Suchergebnisse

There are varied institutional forms (formal and informal) in which electoral (political) subjects take part in elections. Elections for assemblies show that the actions of such subjects are differently motivated, and also that their approach during conflict or cooperation in the realization of their wishes is different. Thus conflict situations, »election scandals«, occur sporadically. Such conflicts are an expression and a result of contradictory desires and actions of the participants. The significance and effect of an electoral conflict is conditioned and determined by the (political) significance of the elections themselves, not only in the sense that they are formally one of the basic constitutive elements of the political system, but first and foremost because they are the form in which citizens are active in politics. Following the procedure in election the author has tried to reveal the basic actors in electoral conflicts, the content of their conflict and the form it takes. In the author's opinion it is wrong to pass an a priori judgement of the character and value of electoral »cases« (negative judgements have usually been passed), the foundation of the conflict and the character and orientation of the persons involved, who do not seek for affirmation of their political value in the strength of arguments and objective achievement. We can understand and solve the ambivalent character of such conflicts, and the political behavior of their participants, only after studying the case. There will be a smaller number of »cases« and electoral conflicts, and they will be less complicated, the more consistently we free ourselves from varied formal-legal and political restraints, and the more society takes on the characteristics of self-managing and democratic socialism. Conflicts of this type are not the result of democracy. They are the result of its insufficient development or presence, thus making it subject to misunderstanding, searching and abuse.

Hibridno ratovanje ne predstavlja nov i revolucionaran pristup u ostvarivanju političkih ciljeva. Navedeno je temeljna pretpostavka ove doktorske disertacije koja je potvrĎena kroz znanstveno istraţivanje i komparativnu analizu tri studije slučaja. Pokušaj stvaranja Velike Srbije, zbog činjenice da se relativno nedavno odvijao na teritoriju Republike Hrvatske, najrelevantniji je slučaj kada govorimo o aktualnim vanjskopolitičkim i obrambenim izazovima Republike Hrvatske. Izraelsko-libanonski rat iz 2006. godine smatra se oglednim primjerkom hibridnog rata izmeĎu drţavnog i nedrţavnog aktera. Rat Rusije i Ukrajine i aneksija Krima najrecentniji je primjer hibridnog rata izmeĎu dva drţavna aktera, i katalizator koji je aktualizirao pojam hibridnog rata, pokrenuo meĎunarodnu zajednicu i NATO savez da preispitaju svoj pristup suvremenom ratovanju. Ova disertacija temelji na se razmatranju ratova s vojnopolitičkog stajališta, a kombiniranjem tri teorijska okvira odabrano je 16 čimbenika koji karakteriziraju hibridnog aktera. Teorijskom analizom sve tri studije slučaja potvrĎeno je da hibridnom ratu prethodi period političkih, ideoloških ili sličnih neslaganja izmeĎu suprotstavljenih strana, tijekom kojeg hibridni akter nastoji širiti vlastiti narativ i otvoreno ili prikriveno provodi aktivnosti koje će mu dati prednost u ratu. Provedbom istraţivanja u tri rata testirana je prisutnost svakog pojedinog čimbenika hibridnog modela, a komparacijom rezultata utvrĎeno je da su odreĎeni čimbenici bili, u većoj ili manjoj mjeri, prisutni u sva tri rata. Unatoč činjenici da slučajevi pripadaju različitom geopolitičkom kontekstu, da su se odvijali u različitom vremenskom razdoblju i na različitoj zemljopisnoj lokaciji, prisutnost čimbenika u sva tri rata potvrĎuju pretpostavku da hibridni rat nije ništa novo. ; Hybrid warfare does not represent a new and revolutionary approach to the realization of political goals. This is the central hypothesis of this doctoral dissertation which has been tested by scientific research and comparative analysis of three post Cold War, geographically and chronically dispersed case studies. The first case study encompasses the initial attempt to create a Greater Serbia at the territorial expense of the Republic of Croatia which occurred in the early 1990's within the context of Yugoslavia's dissolution. The second case study details the Israeli - Hezbollah war of 2006 which is considered by many to be a textbook example of a state versus non-state actor conflict. Finally, the third case study analyzes the ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine (including the Russian annexation of Crimea) which has popularized the term "hybrid warfare" and acted as a catalyst in initiating NATO re-examination of its approach to contemporary security threats. This dissertation analyzes the manifestation of hybrid war from a military and political perspective, and to characterize hybrid actors, it makes use of sixteen individual factors derived from three established theoretical frameworks. Theoretical analysis of the three case studies suggests that in all three cases open warfare was preceded by a period of political, ideological or other conflict between the opposing parties. In all instances, the hybrid actor made use of this period to promulgate its narrative, while at the same time covertly or overtly undertaking activities designed to ensure an advantage upon the onset of violence. The presence of each individual factor of the combined theoretical framework was determined through research, and a comparison of the results proves that certain characteristics are present, in varying degree, in all three conflicts. Despite occurring in different geopolitical circumstances, in different chronological periods, and in different geographical locations, the presence of hybrid factors in all three conflicts confirms the initial hypothesis that hybrid warfare is not a new phenomenon.

The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established. ; The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established.

Sukob niskog intenziteta je koncept čiji začetci datiraju u osamdesete godine prošlog stoljeća, a definira se kao političko-vojna konfrontacija između suprotstavljenih država ili skupina koja je slabijeg intenziteta od konvencionalnog rata i jačeg od mirne i rutinske konkurencije država. Često uključuje dugotrajne borbe konkurentskih načela i ideologija, a kreće se od subverzije do uporabe oružane sile. Vođen je kombinacijom sredstava, primjenom političkih, ekonomskih, informacijskih i vojnih instrumenata. Sukobi niskog intenziteta često su lokalnog karaktera, uglavnom u zemljama u razvoju, ali sadrže regionalne i globalne sigurnosne implikacije. Najznačajniji sadržaj ; Low-intensity conflict is a concept whose beginnings date back to the 1980s and it is defined as a political-military confrontation between contending states or groups below the intensity of conventional war and above the routine, peaceful competition among states. It frequently involves protracted struggles of competing principles and ideologies. Low-intensity conflict ranges from subversion to the use of the armed forces. It is waged by a combination of means, employing political, economic, informational and military instruments. Low-intensity conflicts are often localized, generally in developing countries, but contain regional and global security implications. The most significant content of the low-intensity con flict in the country being acted upon is insurgency, whether it is being helped or crushed. Insurgency is an organized, armed political struggle aimed at seizing power through revolutionary takeover and replacement of the existing government. This paper provides an overview of previous research on the topic of low-intensity conflict and presents its key components.

In regions troubled by ethnic based conflict violence often erupts abruptly and severely. Peacemakers, then, follow unconditional paths to prevent conflict escalation. The article analyzes the ways in which post-conflict constitutional designs shape the state structure through constitutional amendments. Peace agreements as bases for constitutional reform, the article claims, have reformatory but also obstructive implications. Seeing the Ohrid Framework Agreement as a case study, the paper analyzes its implications on the development of the political system in Macedonia. On one side OFA serves as a criterion for the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration and a driving force for the creation of a functioning multicultural society. On the other side, the procedural and substantive flaws of the agreement undermine its absorbability in the society. In procedural sense, OFA hindered its own implementation through the used terminology and the drafting process. In substantial sense, agreement's goals and provisions reached beyond the purpose of peace agreements and underestimated the complexity of the conflicting issues at stake. ; In regions troubled by ethnic based conflict violence often erupts abruptly and severely. Peacemakers, then, follow unconditional paths to prevent conflict escalation. The article analyzes the ways in which post-conflict constitutional designs shape the state structure through constitutional amendments. Peace agreements as bases for constitutional reform, the article claims, have reformatory but also obstructive implications. Seeing the Ohrid Framework Agreement as a case study, the paper analyzes its implications on the development of the political system in Macedonia. On one side OFA serves as a criterion for the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration and a driving force for the creation of a functioning multicultural society. On the other side, the procedural and substantive flaws of the agreement undermine its absorbability in the society. In procedural sense, OFA hindered its own implementation through the used terminology and the drafting process. In substantial sense, agreement's goals and provisions reached beyond the purpose of peace agreements and underestimated the complexity of the conflicting issues at stake.

In this paper an attempt is made by the author to assess whether the Self-management Industrial Relations System defined institutionally as a non-conflict pattern has the potentiality to regulate the industrial conflict undoubtedly existing in Yugoslav enterprises; and whether it is in its potentiality for conflict management matched to the American system of industrial relations based on the collective bargaining. Comparative theoretical analysis of the two systems on a number of major dimensions leads to the conclusion that the self-management system is inferior in regard to the potentialities for conflict management than Collective bargaining. This conclusion is even more valid if the great discrepancies between the real self-management organizations and the self-management pattern are taken into consideration. But, the available evidence on strikes in Yugoslavia during the last decade lends no support to such theoretical expectations. It is evident that some forms of conflict management do exist, although the institutional pattern has no built-in mechanisms of regulations at the level of manifest functions. In an attempt to explain the variance between the real course of the industrial conflicts and the theoretical expectations, the author formulates the main hypothesis: the self-management institutional pattern regulates the conflict on the level of latent functions. This central hypothesis is further elaborated into six particular hypotheses issuing form the specific properties of the self-management institutional pattern. These properties are: lack of legitimacy of managerial power and insecurity of managers' status, »political management«, insufficient revindicative orientation of syndicate, co-option of the potential worker leaders into management and the horizontal principle of organization. Examining the efficiency of conflict management at the level of latent functions the author points out some important qualifications: (1) possibility of the omission of catharsis effects after the strike, (2) such a "type of regulation does not lead to the systematic resolving of problems which are at the root of the conflict, (3) conflict management at the level of latent functions does not involve conflict resolving directly at the Working places. In accordance with these qualifications the author does not perceive such a type of regulation of conflict as a possible alternative to the institutionalization of conflict in modern industrial society. Nevertheless it has a great significance for the stability and survival of the global social system such as the one existing in Yugoslavia.

Cilj je rada istražiti stabilnost koalicijskih vlada u Hrvatskoj 2000. – 2020. te se polazi od teze da je nestabilnost vlada uvjetovana nedovoljno obuhvatnim koalicijskim sporazumima i neučinkovitim mehanizmima rješavanja koalicijskih sukoba. U radu se prvo analiziraju koalicijski sporazumi s obzirom na veličinu i sadržaj koji je u njima zastupljen, a zatim se istražuju stvarni procesi koalicijskog upravljanja koji se događaju unutar "crne kutije" identificiranjem najčešćih sukoba i mehanizama s pomoću kojih se oni nastoje riješiti. U analizi se upotrebljavaju izvorni empirijski podaci prikupljeni intervjuima s bivšim članovima koalicijskih vlada, kao i koalicijski sporazumi, vladini programi, arhivska građa dviju dnevnih novina te arhivske baze vlade i parlamenta. Rezultati istraživanja doveli su do glavnog zaključka da zbog nedovoljno razrađenih i formaliziranih koalicijskih sporazuma koalicijske stranke nisu uspješne u upravljanju koalicijskim sukobima, stoga pribjegavaju ad hoc mehanizmu neformanog i vrlo personaliziranog odlučivanja koje se izgrađuje u malom gremiju čelnika koalicijskih stranaka. ; The aim of this paper is to explore the stability of coalition governments in Croatia in the period 2000–2020, starting with the premise that cabinet instability is influenced by the limited scope of coalition agreements and ineffective conflict resolution mechanisms. The paper first analyses coalition agreements with regard to their scope and content, and goes on to explore the actual processes of coalition governance that occur within the "black box" by identifying the most common conflicts and the mechanisms which are used to resolve these. The analysis uses original empirical data collected through interviews with former members of coalition governments, as well as coalition agreements, government programmes, the archives of two daily newspapers, and archival databases of the government and parliament. Research results have led to the main conclusion that due to insufficiently developed and formalised coalition agreements, coalition parties are not successful at managing coalition conflicts, so they resort to the ad hoc mechanism of informal and highly personalised decision-making which is generated by a small group of coalition leaders.

Konflikti su dugi niz godina prisutni u svim segmentima ljudskog života, kako privatnom tako i u poslovnom. Budući da se konflikti često pojavljuju na radnim mjestima, neophodno je pravilno upravljanje, a u cilju pronalaska najboljeg rješenja. U ovom radu je stavljen naglasak na upravljanje konfliktima u organizaciji državne službe. Na početku rada pojašnjeni su osnovni pojmovi organizacije državne službe i općenite definicije konflikta. Zatim su navedeni uzroci konflikta u organizaciji te načini upravljanja i rješavanja konflikta u organizaciji. U praktičnom dijelu rada izvršeno je istraživanje u organizaciji državne službe, o uzrocima nastanka konflikta, stilovima ponašanja ispitanika u rješavanju konflikta, uloga rukovoditelja u konfliktni situacijama, te je li konflikti poželjna ili nepoželjna pojava u organizacijama. ; Conflicts have been present for many years in all segments of human life, both privately and in business. Since conflicts often occur at workplaces, proper management is necessary to find the best solution. This thesis focuses on conflict management in the organization of civil service. At the beginning of the thesis, the basic concepts of the civil service organization and the general definition of conflict are explained. Then the causes of conflicts and the ways of managing and resolving conflicts in the organization are listed. In the practical part of the thesis, a research was conducted in the organization of the civil service, on the causes of conflicts, the behavioural styles of respondents in conflict settlement, the role of managers in conflict situations, and whether conflicts are desirable or undesirable in organizations.

Konflikti su dugi niz godina prisutni u svim segmentima ljudskog života, kako privatnom tako i u poslovnom. Budući da se konflikti često pojavljuju na radnim mjestima, neophodno je pravilno upravljanje, a u cilju pronalaska najboljeg rješenja. U ovom radu je stavljen naglasak na upravljanje konfliktima u organizaciji državne službe. Na početku rada pojašnjeni su osnovni pojmovi organizacije državne službe i općenite definicije konflikta. Zatim su navedeni uzroci konflikta u organizaciji te načini upravljanja i rješavanja konflikta u organizaciji. U praktičnom dijelu rada izvršeno je istraživanje u organizaciji državne službe, o uzrocima nastanka konflikta, stilovima ponašanja ispitanika u rješavanju konflikta, uloga rukovoditelja u konfliktni situacijama, te je li konflikti poželjna ili nepoželjna pojava u organizacijama. ; Conflicts have been present for many years in all segments of human life, both privately and in business. Since conflicts often occur at workplaces, proper management is necessary to find the best solution. This thesis focuses on conflict management in the organization of civil service. At the beginning of the thesis, the basic concepts of the civil service organization and the general definition of conflict are explained. Then the causes of conflicts and the ways of managing and resolving conflicts in the organization are listed. In the practical part of the thesis, a research was conducted in the organization of the civil service, on the causes of conflicts, the behavioural styles of respondents in conflict settlement, the role of managers in conflict situations, and whether conflicts are desirable or undesirable in organizations.

Na području između Burna i Tilurija odvijala se od 6. do 9. godine jedna od posljednjih faza delmatsko-panonskog ustanka. Taj ustanak, poznat pod imenom Bellum Batonianum, dobio je ime po Batonima, vođama pobunjenika. O kakvom se sukobu radilo i koliko je on uzdrmao rimsku državu najbolje svjedoče Svetonijeve riječi u Tiberijevoj biografiji (Suet. Tib. 16.1): .gravissimum omnium externorum bellorum post Punica. Tek je nakon savladavanja ustanika u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji moglo započeti razdoblje istinskoga mira (Pax Romana) koji je, osim toga, bio blagodatan i za Italiju kojoj je ova čuvala priobalne prilaze. Mirnodopsku blagodat na prostoru između Burna i Tilurija Rimljani su postigli strateškim razmještanjem legionarskih i pomoćnih vojnih jedinica. Ovaj rad želi istražiti da li u tome prostornom razmještaju trupa ima sustava i da li je u tome sustavu tijekom 1. stoljeća od značenja bio i raspored pomoćnih trupa. ; One of the last stages of the Delmataean-Pannonian rebellion took place in the area between Burnum and Tilurium between 6 and 9 AD. This revolt is known as the Bellum Batonianum, which was named after the two leaders of the rebellion. Suetonius' words in Tiberius's biography (Suet. Tib. 16.1) .gravissimum omnium externorum bellorum post Punica, best attest to the nature of the conflict and how much it affected the Roman state. In the Roman province of Dalmatia, true peace, the so-called Pax Romana, could have begun only after overpowering the rebels. This peace was also very beneficial to Italy, which was secured by Dalmatian coastal routes. The benefit of peace was achieved by the Romans through the strategic deployment of legionary and auxiliary military units in the area between Burnum and Tilurium. This paper seeks to explore whether the spatial arrangement of units had a certain system and whether the spatial arrangement of auxiliary units during the 1st century had any significance in that system.

Iz teksta: ''Knjiga The Border Dispute Between Croatia and Slovenia: The Stages of a Protracted Conflict and Its Implications for EU Enlargement (u prijevodu Granični spor između Hrvatske i Slovenije: faze dugotrajnog sukoba i njihov odraz na proširenje Europske unije) autora dr. sc. Thomasa Bickla objavljena je 2020. godine na engleskom jeziku u izdanju nakladničke kuće Springer. Knjiga predstavlja autorovu doktorsku disertaciju obranjenu 2019. godine pri Fakultetu društvenih znanosti Sveučilišta Duisburg-Essen u Njemačkoj pod vodstvom mentora prof. dr. sc. Susanne Pickel i prof. dr. sc. Michaela Kaedinga. Autorovo su područje zanimanja političke znanosti i međunarodno pravo, posebice sukobi i europske integracije u razdoblju nakon raspada Jugoslavije. Bavi se proučavanjem teritorijalnih i drugih otvorenih bilateralnih pitanja među državama na području bivše Jugoslavije. Predmet je ove knjige granični spor na kopnu i moru između Hrvatske i Slovenije [.] '' ; From the text: ''This book in its six chapters and four appendices deals with the unresolved legal matter between the two countries related to the land and sea border. The two main sources of data used for the author's research are interviews and documents. The author held 76 interviews with stakeholders directly involved in the various phases of resolving the border dispute: prime ministers, ministers of foreign affairs, civil servants, scholars, and many others. In particular, the interview with our esteemed Professor Emeritus Vladimir-Đuro Degan should be mentioned. The author analyses relevant public documents together with drafts and undisclosed documents, such as drafts of the arbitration agreement.'' [.]

Rad se bavi prikazom položaja kurdske manjine u Turskoj te nastoji istražiti mogućnosti rješenja kurdskog pitanja s obzirom na okolnosti, unutarnje i vanjske, kroz koje je Turska prolazila i koje danas oblikuju političku situaciju te države. Cilj je procijeniti perspektivu za rješavanjem kurdskog problema s obzirom na interpretaciju istog od strane turskih vlasti kao vodećeg izazova za nacionalnu sigurnost. Nadalje, navođenjem i analizom faktora koji se pokazuju ključnim u oblikovanju politike vlasti prema Kurdima, rad opisuje status kurdskog pitanja kao ugroze turskog identiteta i sigurnosti. Isto tako, nastoji pokazati potencijale za drugačijim pristupom tematiziranom problemu. Promotrivši sve činitelje, njihova preklapanja, pozitivne i negativne učinke, u konačnici se ispostavlja kako trenutno ne postoji perspektiva za boljim položajem Kurda u Turskoj, na koje će se i dalje gledati kao na vodeću prijetnju unutarnjoj sigurnosti države. Razlozi tome zaključku su slabosti turskog političkog sustava u obliku nedostatka demokratskih vrijednosti, terorističke prijetnje PKK i Islamske države, regionalnih sukoba i nedostatka pozitivnog utjecaja iz međunarodne sfere. Prema svemu navedenom, mogućnost rješenja pitanja Kurda ostaje neostvarena. ; This paper presents the condition of Kurdish minority in Turkey and attempts to explore the possibilities of finding solution to the Kurdish question regarding the circumstances, internal and external, through which Turkey went through and which mold the political situation in that country today. The goal is to estimate a perspective for finding a solution to the Kurdish issue considering the interpretation of the same from Turkish government as a leading national security challenge. Furthermore, through listing and analysis of key factors in shaping government's policy towards the Kurds, this paper describes the status of Kurdish issue as a threat to Turkish identity and security. Also, it attempts to manifest potentials for a different approach to the question at hand. By ...

Raspad Sovjetskog Saveza uzrokovao je nezapamćenu geopolitičku katastrofu u modernoj povijesti, ostavljajući nestabilne međuetničke prostore sudbini vlastitih nacionalizama. Sovjetski etno-kartografi su kompromisnim rješenjima ustrojili dinamičan prostor novog euroazijskog carstva ignorirajući i odgađajući srž međuetničkih problema. Sovjetskom politikom stvoreni su uvjeti za kontrolu Južnog Kavkaza koristeći međusobne odnose naroda za održavanje moći centralne vlasti pritom potpaljujući međuetničke sukobe. Iako su sovjetske politike težile rješavanju problema, njihov cilj je bio kontrola prostora Južnog Kavkaza pomoću čvrste državne moći čijim su nestankom i započeli odgođeni sukobi koji traju i dandanas. ; The collapse of the Soviet Union has caused an unprecedented geopolitical catastrophe in modern history, leaving unstable inter-ethnic spaces to the fate of their own nationalisms. Soviet ethno-cartographers formed the dynamic space of a new Eurasian empire with compromise solutions, ignoring and delaying the essence of inter-ethnic problems in the South Caucasus. Soviet policies created the conditions for the control of the South Caucasus by using the interrelations of its peoples to maintain the power of the central government, and by stoking inter-ethnic conflicts. Although Soviet policies sought to address the problem, their goal was to control the South Caucasus by means of state power, the disappearance of which marked the beginning of deferred conflicts that continue to this day.

Cilj je ovog rada sagledati i analizirati aktivnosti usmjerene protiv seksualnog nasilja povezanog s oružanim sukobima, a koje se provode unutar sustava UN-a i koji su ili mogu biti primjeri primjene koncepta odgovornosti za pružanje zaštite (engl. responsibility to protect – RtoP) na putu k učinkovitoj borbi protiv korištenja seksualnog nasilja u oružanim sukobima. RtoP je relativno novi instrument političkih odnosa koji pretpostavlja odgovornost države da stanovništvo na svom području primjereno zaštiti od genocida, zločina protiv čovječnosti, ratnih zločina i etničkog čišćenja, s jedne strane. S druge strane pretpostavlja i odgovornost međunarodne zajednice u poticanju i pomaganju država kako bi one lakše ostvarile svoju primarnu odgovornost, ali i poduzimanje pravodobnih i odlučnih mjera kada primarna odgovornost očito izostaje. Te se odgovornosti sagledavaju u kontekstu, tzv. tri stupa RtoP koncepta, kroz koje se može promatrati i zaštita pojedinaca (uglavnom žena, ali ne isključivo) od seksualnog nasilja povezanog s oružanim sukobima. ; This paper aims to consider and analyze activities against conflict-related sexual violence, which are carried out within the UN system and represent or may serve as examples of the implementation of the concept of responsibility to protect (RtoP) on the path to effectively combating sexual violence in armed conflict. RtoP is a relatively new instrument of political relations that presupposes the responsibility of the state to adequately protect the population in its territory from genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and ethnic cleansing, on the one hand, and the responsibility of the international community to encourage and assist states in their primary responsibility and taking timely and decisive measures when primary responsibility is clearly absent, on the other. These responsibilities are seen in the context of the socalled three pillars of the RtoP concept, through which the protection of individuals (mostly women, but not exclusively) from ...

Nasuprot shvaćanjima o energetskoj politici kao funkcionalno-tehničkom problemu, ili na drugoj strani, kao borbe između materijalističkih i postmaterijalističkih vrijednosnih obrazaca u industrijskom, odnosno postindustrijskom društvu, ovaj rad dokazuje sljedeće hipoteze: a) u korijenu današnjih energetskih problema leže konflikti oko raspodjele, b) vrijednosti o kojima se radi, čak i na području zaštite okoline, materijalističke su naravi, c) razlike u energetskoj politici Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Zapadne Njemačke mogu se objasniti različitim obrascima raspodjele, a težište im je u različitim vrednotama proizašlim iz razlika između industrijskih i demografskih struktura, te geološkog bogatstva, d) energetska politika, a posebno izbor pravca fleksibilne »soft energy«, može se uspješno provoditi nastajanjem »pobjedničke koalicije« poklanjanjem dovoljno pažnje pitanjima raspodjele koja su u to uključena. Zaokrete k fleksibilnoj energetskoj politici autor veže uz pokrete za zaštitu okoline i programe novih energetskih projekata na lokalnoj razini i razini globalnog društva. Na taj način, zaključuje se, »energetski sindrom« i redistributivni konflikti ne moraju biti uzroci dublje političke i društvene dezorganizacije. ; As opposed to the notion of energy policy as a functional-technical issue, and — on the other hand — as a struggle between materialistic and post-materialistic value patterns in the industrial and post-industrial society, the article is arguing the following hypotheses: (1) distributional conflicts represent the roots of the contemporary energy problems, (2) the values involved, even in the field of environmental protection, are of a materialistic nature, (3) the differences in energy policies of the United States and Western Germany can be explained by different distributional patterns, having as their core divergent values stemming from differences between industrial and demographic structures and geological resources, (4) the energy policy, especially the choice of the path of flexible »soft-energy «, can be successfully implemented by the emergence of a »winning coalition« which takes sufficient account of the distributional issues involved. Switches toward flexible energy policies are, according to the author, tied to activities of movements for environmental protection and to programs of new energy projects on the local level and on the global societal level. In such a manner, it is concluded, the »energy syndrome« and redistributional conflicts are not necessarily causes of a profound political and societal disorganization.