research questions and make more complex analysis.
Women's Participation in Military Conflicts: a Case Study of Ukraine Women's participation in military conflicts is one of the phenomena of international politics, that is discussed in various academic discussions. It is often said that war is a matter for men and women are victims of war or perform insignificant and non-physical functions. This is commonly referred to as traditional or conventional thinking, that suggests that gender is an expression of power relations and war or its consequences are usually understood through a masculine trajectory. Yet historically in wars women have played many different roles, named different motivations to join and either contributed to the empowerment of stereotypes or broke them with their personal examples. The object of this research is Ukraine where a part of the society, as well as women and their organizations took an active part in the struggle for the preservation of the country after the beginning of the conflict with Russia in 2014. The case of Ukraine was chosen for the study because it is a significant conflict on a European scale and close to us. It is also important that the conflict in Ukraine is a new one in the 21st century. It makes possible to understand how participation in war looks like here and now. In addition, analysis of women's participation in the Ukrainian war are very limited because the collection of empirical data in war zones is difficult, so this study aims to supplement the existing literature on the Ukrainian conflict and provide an empirical analysis of women's participation. The main goal of this study is to investigate the participation of women in the Ukrainian war and to understand why they joined the war, what roles they played and what the situation is due to traditional stereotypes. To achieve the set goal, interviews (in Russian) are conducted with women who took part in military operations on the pro-Ukrainian side. A total of 20 semi-structured interviews were conducted with women involved in the Ukrainian war and 5 with other external observers (journalist, 2 Lithuanian photographers, a representative of the Lithuanian Blue - Yellow organization and the Ukrainian Women's Guard). In total, this thesis is based on data collected during 25 interviews and secondary sources. The study was conducted in 2019 December - 2020 May. Ukrainian women said that one of the main motives to join military conflict is the desire to defend country and the future. Another interesting finding of this study is the fact that although Ukrainian society is traditional, women involved in war were not inclined to view the existence of stereotypes as a motive for joining the war. The categories of women's roles did not differ from the general context and global research, as it was seen that the main roles they held remained essentially the same - as a doctor, chef or working in headquarters and administration. On the other hand, Ukrainian women have not confirmed the basic conventional thesis that women are victims of war. It raises questions about the survey sample and the specificity of the profiles of the selected respondents. Perhaps the women who were interviewed did not want to expose this side of the war or did not actually experience it. Furthermore, in assessing the contribution of this study to the issue of women in war, most women did not attach particular importance to them in speaking or evaluating their roles because they either felt that the role was not important in defending the country or found it difficult to name. In general, in the context of war the roles overlap greatly. In conclusion, based on this study there can be two recommendations for future analysis: a) expand the sample of participants to construct more groups and categories; b) increase survey variables. For example, it could help to add more research questions and make more complex analysis.
Women's Participation in Military Conflicts: a Case Study of Ukraine Women's participation in military conflicts is one of the phenomena of international politics, that is discussed in various academic discussions. It is often said that war is a matter for men and women are victims of war or perform insignificant and non-physical functions. This is commonly referred to as traditional or conventional thinking, that suggests that gender is an expression of power relations and war or its consequences are usually understood through a masculine trajectory. Yet historically in wars women have played many different roles, named different motivations to join and either contributed to the empowerment of stereotypes or broke them with their personal examples. The object of this research is Ukraine where a part of the society, as well as women and their organizations took an active part in the struggle for the preservation of the country after the beginning of the conflict with Russia in 2014. The case of Ukraine was chosen for the study because it is a significant conflict on a European scale and close to us. It is also important that the conflict in Ukraine is a new one in the 21st century. It makes possible to understand how participation in war looks like here and now. In addition, analysis of women's participation in the Ukrainian war are very limited because the collection of empirical data in war zones is difficult, so this study aims to supplement the existing literature on the Ukrainian conflict and provide an empirical analysis of women's participation. The main goal of this study is to investigate the participation of women in the Ukrainian war and to understand why they joined the war, what roles they played and what the situation is due to traditional stereotypes. To achieve the set goal, interviews (in Russian) are conducted with women who took part in military operations on the pro-Ukrainian side. A total of 20 semi-structured interviews were conducted with women involved in the Ukrainian war and 5 with other external observers (journalist, 2 Lithuanian photographers, a representative of the Lithuanian Blue - Yellow organization and the Ukrainian Women's Guard). In total, this thesis is based on data collected during 25 interviews and secondary sources. The study was conducted in 2019 December - 2020 May. Ukrainian women said that one of the main motives to join military conflict is the desire to defend country and the future. Another interesting finding of this study is the fact that although Ukrainian society is traditional, women involved in war were not inclined to view the existence of stereotypes as a motive for joining the war. The categories of women's roles did not differ from the general context and global research, as it was seen that the main roles they held remained essentially the same - as a doctor, chef or working in headquarters and administration. On the other hand, Ukrainian women have not confirmed the basic conventional thesis that women are victims of war. It raises questions about the survey sample and the specificity of the profiles of the selected respondents. Perhaps the women who were interviewed did not want to expose this side of the war or did not actually experience it. Furthermore, in assessing the contribution of this study to the issue of women in war, most women did not attach particular importance to them in speaking or evaluating their roles because they either felt that the role was not important in defending the country or found it difficult to name. In general, in the context of war the roles overlap greatly. In conclusion, based on this study there can be two recommendations for future analysis: a) expand the sample of participants to construct more groups and categories; b) increase survey variables. For example, it could help to add more research questions and make more complex analysis.
