Suchergebnisse

The author wonders what the Basque conflict consists of. It consists, to a large extent, in the non-recognition of Spain as the legal framework for its political action and, to a considerable extent, in the enormous cultural and political diversity of Basque and Navarre society. Problems that, in the author's opinion, are not resolved with the panacea of the right to self-determination and with the fallacy of deciding in order to be. Perhaps the best solution, in addition to more clarity in the proposals of Basque nationalists, is the mediator, which supposes, above all, a commitment to a "will to coexist and not to hostility." ; El autor se pregunta en qué consiste el conflicto vasco. Consiste, en buena parte, en el no reconocimiento por parte del nacionalismo de que España siga siendo el marco jurídico para su actuación política y, en no menor medida, en la enorme diversidad cultural y política de la sociedad vasca y navarra. Problemas que en opinión del autor no se resuelven con la panacea del derecho de autodeterminación y con la falacia de decidir para ser. Tal vez la mejor solución, además de la claridad en las propuestas del nacionalismo, sea la mediadora, que supone, por encima de todo, apostar por una «voluntad de convivencia y no de hostilidad».

This paper examines those problems of «who-decides-whathere?» that have of late so bedevilled the relations of State, Autonominal Governments and Local Administrative bodies, conflicts of competencies usually to be found affecting things economical, especially in their planning. The Constitutional Court itself has been brought to study the matter. There can be no doubt hut that such planning will delimit any kind or level of administrative action and that such plans give the state the whip-hand when what is possible is in question. The author makes plain that this state of affairs is nowhere more blatant than in the sphere of territorial definition. ; Se estudian en este artículo los problemas competenciales que crecientemente sc producen entre Estado, Entes Autonómicos y Corporaciones Locales, conflictos que adquieren especial relevancia en el sector de la planificación económica. Al tema ha dedicado su atención el Tribunal Constitucional. Es indudable que el hecho de que la citada planificación condicione profundamente cualquier acción administrativa, pone en mano del Estado inmensas posibilidades en cuanto a la atribución final del ejercicio de cualesquiera otras competencias. Y tal como señala el autor, este fenómeno aparece más destacado que en cualquier otro aspecto, en el campo de la ordenación territorial.

El conflicto armado colombiano está lleno de enseñanzas para la resolución negociada de conflictos. En la medida en que ha sido una confrontación compleja y prolongada, los grupos armados se han convertido en protagonistas. Tanto sus objetivos como el uso de la violencia han generado controversias alrededor de cuáles deben ser las acciones o respuestas que se implementan para hacer frente a dichas situaciones. Al igual que en otros países, los actores involucrados han participado en numerosos acercamientos, diálogos políticos o procesos de paz, aportando experiencias de negociaciones que involucran a diferentes sectores de la sociedad civil, actores estatales, comunidad internacional y organizaciones multilaterales.En este sentido, resulta pertinente no sólo retomar el surgimiento, caracterización y posibles motivaciones de tres de los más grandes grupos al margen de la ley —paramilitares, ELN, FARC— que han participado en el conflicto, sino también explorar las formas de acercamiento a estos por parte del gobierno colombiano y sus diferentes administraciones, para así comprender la complejidad y las múltiples dimensiones desde las cuales se representan diversas visiones sobre la evolución del conflicto y los hechos de corta, mediana y larga duración, en tanto esto permite dilucidar las continuidades y discontinuidades que han dado paso a ver el fenómeno a través de causas culturales, complejos políticos o perspectivas económicas. ; --- The armed conflict in Colombia is full of lessons for negotiated conflict resolution. Insofar as this has been a complex and long-lasting confrontation, the armed groups have now become protagonists. Their objectives as much as their use of violence has generated controversy about which actions or responses should be implemented to face such situations. Similarly to other countries, the players concerned have participated in several rapprochements, political dialogues or peace processes by contributing experience in negotiations that involve different sectors of the civil society, state players, the international community, and multilateral organizations. To that effect, it is relevant not only to retake the emergence, characterization and possible motivations of three of the biggest groups outside the law –paramilitary, ELN, FARC– which have participated in the conflict, but also to explore the rapprochement methods the Colombian government and its different administrations have employed with these groups. This way, we can fully understand the complexity and the multiple dimensions in the representation of various views of the conflict evolution and the short, medium, and long-term events in as much as this allows clarification of the continuity and discontinuity that have resulted in seeing the phenomenon from the standpoint of cultural causes, political complexities or economic perspectives.

In a study published in the mid-twentieth century, French historian Robert Ricard postulated that the evangelization and conversion of the native populations of Mexico had been rapid and relatively easy. However, different forms of evidence show that the so-called ""spiritual conquest"" was anything but easy or rapid, and, in fact, natives continued to practice their traditional beliefs alongside Catholicism. Within several decades of initiating the so-called ""spiritual conquest, "" the campaign

in August 2011, the Eighth Indigenous March in Bolivia began to defend and recognise the rights of indigenous peoples and nations in its territory — a complaint which began in 1990 — in addition to the conflict caused by the announcement by the government of Evo Morales and the construction of the transoceanic megacarretera that would pass through the heart of the Indigenous Territory and Isiboro Sécure National Park (TIPNIS). Despite a little more than two decades of complaints, complaints and enforcement of Bolivian laws, demand for land remains the main problem. The proposal in this article is to reflect on the TIPNIS conflict as a struggle for the territory rather than as an environmental problem. ; The 8th Indigenous People March in Bolivia started in August 2011 to the defense and recognition of the rights of indigenous peoples and their territories, also as a response to government plans to build a transoceanic highway through the Isiboro Secure Indigenous Territory and National Park (known by its Spanish acronym TIPNIS). Despite it has been more than two decades since these nations have been claiming and demanding that laws are enforced, the fight over the land is still the main issue. This paper proposes to think the conflict around TIPNIS mainly on the basis of a land problem and secondary as an environmental conflict. ; in August 2011, the Eighth Indigenous March in Bolivia began to defend and recognise the rights of indigenous peoples and nations in its territory — a complaint which began in 1990 — in addition to the conflict caused by the announcement by the government of Evo Morales and the construction of the transoceanic megacarretera that would pass through the heart of the Indigenous Territory and Isiboro Sécure National Park (TIPNIS). Despite a little more than two decades of complaints, complaints and enforcement of Bolivian laws, demand for land remains the main problem. The proposal in this article is to reflect on the TIPNIS conflict as a struggle for the territory rather than as an ...

El artículo señala las limitaciones de dos tradiciones del liberalismo político en tomo a la cuestión de la justicia distributiva en el contexto latinoamericano. El autor muestra la necesidad de un replanteamiento del concepto de justicia, con el finde conseguir una base normativa más adecuada para la evaluación y crítica de las formas particulares de distribución actualmente existentes de los bienes sociales. ; The article points to the limitations of two traditions within political liberalism regarding the question of distributive justice in the context of Latín America. The author shows the necessity of restating the concept of justice, in order to obtain a more adequate normative basis for the evaluation and criticism of the particular forms of distribution of social possessions existing at present.

We study economic conflicts using a game theoretical approach. We model a conflict between two agents where each one has two possible strategies: cease-fire or neglect the truce. Under this setting, we use the concept of pre-donations, namely, a redefinition of the game where agents commit to transfer a share of their output to the other agent (Sertel, 1992), and explain under which conditions a system of pre-donations can facilitate a truce. We find that for conflicts involving high costs there is a distributive mechanism, acceptable for both parties, such that, the best strategy for both parties is Cease-Fire. However, in many cases there are no sufficient conditions for the scheme or pre-donations to be effective. We also analyze some limitations of this framework and extend the model in order to deal with some of these flaws. Finally, in order to illustrate the relevance of the theoretical results we briefly describe some of the circumstances that characterized the negotiation processes between the Colombian government and different illegal groups.

This article proposes an interpretation of the armed conflict from an evolutionary view that takes into account the concept of private protection agencies in the works of Schelling / Nozick / Gambetta. Its aim is also to assess the dynamics of conflict and changes from the author's scientific output. A context of conflicts that includes new expressions of violence and the relative failure of the paramilitary reintegration involves using new analytical models (argumentation, game theory and inconsistent information). The recent evolution of emerging bands and their expansion into areas that were paramilitary camps requires monitoring not only by the government and authorities, but also from those researching the conflict in its current phase. The author proposes a heuristic research support from Schelling's theory of strategy, Nozick's protection agencies, and Gambetta's recent contributions on the relationshi p between organized crime and drug cartels. ; Este artículo propone una lectura del conflicto armado desde una concepción evolutiva que toma en cuenta el concepto de agencias de protección privada en las obras de Schelling/Nozick/Gambetta. Su objetivo también es evaluar la dinámica y los cambios del conflicto desde la propia producción científica del autor. Un contexto de conflictos que comprende nuevas expresiones de violencia y el fracaso relativo de la reinserción paramilitar, supone emplear nuevos modelos analíticos (argumentación, teoría de juegos e información inconsistente). La evolución reciente de las bandas emergentes y su expansión territorial en zonas que fueron campamentos paramilitares, requiere un seguimiento no sólo del gobierno y las autoridades, sino de quienes investigan el conflicto en su presente fase. El autor propone una heurística de apoyo a la investigación desde la teoría de la estrategia de Schelling, las agencias de protección de Nozick y los aportes recientes de Gambetta sobre las relaciones entre el crimen organizado y los carteles de las drogas.

En el presente artículo se aportará en el conocimiento de ese complejo e histórico conflicto entre los dos brazos del islam y se demostrará que dicha confrontación no es únicamente, una cuestión religiosa. La historia, la visión del mundo, las diferencias sociales los separan también.

Since 1991 Ethiopia has made a change in thinking favoring federalism against the centralized hierarchical power to radically respond to the problem of diversity and better recognize and accommodate the country's ethnolinguistic and cultural diversity. Paradoxically, Ethiopia had experienced more ethnic-based conflict in its post-1991 existence than ever before. Among others, the Somali-Oromo conflict is the worst ethnic-based conflict in the country's history. Though the two communities, have a long tradition of co-existence and strong socio-cultural integrations due to their shared Muslim-Cushitic identity, economic interdependence, and shared cultural practices; antagonistic relationships, and intermittent conflicts due to resource competition, territorial expansion, bad governance, and other factors have prevailed in the last three decades. It is the objective of this paper, therefore, to investigate and analyze factors of ethnic conflict along the shared border of the Somali and Oromia regional administrations, specifically Bable and Bobas districts, within the context of Ethiopian federalism. Methodologically, the study employed a comparative research approach and made use of key informant interview and survey questionnaires' techniques in gathering the relevant data, and in effect, both qualitative and quantitative data interpretation and analysis methods were utilized in the analysis section. The findings of this study demonstrate that the Somali-Oromo conflict is complex & dynamics and the result of the interplay of historical, institutional/structural/political, economic, socio-cultural, and environmental factors. Furthermore, the result of the study reveals that major drivers of ethnic conflict in both areas are similar.

This fragment introduces Roland Paris's argument regarding post-conflict peace building. Paris criticises methods used during the nineties by peace building operations for trying to implement democratic reforms and liberalisation too quickly. Whilst Paris maintains that the principal objective still should be to convert war torn countries into market democracies he believes that the implementation of such reforms without sufficient government institutions can provoke the regression of these countries into conflict. Therefore, he proposes a new strategy "institutionalisation before liberalisation" that first builds a strong institutional base, which he argues may then allow the introduction of democratic and liberal reforms capable of creating a lasting peace. ; El presente fragmento introduce los argumentos de Roland Paris acerca de la construcción de las paz postbélica. Paris critica la metodología empleada durante los noventa por las misiones de construcción de la paz que trataron de implementar reformas democráticas y liberales demasiado rápido. Aunque Paris sostiene que la meta principal todavía debe ser convertir países destrozados por la guerra en sistemas democráticos de mercado, mantiene que la introducción de tales reformas sin suficientes instituciones gubernamentales puede provocar la recaída de estos países en el conflicto. Por lo tanto, propone una nueva estrategia de "institucionalización antes que de liberalización", que implica la construcción inicial de una base institucional para luego permitir la introducción de reformas democráticas y liberales que fomenten una paz duradera.

The conflict between Palestinians and Jews has remains one of the darkest spots of humanity for over 50 years now. On 11th September 2001, the World Trade Centre twin towers in New York, USA were blown off by two hijacked airliners in what the international community came to accept as a handiwork of terrorists. Immediately intelligence experts and anti-terrorists agencies worldwide came to think of only one group with such kind of ability, Osama bin Laden's Al-Qaeda organization as the perpetrator. Bin Laden in turn sanctified the act as a method to fend the Palestinians in their war against Israel in so doing he is trying to justify his heinous and barbaric conduct through the suffering of other people, the Palestinians . His stands emanate from what he claims the US was bankrolling Israel's military campaign against the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. In other words Osama is trying to create more confusion in the already confusing quagmire. Basically this paper recapitulates the human tragedy and history of the Middle East not from scholarly point of view as the myth and reality, or as one-land two peoples but from a Common Man point of view from a far off countries, away from the point of conflagration. The segments of the paper include rationale as to why despite the evaporation of peace in the Middle East ordinary people who remains voiceless worldwide fathom solution is possible to the area. The presentation also give glimpse as to why change of fighting methods and the emergence of conspiracy of terrorists on Islamic clerical gowns are threatening the crumble of one of the biggest religion in the world, Islam. The paper also accounts for what may have been a vital threat facing Moslems worldwide today, 'lack of laid down and internationally acceptable religious leadership'. The theory is Common Men and Women on the streets worldwide have some perception and opinion in relations to the Middle East Crisis and likewise they might provide the missing solution. The paper is of the opinion that besides experienced crises, the major challenges facing the world today is failure to learn how to listen and not heeding to the voiceless. The presenter looks on the common man perception as portrayed in the Tanzania media, Internet and other easily gauged international media. The Palestinians-Jews Conflict: Concern of the Voiceless is a media review that seeks out voice of the voiceless on a complex issue such as the Middle East crisis. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales (IRI)

The building of bridges between Cuba and the US has been ongoing for a long time, not least by artists. Reconciliation work preceding the commencement of diplomatic relations between Cuba and the US encompasses, for example, novelist Cristina García's Dreaming in Cuban (1992), The Agüero Sisters (1997), and King of Cuba (2013). I argue that these novels take on the task of lessening polarizations with the aspiration of furthering reconciliation processes through concentrating on the divisiveness between families and politics within the Cuban communities, focusing on the island Cubans and the US Cuban diaspora. García writes conflict to end conflict and this is, I claim, her strongest contribution to the reconciliation processes. In the last part of the article I briefly discuss how I use the concept of translation to theorize the relationship between fiction and reality.