Suchergebnisse

Migracije ljudi neizostavan su dio ljudske povijesti. One mogu biti i uzrok i posljedica, ali isto tako i katalizator društvenih promjena na nekome području. Migracije u doba rimskih osvajanja donedavno su u znanstvenoj raspravi bile slabo zastupljene u odnosu na izvještaje i komentare ratova i ostalih političkih zbivanja i aktera. Isto vrijedi i za sukobe na istočnoj jadranskoj obali. Zbog toga je cilj ovoga rada istražiti tragove i prirodu migracija koje su se događale uslijed ilirskih ratova i postupnoga nametanja Rima kao vladara ovog područja od 3. st. pr. Kr. pa do sredine 1. st. pr. Kr. ; Human migrations are an integral part of human history. They can be both a cause and a consequence, but also a catalyst for social change in an area. Until recently, migrations during the Roman conquests were poorly represented in the scientific discussion in relation to reports and comments on wars and other political events and figures. The same applies to conflicts on the eastern Adriatic coast. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to explore the traces and nature of migrations that occurred as a result of the Illyrian wars and the gradual imposition of Rome as the ruler of this area from the 3rd cent. BC until the middle of the 1st cent. BC.

This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands. ; This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands.

Describes the attitude of T. G. Masaryk to the crisis of Europe, defined as the dysfunction & the collapse of democratic regimes in Europe. The author wants to answer the question why Masaryk in his ideology never made a mention of the totalitarian danger presented by the German Nazism & its nefarious politics of conquest to democracy & to the other nations in Europe. It seems that Masaryk's disregard for the challenges to the democratic order in Europe & his stance regarding the crisis in Europe stemmed from his attitude toward the ethnic community of the Sudetenland Germans, stemming in turn from his understanding of democracy. Masaryk's notion of democracy completely ignored the idea of collective rights & consequently overlooked the need for an improved communication with the German ethnic community in Czechoslovakia. Because of the processes of the European integration, the following question is in order: is it necessary for the democratic idea to include the idea of collective rights or is it, as most contemporary theories say, in fact fatal for the development of liberal democracy? 13 References. Adapted from the source document.

In the course of its history, Europe has structured itself by means of two models. The first was based on the territorial expansion of regional forces that used violence to break down the resistance of their weaker neighbors & establish the balance of power. In this way, at least temporarily, the way was paved for more radical changes in their polities. This model was in use until the end of WWII. The second model has been built around European integration. The aim of this process has not been the expansion of regional powers & the territorial conquest of their neighbors; it is based on the initiative of the weak to join the organizations that can satisfy their interests & goals. The process of integration excludes coercive methods. However, there is certain asymmetry in the relationship between the center & the periphery (the strong & the weak). The countries that belong to the center define the membership standards for the 'periphery' & evaluate their implementation. The 'central' countries are in a better position than the peripheral ones since the process of integration bolsters their collective identity, while the weaker states -- by accepting the standards of stronger countries -- have to alter their original identity. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.

The European entrepreneurial undertaking, in the form of an equipped & armed merchant ship ready to circumnavigate & conquer the globe, created the modern world with one side only: the globalized West. Contemporary global liberal interventionism & governmental entrepreneurship are segmented today into a dangerously simplified multitask global pyramid of governance through unidirectional cascades. For real globalization, this process has to be bidirectional at least: from the center to the periphery, but also from the periphery to the center. Otherwise, at the beginning of a new "centennial trend" & a "great cycle," there is the risk that the collapse of the liberal civilization of the 19th century could be repeated -- once again because of the weakness of the world-system peripheries. The question of how to strengthen the "anonymous" global economic, cultural, & political processes of the bidirectional kind is becoming the central global & strategic issue for today's politics & political science. It has turned out that this kind of state & its processes in the real global environment could be successfully analyzed & effectively made use of only with the complete unreduced methodical front of all the fields of political science together -- & more. As such, they could be practically surmounted only with a very complex political & economic action through a whole set of expertly managed public policies. From the historically based Croatian point of view, a possibility of integration into the world center was always in founding a world market "niche," & never in making even a mini-empire or in controlling a globalized or a mega-national net. Without a methodically global political science approach, also leaning on Central European & Mediterranean cultural & politological traditions, such Croatian interests will not be accomplished. 41 References. Adapted from the source document.

U članku su opisane ključne ranoislamske tradicije prema kojima se Jeruzalem smatra trećim po važnosti svetim gradom u islamu. Iz perspektive vjerskih, međuvjerskih, političkih i povijesnih okolnosti analiziran je njihov sadržaj te su razmotreni mogući razlozi za nastanak tih tradicija. Pozornost je posvećena tekstualnim i materijalnim vrelima, razini njihove autentičnosti, datiranju, te njihovu tumačenju od strane uglednih orijentalista i povjesničara umjetnosti. U članku su obrađene pojedinačne teme, kao što je Jeruzalem u islamskim kanonskim tekstovima, Muhamedovo noćno putovanje u el-Aksu, legende o Omarovu osvajanju Jeruzalema, imena Jeruzalema u djelima ranoislamskih ljetopisaca, uloga Židova i židovskih obraćenika u nastanku ranoislamskih tradicija te izgradnja, ukrasi, inskripcije i simbolika Kupole nad Stijenom. Autor u zaključku razmatra pitanje u kolikoj je mjeri religijsko čašćenje Jeruzalema u islamu povezano s autohtonim ranoislamskim vjerskim tradicijama, a u kojoj s ranom muslimansko-židovskom interakcijom te političkim procesima, od unutarislamskoga raskola u vrijeme prelaska rašidunske vlasti na umajadsku i Abdul-Malikova sukoba s hidžaskim kalifom el-Zubeirom, preko Križarskih ratova, do današnjega arapsko-izraelskog sukoba. ; The article describes major early Islamic traditions in which Jerusalem has been designated as the third holiest city in Islam. Their content has been analyzed based on the historical context and religious, inter-religious and political circumstances in which they were forged. Particular attention has been paid to textual and material sources, their authenticity, dating and their interpretation by prominent orientalists and art historians. The article addresses specific themes, such as Jerusalem in Islamic canonical texts, Muhammad's Night Journey to al-Aqṣā, the legends of Caliph 'Umar's conquest of Jerusalem, names for Jerusalem in Early Islamic chronicles, the influence of Jews and Jewish converts on early Islamic traditions, and the construction, symbolism, ornaments, and inscriptions of the Dome of the Rock. In the concluding remarks the author considers the question of to what degree attributing holiness to Jerusalem in Islam has been based on autochthonous early Islamic religious traditions, and to what degree on Muslim-Jewish interaction in Palestine, political processes, such as fitnah during early Umayyad rule, 'Abd al-Malik's struggle with Caliph Ibn al-Zubayr in the Hejaz, the Crusades, and the present-day Arab-Israeli conflict.

U istraživanjima kasnosrednjovjekovnoga dvora knezova Iločkih pronađena je raznovrsna antička materijalna ostavština koja obogaćuje dosadašnje skromne spoznaje o Cucciumu i limesu u hrvatskome Podunavlju. U iskopavanjima 2002. godine otkriven je paljevinski grob s drvenom arhitekturom u kojem su se nalazili prilozi dvojakoga podrijetla. Autohtono podrijetlo u latenskoj kulturi mlađega željeznoga doba pokazuju lonci zaobljenoga tijela izrađeni rukom i zdjela S-profilacije. Sjevernoitalskoga podrijetla su zdjelica tankih stijenki, keramička svjetiljka, staklena posuda te ostali prilozi koji zajedno s Klaudijevim novcem datiraju grob u sredinu 1. st. Na osnovi nalaza posuda izrađenih u latenskim tradicijama pretpostavlja se kako je u grobu bila pokopana osoba starosjedilačkoga podrijetla, dok importirani prilozi svjedoče o ranoj romanizaciji južne Panonije i dunavskoga limesa. O postojanju složenoga pogrebnoga rituala svjedoče izdvojeni ostaci kultiviranih biljaka domaćega i uvoznoga podrijetla koje su bile položene u lonce. ; The high Danube bank near Ilok, which is situated on the western slopes of Fruška gora, was continuously settled in all prehistoric periods, and after that - as the finds analyzed herein indicate - in the Roman time, but Ilok experienced its peak in the Late Middle Ages, in the period of Nikola and his son Lovro. The beginning of excavations in Ilok's upper town is particularly significant for reveal of the topography of Roman Ilok, which remained almost completely unknown due to a small number of finds. Data about the Roman settlement of Ilok (Cuccium) are preserved in several Itineraries, with different forms for the settlement's name. Thus Notitia Dignitatum mentions two cavalry units, Cuneus equitum Promotorum and Equites Sagittarii, in Cuccium of the 4th century. The excavations of the Institute of Archaeology in Zagreb began in 2001 in the extension of the eastern wing of Odescalchi Castle, to be continued in 2002 towards the west to encompass the lawn in front of the castle (Fig. 1). In preloess layer SJ 224 (10YR 4/3) in the southern part of the excavated area, filling SJ 229 was isolated. This filling is the first in a number of preserved fillings of the larger prehistoric pit SJ 306 which by finds was dated to the beginning of the Early Iron Age. In prehistoric filling SJ 229 another younger rectangular filling SJ 230 (5Y 4/3) was identified, whose western edge was damaged by recent burial in lime pit SJ 216, whereas the southern part lies outside the margin of the excavated area. Filling SJ 230 is part of the Early Roman grave SJ 273. Along the southern profile of the dig in filling SJ 230 a smaller burial SJ 270 and filling SJ 269, which caused no major damage to the grave (Fig. 5), were identified. The bottom of the grave with finds remained preserved, and the lack of incinerated human remains is possibly due to the fact that they are situated in the southern part of the grave, which has not yet been excavated, even though it is highly possible that they were destroyed in an earlier intervention in the grave filling. All grave goods were found in the eastern part of the grave (Fig. 2, Fig. 4). In the middle of the grave, close to the top of SJ 230, a hollow shafted iron axe (Pl. 2, 7) was found, which on account of its position compared to other finds is supposed to have entered the grave by digging through the older prehistoric strata, thus not belonging to the grave goods. On the bottom of the grave, filling SJ 268 (2.5Y 5/6) was isolated which belongs to the thin layer of preserved wooden architecture (Fig. 2-3), on whose remains in the north-eastern corner of the grave two hand-made pots with a rounded body and a flat rim and bottom (Pl. 1, 1-2) were found, as well as fragments of a wheel-made bowl with an S profile (Pl. 2, 1). In the corner of the grave, fragments of a dark-grey bowl with thin walls (Pl. 2, 6) and a play-token of dark blue glass paste (Pl. 2, 1) were found. A part of the bowl was also in a pot laid slightly more to the south (Pl. 1, 2). Around both pots numerous seeds were identified, which is why the complete content of the filling around the vessels and their filling is flotated. In the eastern part of the grave there were fragments of a glass vessel, probably a funnel or a glass (Pl. 2, 4). Fragments of a ceramic lamp (Pl. 2, 5), a bronze earring (Pl. 1, 3), a fragment of a bronze needle (Pl. 1, 5) and an iron rivet (Pl. 2, 8) were found in the south-eastern excavated part of the grave. Also in that part of the grave a bronze artefact, which probably represents a vessel's handle fastening system (Pl. 1, 4), and Claudius coin (Pl. 1, 6) were found. Beneath the remains of planks, filling SJ 272 (5Y 5/4) was isolated, which contained no grave goods. The excavated part of grave SJ 273 is rectangular-shaped with rounded corners with dimensions of 2.12 m (W-E) and 1.88 m (N-S up to the dig profile). The results of research indicate that all the grave goods were lain on the bottom of a wooden case, the existence of which is proved not only by SJ 268, but also by four uncovered post holes, one in each corner (SJ 277 and SJ 295), and two more in the middle of the western and eastern side of the grave respectively (SJ 275 and SJ 293). Although the southern part of the grave was not excavated, it can be assumed that post holes were in the south-eastern and southwestern corner of the grave. All the holes are quadrangular, and in the bottom part they become octagonal to make post driving easier. The results of floatation of part of the filling around the ceramic vessels laying in the north-eastern part of the grave and the filling of pots indicated the existence of a complex funeral custom which is reflected in the presence of a relatively large number of isolated cultivated plants. Archaeobotanical analysis showed that among grave goods there were cereals (barley, millet, and different types of wheat), leguminous plants (lentil and vetch) as well as a large number of "fruit" objects (melon/cucumber, fig, apple/pear cherry/sour cherry/sloe, plum, elder and vine grape). The fig and probably the melon were imported to the Ilok since they are cultivated in warmer (sub)Mediterranean areas, whereas the other sorts were probably cultivated in the surroundings of Ilok. All of the cereals and vetch are carbonized, i.e. they were intentionally or unintentionally burned. Apparently they were laid onto a funeral pile. The remaining "fruit" finds were calcified, i.e. they were laid into the grave fresh or dried, probably when laying the human remains and other grave goods. With the exception of the fig, which had to be dried due to long transport from the Mediterranean region, the remaining fruits could have been laid fresh. Apples, pears, plums, sour berries and elder berries as well as vine grapes and melons ripen at the same time of the year, i.e. in the early autumn, which suggests that the burial took place in that season. Still one has to keep in mind that "fruit" objects could have been kept in dried state for a relatively long time. The remains of a Roman grave were found in the excavations of 2002, indicating the existence of a cemetery, which had been unknown until now. The grave contained a cremation burial, with grave goods that were laid on the bottom in the north-eastern corner and along the eastern side of the wooden case, rectangular in shape, which was probably made of oak wood (Fig. 4). The answers to questions on the chronological position, ethnic determination and the origin of the finds shall be given after an analysis of the grave goods, which can be divided in two groups, the first represented by three ceramic vessels made following the tradition of the La Tène culture, and the other group of finds which are northern Italic imports and which, along with the coin, make dating of the grave possible. These finds consist of a ceramic bowl with thin walls, a glass vessel, a ceramic lamp, a bronze earring and a glass paste play-token. The same origin can be assumed concerning the finds that were preserved only in fragments such as a bronze handle fastening system of a vessel and a needle. On the basis of their shape and technological characteristics, the two hand-made pots with rounded bodies and the wheel-made, S-profiled bowl are connected with the tradition of the La Tène culture. The dark grey to dark brown pots with an admixture of quartz and chuff in abundance, have a rounded body, a flat rim beneath which there is a horizontal groove and a flat bottom (Pl. 1, 1-2). These are situla form pots, for which there are numerous parallels in the Late La Tène Scordiscs settlements in eastern Slavonia and Syrmia, found also in Early Roman strata and graves. Of similar origin is also the S-profiled, wheel-made bowl with a rich admixture of quartz (Pl. 2, 1) that was also found in the north-eastern corner of the grave. The hand-made pots with rounded bodies and the S-profiled bowl represent the Late La Tène heritage of the Scordiscs and testify to the presence of an autochthonous population in the Early Roman sites of the 1st century, whose traditions are the strongest in the shapes, techniques and methods of decorating coarse pottery. As indicated by the finds from the settlement layers in Vinkovci, Osijek and Srijemska Mitrovica, the local craftsmen continued the production of recognizable shapes, thus satisfying the needs of the indigenous population. Those forms were decorated by familiar motifs by applying combed or broom-shaped ornaments and by polishing. Ceramic ware with autochthonous features was preserved until the period of the Flavians, suggesting the existence of indigenous peregrine communities which preserved the achievements of their own material culture up until the end of the 1st century, but due to intensified romanization in the 2nd century this autochthonous trait The second and larger group of finds from the grave testifying to the romanization of the indigenous population of Cuccium. This group consists of Early Roman import artefacts, which arrived at Limes by the well-known Sava valley trade route from the northern Italic region. The dark grey bowl with thin walls and two horizontal ribs (Pl. 2, 6), the ceramic lamp with a voluted nose and a rosette ornament (Pl. 2, 5), and a glass vessel, most probably a funnel or a glass (Pl. 2, 4) represent imported grave goods which are not only chronologically sensitive but also point to the direction of the cultural and economic effects of the Roman conquest of the Drava, Sava and Danube interfluve. Ceramic ware with thin walls appeared in the eastern Alps and the middle Danube in the Tiberian period along with Padanian sigillata at the time of the first military conquests. Different shapes and ornamentation methods were identified, of which bowls decorated in barbotine technique are the largest in number. Typical of southern Pannonia is intensive import in the Claudius-Flavius period, when the peak of production was achieved. With the Flavian period, the production in the local workshops of Sirmium, Emona and on Gomolava began, in which shapes, ornaments and facture of the imported specimens were imitated. At the end of the 1st century the quality and the number of vessels with thin walls declined, but their production continued until the middle of the 2nd century. The ceramic lamp with reddish-brown coating and volute nose, two grooves on its shoulder and a rosette ornament (Pl. 2, 5) is also of northern Italic origin; its fragments were found at the eastern margin of the grave. The lamp find, along with other imports, suggests the acceptance of Roman lifestyle traditions and funeral customs. The described lamp belongs to the Iványi I type, which encompasses specimens with volute triangle-shaped nose, a relief figure in the middle concentric grooves on the rim. According to D. Iványi's classification, the lamp from Ilok belongs to the third type, its basic feature being a broader voluted nose dated to about the middle and the last quarter of the 1st century or to the 2nd century. According to Loeschcke's classification of ceramic lamps with an angular nose and volutes, the Ilok find corresponds to type I, variation b, characterized by a somewhat narrower top of the nose than with lamps having volutes, whereas the shoulder profile with two grooves is of type IIb. The angular ceramic lamps with volutes of the Iványi I, or Loeschcke I type, from Pannonian sites, represent a northern Italic import from the beginning of the 1st century, when they arrived along with the Arentino and northern Italic sigillata of the Augustan and Tiberian periods. The finds of voluted lamps, as well as of ceramic ware with thin walls, in military camps on the Danube (Zemun, Novi Banovci, Surduk) prove that they were imported to satisfied the needs of the army, but also for the higher social class of the autochthonous population, as indicated by the richly cremation grave from Ilok. Production in local Pannonian workshops began in the second half of the 1st century, as finds of moulds in Sirmium, Mursa and Poetovio suggest. Their occurrence in south Pannonian sites can be followed also in the 2nd century, up to the beginning of the 3rd. The smaller vessel, probably a funnel or a glass, made of greenish glass with a horizontally inverted rim (Pl. 2, 4), the fragments of which were found along the eastern margin of the grave, also suggests northern Italic origin. Just like the voluted lamp and the bowl with thin walls, the vessel came to the Danube limes through Aquileia, which in the 1st-2nd centuries was an important production center, but at the same time it was a commercial port for goods coming from other production centers, from where it was imported into the eastern Alpine and Danube regions. In the north-eastern corner of the grave there was also a play-token made of dark blue glass paste (Pl. 2, 1), which is supposed to have served for playing and which was dated to the 1st century. In the grave, a greenish glass bead was found as well (Pl. 2, 3). Metal grave goods and coin were preserved (Fig. 4) in the south-eastern excavated part of the grave, on the remains of poorly preserved wooden planks. The little bronze74 ring with an irregular rectangular cross-section has its one terminal looped, whereas its other terminal is missing (Pl. 1, 3). Its description corresponds with the type of Roman bronze earrings in the shape of wired annulets with different cross sections, with looped or clipped terminals. Simple earrings in the form of a wired ring that used to close by inserting the small hook through the loop were documented in a longer period, and they differ according to the shape of the pendant hanging from the ring, whose shape remained almost unchanged. The fragment of a bronze needle (Pl. 1, 5) was probably part of a bronze fibula. In the immediate vicinity of the earring there was another object, the function of which is not sufficiently clear. It might have been a handle fastening system of a bronze vessel (Pl. 1, 4) consisting of a leaned ring with an oval outline and a round cross-section, beneath which there is trifoliate sheet metal with rectangular terminals and a rivet hole in the upper part. The ring is separated from the bottom part by a rib, on which there are two horizontal grooves. In the immediate vicinity, a smaller iron rivet (Pl. 2, 8) was found with a short spike with a rectangular cross-section that might have served for fastening a handle. Apart from the described finds, another import in the grave are also the remains of the fig and the melon, found along with other archaeobotanical samples in the north-eastern part of the grave and in the fillings of both pots. The figs could not be cultivated in the southern Pannonian area due to inclement climatic conditions. Since figs could not have been kept fresh for a long time, it was not possible to transport the fruits across larger distances, therefore probably the figs arrived to Cuccium dried. The figs, along with the remaining ceramic and glass finds, were imported for the needs of the settled Italic, but also indigenous population, who were not unfamiliar with Italic goods. The largest part of archaeobotanical artefacts accounts for wine grape seeds. The question of the origin and cultivation of wine among the Illyrians with the mentioned antique sources was thoroughly analysed by M. Zaninović. The Pannonian production of small quantities of wine and the bad quality of its production is mentioned by Dion Cassius (49.36.2), which is also confirmed by Strabo's quote (VII.5.10) that the regions above Dalmatia are mountainous and cold and that vineyards can seldom be found there. The finds of amphorae dated in the beginning of the 1st century, which came along with the wine across Aquileia, testify to imports of wine to Sirmium, which was supported by settled Italics and by the indigenous population. Wine cultivation in Pannonia was intensified in the second half of the 3rd century, in the period of Probus, when soldiers planted selected grapes on the slopes of Fruška gora (Almus Mons). The discovery of grape seeds in pots in the grave in Ilok prove the earlier existence of vineyards on the western slopes of Fruška gora already in the 1st century, although it is possible that the tradition of wine cultivation in the Ilok region is considerably older. The laying of different kinds of cereals and fruits combined with ceramic and glass vessels of twofold origin into the grave suggests the existence of a complex funeral rite, which is still inadequately understood in the southern Pannonian territory in the Early Roman period. Numerous parallels to all described finds from the grave in Ilok were documented in the Danube region, which enable the dating of the grave in the middle of the 1st century. This is also confirmed by the find of Claudius coin (Pl. 1, 6). Although the grave has not been completely excavated, the grave goods and remains of grave architecture enriched the existing understanding of the process of romanization of the Croatian Danube region, testifying to the relation of the indigenous population towards the newly arrived achievements of the Roman culture. Of particular importance for the ethnic determination of the burial are three ceramic vessels from the northeastern corner of the grave, two hand-made pots with a rounded body (Pl. 1, 1-2) and the S-profiled, wheel-made bowl (Pl. 2, 1). The described vessels can be compared with the material heritage of the La Tène culture, which in the middle Danube is connected with the Scordiscs. In the described shapes, the continuation of pottery traditions of the indigenous mixed Celtic-Pannonian population is visible, which in the 1st century formed an important ethnic component of the southern part of Roman Pannonia. The second group of finds that suggests northern Italic origin points to the direction of the new ethnic, cultural and economic influences on the eastern part of the Sava-Drava-Danube interfluve in the process of early romanization. Numerous parallels with Early Roman cremation burials from Syrmia, in which ceramic finds produced following La Tène traditions were found, indicate a strong tradition of the autochthonous population up until the end of the 1st century. This means that the mixed Celtic-Pannonian population living in the territory of the middle Danube played an important role in the process of early romanization and formed a constituent part of the ethnic corps of the newly conquered part of southern Pannonia. The indigenous population in larger centers that emerged from Late La Tène protourbane centers, was exposed to more intensive and rapid romanization by the settling Italic population and veterans and common imports, which was accompanied by the achievements of the Roman way of life. Rural Late La Tène communities long held the features of their own material culture, accepting only some of the achievements of the newly founded Roman provincial culture. In the grave in Ilok, imported objects suggesting northern Italic origin were found as well, and they came to the middle Danube by a trade route that was in function earlier – along the Sava River, where in the 1st century BC certain goods were transported for the Scordiscs. This is shown by numerous finds of bronze vessels of northern Italic origin, which in the sites of La Tène culture in eastern Slavonia occur in graves and in the most important fortified settlements such as Dalj, Sotin, Vinkovci and Orolik. The import of bronze vessels took place from Aquileia through Nauportus and Emona, from where along the Sava over Segestica it came to the middle Danube. Strabo (4.6.10; 5.1.8; 7.5.2) described this important prehistoric communication, and the described trade route is also supported by finds of coins from Appolonia and Dyrrhachion, as well as of Roman Republican coins. The use of the well-known trade route, along the Sava towards the East, continued also in the Early Roman period, when Aquileia was the most significant center of the export of pottery with thin walls, terra sigillatae and glass vessels on the markets of Pannonia and Noricum. It can be claimed with certainty that Tiberius' conquest of the eastern part of the Interfluve came running across the Sava valley. The understanding of events after the Roman conquest of eastern Slavonia and western Syrmia is weak due to a lack of site excavations, on which the process of romanization that had started could be followed. Although there were significant military bases of the Danube Limes in the described territory, as well as larger civic settlements in its hinterland, such as Mursa and Cibalae, the material heritage of the first decades of the 1st century is little known. What all the Roman centers in the territory of eastern Slavonia and western Syrmia have in common is that they were erected either in the most significant Late La Tène centers, or in their vicinity. In all mentioned sites, on the Limes as well as in its hinterland, in the Early Roman layers dated to the 1st century, shapes that suggest the continuity of the Late La Tène material heritage prevail. In the first line, the early Roman import was directed to significant Late La Tène Scordisc settlements, where along with ceramic forms made in autochthonous traditions a northern Italic import of the Late Augustan and Tiberian periods occurred. Within the study of imported ceramic vessels, the presence of auxiliary military units, the arrival of merchants and settlements of Italics already in the early 1st century were identified. On the sites along the Limes, northern Italic imports from the Late Augustan and Tiberian periods was not rich in numbers. In the Julian-Claudian period, only auxiliary military units controlling the border existed along the Danube in mobile camps. Imports became more intense only in the Flavian period, when the military units came to the Danube and erected permanent fortresses. This also intensified the romanization of the indigenous population, which was also advanced by the recruitment of the autochthonous population to auxiliary units. Military units were always followed by merchants who satisfied their needs, but also the needs of settled Italics, as well as the upper class of the indigenous population, to whom those goods were not unknown, with imported goods. The Roman merchants were familiar with the circumstances on the market of the Drava-Sava-Danube interfluve and they were the advance contingent of the Roman conquest. The quote of Velleius Paterculus (II.110) that at the beginning of the rebellion in Pannonia and Dalmatia many merchants were killed testifies to the early presence of Roman merchants in this interfluve zone. If one would try to closer determine the ethnicity of the grave found in Ilok, one should look for the answer in Roman antiquity sources dealing with the ethnic structure of the eastern part of the Sava-Drava-Danube interfluve in the pre-Roman period and immediately after the conquest. The middle Danube in the Late Iron Age was populated by the Scordiscs, and after the conquest Roman sources mention some new communities. Thus, in the territory of the Croatian Danube area the Cornacates are mentioned, which Pliny the Elder mentions in his alphabetic index of the communities settled in Pannonia (N.H. III. 148). Since on that occasion communities from the territory of Transdanubia are mentioned as well, which were definitely conquered as late as in the Claudius period, the information on the Cornacates, to whom Cuccium is assigned, corresponds with the time to which the grave from Ilok is dated. The Cornacates as a peregrine community of Celtic-Pannonian origin were settled in the territory along the Danube in the surroundings of Vukovar up to Ilok. The western border towards neighbors - the Breuci - must have been around Vukovar and Negoslavci, where two military diplomas were found, issued to veterans of Breuci origin. The second possibility is that the Cornacates were only the citizens of the settlement Cornacum. Evidence supporting this statement is also found in Pliny's statement (N.H. III. 148) that Sirmium was an oppidum and a community of the Sirmienses and Amantinis, where under the Sirmienses exclusively the citizens of the settlement, which was the center of the Amantinian community, are meant. The final answer to the question whether the Cornacates lived in the territory of Ilok will be found only by an epigraphic find. The results of excavations of the castle of the Ilok in 2001 and 2002 extended the present-day understanding of the topography of Cuccium, and the discovery of the Early Roman cremation grave gave an insight into the process of early romanization of the Limes in the territory of the Croatian Danube region. The Roman settlement laid more to the west than the late medieval palace of the Ilok princes, whereas graves were situated along the roads that led from the settlement, grave sites being indicated by finds of Late Antiquity sarcophagi and brick tombs to the south of today's Ilok. A grave was found to the west of the settlement, on the site of the present Ilok fortress, suggesting the existence of an Early Roman cemetery, where the indigenous population was buried. The finds of two hand-made pots with a rounded body and the wheel-made S-profiled bowl testify to this, indicating a strong tradition of the La Tène culture. The shape of the grave with the remains of a wooden cast has up to the present not been identified at the known Late La Tène Scordisc graves, therefore the question of its origin remains open. The second group of grave goods of northern Italic origin, represented by the bowl with thin walls, the lamp with the volute nose, the glass vessel and other metal and glass finds, points to the romanization of the encountered indigenous population, at the same time, based on the coin finds, dating the grave in the time of Claudius, in the middle of the 1st century. The discovery of the remains of different cultivated plants, out of which some show traces of incineration in and around both pots, testifies to the existence of a complex funeral rite in which, same as in the finds, the traditions of the newly arrived Roman culture intermingle with the material heritage of the autochthonous mixed Celtic-Pannonian population. It is highly conceivable that future research in Ilok shall expand the scarce understanding of the process of romanization and life along the limes in the territory of the Croatian Danube region.

Autor u kratkim crtama daje pregled razvitka umjetnosti medalje na području priobalne Hrvatske od 15. st. do druge austrijske dominacije. Materijal je grupi ran u sljedeće skupine: Istra, Mletačka Dalmacija, Dubrovnik, Napoleonovo doba, Prva austrijska vlast, svetačke medaljice. Sam katalog sadrži 52 komada medalja, poznatih bilo iz zbirki, bilo iz stručne literature. ; Among the older Istrian medals there is one of Francesco Biondi, a Florentine monk, bishop of Capodistria (Justinopolis, Kopar), made in 1448. Other Istrian medals of interest are a rough cast-bronze one from 1693, made for a corporate body for the distribution of hay in Pula and a small cast bronze medal, made in Rome on the occasion of the renewal of St. Euphemia's church in Rovinj in 1756. Of course, there is also a modest medal presented by the Poreč community to the last Venetian podesta in 1797. Speaking of Dalmatian medals, one ought to mention two of the great names of the Renaissance, who excelled in the art of the medal: Paolo de Ragusa and Francesco Laurana. Several famous Dalmatians who lived abroad in the 16th c. were depicted on medals: Jacobus Banisius, Francesco Niconizio and Antonio Veranzio. One of the earliest Dalmatian medals is the one made in 1600 for the Procuratori dell' Area di S. Simeone in Zadar. There is also a medal struck on the occasion of the liberation of Castelnuovo (Hercegnovi) in 1687. The Scuola Dalmata in Venice also hat its own small silver medals depicting S. George and S. Tripone. The numerous Dalmatian magistrates' medals from the 17th and 18th c. are usually of little artistic value, having been made by local gold or silversmiths, according to the wishes of the local nobility, who wanted to honour a departing provveditore generale or conte (various provveditori generali of Dalmatia and Albania, podesta of Poreč, counts of Korčula, Split, Šibenik and Zadar, provveditori of Imotski, Makarska and Sinj). Speaking about medals of the ancient Republic of Dubrovnik one ought to mention that only trace left there by Paolo de Ragusio are the delicate copper follari. Matteo de' Pasti made a medal of Timoteo Maffei, the archbishop of Ragusa. Three 16th c. Ragusan patricians: Giovanni Nale-Nalješković, Domenico Ragnina and Luca Cerva-Crijević were depicted on medals. A medal by St. Urbain was dedicated to Giorgio Baglivi, a Ragusan surgeon. The first medal was struck in Dubrovnik on the occasion of the reconstruction of St. Blaise's church in 1707. In 1771 the relics of St. Stephen King of Hungary were presented by the Ragusan Senate to Emperor Joseph Il. and Empress Maria Theresia; the event was marked by a medal. The other two remarkable medals of Dubrovnik were the one to commemorate the death of the rector Orsat Gozze Gučetić, 1798; Gioacchino Hamerani's 1803 Luigi Alvise Mozzi medal. Napoleon Bonaparte's Marshal Marmont dissolved the government of the reverend and feeble Republic of Ragusa on January 31. 1808. Napoleon's massive numismatic propaganda was very well organized. An entire team of artists worked for Napoleon in Paris, but there were also many medallists elsewhere producing medals, in order to celebrate his victories, thus for instance the 1806 medal commemorating the conquests of Dalmatia, of Istria, and of Illyricum. Several of the Dalmatian Napoleonic medals have not been attributed to any of the known medallists, thus for instance the rare Zaratine Lycaeum medal from 1809. A more rudely made medal was presented by the inhabitants of Sinj to Pierre Bouillerot, a French surgeon, in 1811 . During the first Austrian rule, in 1801 a decoration by I. N. Wirt was distributed, with the bust of Emperor Franc is II. on the obverse and the inscription DALMATAE BEN EMERENTI/ 1801 on the reverse . One of the earliest Austrian medals struck for Dalmatia was the Zara tine medal of 1804 by Luigi Ferrari, which commemorated the Dalmatian nobility paying respect to Emperor Franc is II. (1792- 1806-1 835), represented by Count Peter von Goess, Governor of Dalmatia between 1802 and 1805. One should not forget the most popular of all medals: the saints' medals and tokens, which were struck, cast or engraved in very large quantities and were cheap and therefore accessible to the masses of pilgrims. The most popular were those of Madonna of Trsat, made chiefly after 1715, when the Madonna was solemnly crowned .

Crkva sv. Mihajla u Stonu važan je spomenik srednjovjekovne graditeljske baštine šireg dubrovačkog prostora i jedini je sigurno potvrđeni spomenik tzv. južnodalmatinskog jednobrodnog kupolnog tipa na prostoru nekadašnjeg Zahumlja. Podignuta je na vrhu uzvisine Gradac, tj. brdu sv. Mihajla (kota 107), na mjestu ranijeg utvrđenja. Na temelju analize arhitekture Sv. Mihajla, kao i pripadajuće mu kamene opreme nastojalo se ukazati da je crkva predromaničkog podrijetla. Također, predloženo je da je zvonik (zapadno zdanje) izgrađen zajedno sa crkvom, jer tlocrtna zamisao stonske građevine (odnos dužine i širine, neznatno istaknuta apsida), njezine male dimenzije, kao i vertikalna stratigrafija (zvonik, ali i kupola), upućuju na funkciju tog zdanja podignutog kao dvorske kapele. Po svemu sudeći, crkva je od vremena podizanja bila posvećena arhanđelu Mihovilu, budući da je štovanje tog nebeskog vojskovođe, kao zaštitnika vladara i njihovih vojnih pohoda, bilo osobito rašireno među vladajućim slojem u ranom srednjem vijeku, pa bi ta znakovita posveta bila u skladu s njezinom funkcijom. Vrijeme izgradnje vladarske kapele sv. Mihajla najvjerojatnije bi trebalo dovesti u vezu s prvim, povijesno zasvjedočenim i najvažnijim zahumskim vladarom u Stonu - knezom Mihajlom Viševićem (prije 910.- nakon 928.), kada Ston biva upravnim i crkvenim sjedištem te sklavinije. Na osnovu analize mlađeg sloja skulpture iz Sv. Mihajla (monumentalni prozorski okviri i ulomak s ljudskim licem) i zidnih oslika, moguće je pretpostaviti da je vladarska kapela bila znatnije i raskošnije opremljena oko sredine 11. stoljeća. Imajući u vidu povijesna vrela o onodobnom Stonu predloženo je da je za tu obnovu bio zaslužan Stefan Vojislav (prije 1018.-43./50.), rodonačelnik dinastije Vojislavljevića. Na tu pretpostavku bi upućivao podatak da je Vojislav, nakon pobjede nad Bizantom i njegovim saveznicima (među kojima je bio ugledni zahumski knez Ljutovit), osvojio prijestolnicu zahumskih vladara. Da je u njoj neko vrijeme i boravio potvrđuje vijest koju donosi bizantski pisac Kekavmen - da je bio toparh u Stonu i da je zarobio dubrovačkoga stratega. Stoga osvajanje Stona, kao i slavna pobjeda nad Bizantom, ali i Ljutovitom koji je predvodio savezničku vojsku, nameće se kao mogući razlog zašto je Stefan Vojislav obnovio stonsku crkvu, točnije zabilježio svoj vojni trijumf u vladarskoj kapeli poraženog zahumskog vladara. Spomenuta obnova stonske crkve najvjerojatnije se dogodila u razdoblju između 1042/43. i 1050. godine, odnosno nakon Vojislavove pobjede i njegove smrti. ; St Michael's church in Ston is an important monument of medieval architectural heritage within a wider area of Dubrovnik and the only positively attested monument of the so-called southern Dalmatian single-nave dome type in the area of historical Zahumlje. The church stands on the top of the Gradac hill or St Michael's Mount (107 m.a.s.l.), at the location of an earlier fortification. Based on an analysis of St Michael's architecture, as well as its stone furnishing, the author has argued that the church is pre-Romaneseque in origin. It has also been suggested that the belfry (the structure to the west) was built together with the church, since the concept of the ground plan (the width-length ratio, the slightly protruding apse), its small dimensions, as well as its vertical stratigraphy (the belfry and the dome) indicate that it was constructed as a ruler's chapel. It is most probable that the church was dedicated to Archangel Michael from the very beginning, as the cult of the heavenly host-leader as the patron saint of rulers and their military campaigns was widespread among the upper classes in the early Middle Ages. The time of construction should most probably be connected with the first historically attested and significant ruler of Ston – Duke Mihajlo Višević (before 910 – after 928), who raised Ston to an administrative and ecclesiastical centre of this Sclavinia. An analysis of the younger layer of sculpture in St Michael's (the monumental window frames and a fragment with human face), as well as its murals, has suggested that the ruler's chapel was furnished more richly around the mid-11th century. Considering the historical sources on Ston in this period, it has been suggested that its renovation took place at the initiative of Stefan Vojislav (before 1018 – 1043/1050), founder of the Vojislavljević dynasty. This hypothesis is supported by the fact that Vojislav, having defeated Byzantium and its allies (among them the distinguished Duke Ljutovit of Zahumlje) conquered the seat of Zahumlje's rulers. It may be presumed that he spent some time there as well, since the Byzantine writer Kekaumenos mentions that Vojislav was a toparch in Ston and that he captured the strategos of Dubrovnik. Thus, the conquest of Ston, as well as the glorious victory over both Byzantium and Ljutovit leading the allied army, imposes itself as the probable reason why Stefan Vojislav renovated the church in Ston, namely in order to celebrate his military triumph in the chapel of the defeated ruler of Zahumlje. The reconstruction most probably took place between 1042/43 and 1050, after Vojislav's victory and before his death.

Indijski vladar Aśoka (273/269.–232. pr. Khr.) ostavio je znatan korpus natpisa na širokome prostoru svojega carstva o načelima svoje vladavine. Njegovi su pretci osvojili gotovo čitavu Indiju i područja današnjega Afghanistana i dijela Irana. On je vodio samo jedan rat u Kaliṅgi za istočnu obalu Indije. Strašne posljedice toga rata jasno je opisao na vlastitim natpisima. Potom je obustavio ratovanje i odlučio osvajati svijet načelima (buddhističke) pravednosti. Održavao je diplomatske odnose sa susjednim državama i imao poklisare u svim helenističkim kraljevstvima. Četrdesetak godina gradio je drugačiju Indiju i slao misionare da grade drugačiji svijet. Njegove su misli o ratu, miru, pravednosti i brizi za sva bića jedinstvene u povijesti politike. Loza je Aśokina vladala još pedesetak godina poslije njega, otprilike do 185. g. pr. Khr. Potom je na vlast u dijelu carstva došla brahmanistička loza Śunga (185.–73. pr. Khr.), a sjeverozapad su stali osvajati grčki vladari iz Baktrije, a zatim i neki iranski i drugi narodi. Śunge su vjerojatno zaslužni za neku vrst brahmanističkoga preporoda i vjerojatno je da je za njihova vladanja zaokružen narativni dio velikoga ratničkoga epa Mahābhārata. Možda je u to vrijeme ispjevan i bitan dio misaonoga spjeva Bhagavadgītā u okviru toga epa. U njem se raspravlja koliko je rat grijeh, i u kojem slučaju je dužnost, a nije grijeh ratovati. Tu se brahmanistički nazor prepoznatljivo upušta u polemiku s buddhističkim (ne spominjući ga imenom). U kontekstu takve polemike između buddhizma i brahmanizma (a i jinizma) formulirale su se neke od najznatnijih ljudskih dilema u odnosu na rat, nasilje, pravdu i nenasilnost, i stvorili su se obrisi etičkih pogleda na ljudsko djelovanje i život uopće, koji nas i danas jednako mogu potaći na razmišljanje i zauzimanje stava prema životu i drugim ljudima i živim bićima. I buddhizam i brahmanizam razvili su svoje temeljne pojmove o ljudskoj obvezi da se djeluje iz dužnosti bez obzira na vlastitu korist, s krajnjom svrhom da se ostvari opće dobro i održi svijet. Na taj su način izrazili svojevrstan kategorički imperativ da se djeluje u skladu s idealnim općim zakonodavstvom (dharmom, bilo u buddhističkome ili brahmanisičkome smislu), a indijski su ga mislioci izrazili na takav način dvije tisuće godina prije Kanta. Razlika između brahmanističkoga i buddhističkoga shvaćanja ipak je u tome što po brahmanističkome shvaćanju treba toj svrsi težiti djelujući samozatajno iz dužnosti, bez obzira na moguće nanošenje patnje drugima, dok po buddhističkome shvaćanju tu svrhu treba ozbiljiti upravo iz milosrđa koje nas navodi na najveće napore da bismo ljude i druga osje- ćajuća bića spasili od patnje i tjelesne i duševne propasti. Mnogi buddhistički i jinistički nazori i vrijednosti bili su ipak s vremenom prihvaćeni i u hinduizmu. ; The Indian emperor Aśoka Maurya (273/269 – 232 BC) left behind him an important corpus of inscriptions, describing the leading principles of his rule, which were disseminated over the vast territory of his empire. His ancestors conquered almost the whole of India and of contemporary Afghanistan, as well as parts of Iran. He waged only one war in Kaliṅga in order to incorporate the eastern coast of India into his realm. He described the horrible consequences of this war very openly in his inscriptions. He decided to stop waging wars therafter, and to "conquer" the world by means of righteousness in accordance with Buddhist principles. He cultivated diplomatic relations with neighbouring countries and had ambassadors in all the Hellenistic kingdoms. He invested fourty years of his rule in efforts to shape a different India, and sent missionaries to shape a different world. His thoughts on war and peace, on righteousness and care for all sentient beings are unique in human political history. The dynasty of Aśoka, the Mauryas, ruled some fifty years after his death, until 185 BC. After this, the Brahman dynasty of the Śuṅgas (185 – 73 BC) rose to power in the eastern part of the former empire. The northwestern part of the empire was conquered by the Greek rulers of Bactria, and later by Iranian peoples like the Parthians and the Scythians, and other invaders. It is very likely that we have to thank the Śuṅgas for a Brahmanist revival, and the narrative part of the great heroic epic the Mahābhārata was most probably completed during their rule. It is also possible that an essential portion of the famous philosophical and religous poem Bhagavadgītā, which was incorporated into this epic, was composed during the same period. The poem discusses under which circumstances war is a sin, and under which circumstances it is a duty to fight. The Brahmanical or Hindu world¬view here polemically opposes the Buddhist one without naming it explicitly. Some of the most salient dilemmas concerning war and peace, violence and non¬violence, duty and compassion found their expression within the context of the polemics between Brahmanism or Hinduism and Buddhism (and Jinism as well), and ethical views concerning human activity and life in general, which emerged on these grounds, can incite us even today to take our stand with regard to life and to other people and sentient beings. Both the Buddhists and the Hindus formulated their basic concepts of human obligation to act out of duty without regard to personal utility with the ultimate aim of promoting universal good and maintaining further existence of the world. This amonuts to the categorical imperative to act in accordance with what would be an ideal universal legislation (dharma, either in the Buddhist or in the Brahmanist sense), as it found its expression in India two thousand years before Kant in Europe. However, the difference between the Brahmanical and Buddhist conception is that, in the Brahmanical world¬view, this aim should be attained through the self¬denying fulfilment of our duty, irrespectively of the potential pain inflicted on others, while in the Buddhist view, this aim should be achieved through compassion that urges us to invest the greatest efforts to protect other people and sentient beings from pain and physical and spiritual ruin. However, many Buddhist and Jinist views and values were, through the course of time, also incorporated into the Hindu world¬view.

Koncem 17. i početkom 18. stoljeća dolazi do velikih promjena u skoro svim europskim državama. One su se odrazile na daljnji razvoj viteških vladarskih redova i uvjetovale nastanak redova za vojne zasluge. U Francuskoj, Rusiji, Prusiji i Austriji uspostavljene su apsolutističke monarhije, zasnovane na novoj koncepciji vlasti. Radi ostvarenja svojih političkih ciljeva zaštite i obrane države, odnosno osvajanja tuđeg teritorija, kao i kontinuiteta svoje vlasti, europski apsolutistički vladari organiziraju stalne oružane snage: stajaće najamničke vojske, spremne na brzu intervenciju. Zapovijedanje stajaćom plaćeničkom vojskom prelazi u ruke vladara, koji više nije zavisan o volji i ambicijama svojih vazala. Tako je postignut glavni preduvjet za ostvarenje djelotvorne političke moći. Apsolutistički vladari 17. i 18. stoljeća tražili su načine kako da privežu uza se vojsku i mirno produže svoju vlast. Dodjeljujući vojnim zapovjednicima plemićke titule, novčane nagrade i ordene, a vojnicima novčane nagrade i medalje, zadobili su vlast nad vojskom, a samim tim i nad državom. Vojsku treba stalno stimulirati, ne samo kad dobiva bitke, nego i kad ih gubi, jer se iscrpljena i malodušna vojska može okrenuti protiv svoga gospodara. Jedan od načina stimuliranja vojske jest nagrađivanje hrabrih i sposobnih vojnika jer plaću dobivaju i oni koji nemaju te vrline. Tako su nastale medalje za vojne zasluge, a nešto kasnije i redovi za vojne zasluge. Novi redovi za zasluge više nisu ekskluzivni kao stari viteški redovi koji su bili rezervirani za najviši sloj aristokracije. Liberalizacijom pristupa redu, red prestaje biti institucija i postaje znak; institucija se pomalo gubi, a njezin znak postaje glavna značajka reda. Prvi red za zasluge – Kraljevski i vojnički red sv. Louisa (l'Ordre royal et militaire de Saint-Louis) osnovao je 5. travnja 1693. francuski kralj Louis XIV. (*1638. – †1715.), u čast zaštitniku Francuske. Glavni uvjet za ulazak u red bio je da je kandidat odlično služio posljednjih deset godina u francuskoj vojsci ili mornarici. Kasnije se taj rok povećao na dvadeset godina. Tako je prvi put časnicima koji nisu bili aristokratskog podrijetla omogućeno da postanu članovima reda. Unatoč svemu, novi se red nije posve oslobodio tradicije. Broj osoba koje su smjele ući u red bio je striktno ograničen. Pristupiti redu mogli su samo časnici katoličke vjere. Red je imao tri stupnja: 1. Veliki križ, 2. Komander, 3. Vitez. Primjer francuskog Reda sv. Louisa slijedile su i druge europske monarhije. Ruski car Petar I. (*1672. - †1725.) osnovao je 30. kolovoza 1698. Red sv. apostola Andrije Prvozvanoga. Pretpostavlja se da je car Petar I. nakon povratka s diplomatske misije po Zapadnoj Europi 1698. godine htio imati viteški red po uzoru na europske redove. Sudeći prema odlikovanim osobama, orden se u početku dodjeljivao za iznimne zasluge za Rusko Carstvo, za vojne podvige ili za građanske zasluge. Godine 1720. car Petar I. odredio je da se odlikovanje dodjeljuje: "jednima kao nagrada za vjernost, hrabrost i razne zasluge učinjene Nama i domovini, a drugima da potaknu sve plemenite i herojske vrline (.)". Orden je imao samo jedan stupanj, a broj vitezova bio je ograničen na dvanaest osoba iz Rusije i dvanaest iz inozemstva, dakle, ukupno na dvadesetčetiri osobe. ; At the end of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth century, there were great changes in almost all European countries. This was reflected on the further development of chivalric dynastic orders and led to the creation of orders of military merit. Absolutist monarchies were founded in France, Russia, Prussia and Austria, based on the new concept of ruling. To realise their political goals – the protection and defence of the state, conquest of outside territories, and also the continuity of their rule - European absolutist rulers established permanent armed forces: standing professional armies ready for quick intervention. The standing army was under the command of the monarch, who no longer depended on the will and ambitions of his vassals. This was the main precondition for realising effective political power. The absolutist rulers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries sought ways to tie the army to themselves and to peacefully prolong their rule. By awarding noble titles, prizes in money and orders to the military commanders, and prize money and medals to the soldiers, they gained authority over the army, and thus also over the state. The army needed constant stimulation, not only when it won battles, but also when it lost, because an exhausted and faint-hearted army could turn against its master. One of the ways to stimulate the army was to reward the bravest and ablest soldiers, because even the soldiers who did not have these qualities were paid. This is how military medals of merit were created, and somewhat later also orders of military merit. The new orders of merit were no longer exclusive as were the old chivalric orders, which were reserved for the highest members of the aristocracy. By opening access to the order, it stopped being an institution and became a sign; the institution was slowly lost and its sign became the main characteristic of the order. The first order of merit – the Royal and Military Order of Saint Louis (l'Ordre royal et militaire de Saint-Louis), was founded on 5 April 1693 by King Louis XIV (1638-1715) of France in honour of Saint Louis, the patron saint of France. The main condition for being inducted was for the candidate to have given excellent service in the French army or navy in the last ten years. Later that term increased to twenty years. In this way officers who were non-nobles got the chance of becoming members of an order. The order had three degrees: 1. Great Cross, 2. Commander, 3. Knight. Other European monarchies followed the example of the French Order of Saint Louis. The Russian Tsar Peter I (1672-1725) founded the Order of St Andrew the Apostle the First-Called on 30 August 1698. It is thought that Tsar Peter I, after returning from a diplomatic mission in Western Europe in 1698, wanted to have a chivalric order modelled on the European orders. Judging from the persons who received the order, at first it was awarded only for exceptional merit for the Russian Empire, for military feats or for civil merit. The order had only one degree, and the number of knights was limited to twelve from Russia and twelve from abroad, a total of twenty-four persons.

U članku se obrađuju dijelovi rimske vojne opreme iz Augusteuma u Naroni. Nalazi pripadaju zaštitnoj (ulomak oklopa) i konjskoj opremi (privjesci i falera), te pojasu vojnika (okov), a datirani su u razdoblje od 1. do 3. st. Najranije su datirani listoliki privjesci konjske orme koji pripadaju razdoblju druge polovice 1. st., a slična se datacija pretpostavlja i za faleru. Ulomak ljuskastog oklopa pripada tipu koji se javlja od 2. st., a za pojasni okov je datacijski okvir druga polovica 2. i početak 3. st. s mogućim trajanjem do sredine tog stoljeća. Obrada materijala prvenstveno je usmjerena na tipološko-kronološko, te namjensko određenje, a u kraćim se crtama razmatraju okolnosti nalaza obzirom na koje se može pretpostaviti da su predmeti u hram dospjeli kao zavjetni darovi. ; Narona (Vid, near Metković) was in Antiquity one of the most important centres on the eastern coast of the Adriatic. It was not only its convenient position for commercial exchanges but also its fertile soil for the development of agriculture that contributed to the growth of the city in the area. After the middle of the 1st century BC, Narona acquired the status of colony, and at the end of that century, a shrine to Emperor Augustus was built in the city. Although it had primarily an agrarian and mercantile character, which determined the natures of its inhabitants, the city with its surroundings was an important military base in the conquest of Illyricum and a major stronghold of the Romans for military campaigns against that people in the period from a bit before the middle of the 2nd century BC to the beginning of the second half of the 1st century BC. In the surroundings of Narona the presence of soldiers is confirmed by numerous epigraphs, which are supported by archaeological finds, but apart from the five finds in the Augusteum, there are just a few in the area of the town. The finds in the Augusteum comprise three items of horse equipment, one fragment of armour and a belt mount, probably belonging to a belt set. A tripartite leaf-shaped pendant for a harness (T 1.1) is dated to the time from the Claudian to the Flavian, and in the typology of M. C. Bishop is defined as type 1l. They are found in various sites in the Empire, this same variant also including specimens the central leg of which ends in the shape of a palmette, which are somewhat more numerous than those of the kind from Narona. They can be found in Dalmatia too, for example, in Salona and Tilurium. Among the pendants from Dalmatian sites that belong to this type, if not to the variant, mentioned here by analogy, we find luxury pendants, not only at military sites, such as Burnum (variant 1p) and Tilurium (variant 1s) but in city centres such as in Salona (variant 1v). A second harness pendant from the Augusteum (T. 1. 2) is perhaps of the tear-shaped type (Bishop 5), variant 5a, which is characterised by kidney shaped perforations at the top, a spherical ending and a shape close to that of a heart. Tear-shaped pendants were in use long, first appeared at the latest in the age of Claudius, lasting the whole of the 2nd century. In various versions they are often found at Roman sites, but examples of variant 5a are not very numerous. There are similar pendants from Sisak and Augusta the edges of which are straight, but the closest analogy is a specimen from Wiesbaden. Also belonging to the harness is a phalera (T. 1. 3) with a square loop on the rear, which belongs to the type with one loop through which the bridle was drawn (Bishop 1c), and since it has no central opening for a rivet was clearly meant only for a horizontal strap of the harness. The phalera from the Augusteum fits into the chronological framework of the rest of the material found, with the proviso that the dating of the phalerae to an extent similar to ours and some functional decorative items of similar form might suggest a period of the second half of the 1st century. Two bronze plates of scale armour (T. 1. 4) each with four pairs of holes, are dated, because of the existence of perforations on the bottom of the plates (which which they were additionally fastened to the lower row of scales), to the time of the 2nd century. In Croatia, most numerous are fragments from Sisak, among which there are several that are similar to ours, while those from Dalj are more elongated and have a sharper tip. Finds from Burnum castrum, although they are elongated, do not have perforations at the bottom. As for finds in other areas of the Empire (including those from Corbridge, Avenches, Mušov, Bonn, Eining-Unterfeldt) those most similar, in terms of shape and distribution of the perforations, are items from Dura-Europos. The belt mount belongs to the type with a trumpet-shaped decoration (T. 1.5). Items decorated with this kind of motif constitute a unique chronological grouping of material dating to the second half of the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd century, possibly continuing through the first half of the 3rd, their dating being confirmed by finds with coins in closed grave units. Such mountings are a frequent find in the area of the Rhenish and the Danubian limes, but they can be found in numerous sites through the Empire. A decoration with trumpet shaped motifs is not limited to belt sets, but is used in the decoration and shaping of objects for other purpose, horse equipment and fibulae, for example. The objects discussed in the article are also found in the temenos of the Augusteum in Narona, and it can be assumed that they came there as votive gifts. The practice of dedicating weapons and horse trappings is known since prehistory, and is well documented in the Late Iron Age. The making of votive offerings, as proved on altars, was common in the Roman Empire, and research into shrines from Britain, Gaul and the Germanic area shows that parts of military equipment, especially during the 1st century, were frequently consecrated and deposited as votive gifts. The small number of metal finds in the temple, as compared with other types of finds, can be explained in several ways. Researches from shrines at several sites have shown that usually whole objects or sets were consecrated, and we can assume that our finds are only parts of horse trappings or belt sets or armour that were originally dedicated. During the course of time, or during the demolition and filling of the shrine, the metal objects might have been destroyed or collected for reuse of the metal, which was a common practice in the Roman period. It has to be borne in mind that this was a city shrine that was not primarily meant for soldiers, who might have undertaken their vows in shrines that probably existed in the camps in which they were stationed, which leads to the supposition that originally military equipment was not represented to the same extent as some other categories of objects.

U radu se analizira antička keramika pronađena na lokalitetu dvor knezova Iločkih pri iskopavanjima 2001. godine. Utvrđeno je da se radi o rimskoj keramici koja se datira od druge polovine 1., pa sve do kraja 4. stoljeća. ; When the Romans conquered the area around Ilok in the first century AD, it became part of Lower Illyricum. After Trajan's division of Pannonia into Upper and Lower sections, Ilok, i.e. Cuccium, was part of Lower Pannonia until Diocletian's division. Diocletian divided Lower Pannonia into Pannonia Valeria and Pannonia Secunda. The center of Pannonia Secunda was Sirmium, and Cuccium belonged to this province. Cuccium was an important point in this part of the Limes, because it defended the Empire where the Danube was easy to cross. The site of the fortress itself has still not been discovered, but it is mentioned as Cucci, Catio, Cuccio, Cuccium, Cuccis castelum. On the other side of the Danube there were barbarian tribes: the Sarmatians and the Iazigians. The Romans adapted their military approach in order to be able to conquer them more easily, so they placed their cavalry and infantry along this part of the Limes. Thus in Cuccium the following units were stationed: "Cuneus equitarum promotorum" and "Equitas sagittarii" (ŠARANOVIĆ-SVETEK, 1966/67, 61-65; BATOROVIĆ, 1994, 11, 12; JANKULOV, 1952, 16; VULIĆ, 1939, 73). Traces of the rich history of Ilok were found in the broader territory of the town in the rescue excavations and construction works, and almost always a part of these finds related to Antiquity. Thus a number of pottery fragments, inscriptions, coins, reliefs, sarcophagi, etc. were found. The pottery that was analysed here is connected with the material found in the systematic archaeological excavations conducted by the Institute of Archaeology in 2001 in the castle of Ilok's princes. The excavated artefacts are highly fragmented and modest, which makes a thorough analysis impossible. The excavations were conducted in the courtyard of the castle, which was covered with earth that was brought subsequently from different sites, thus excluding the possibility of stratigraphy in the analysis of the goods. The finds of Roman pottery in the Roman Province of Pannonia are connected with the invasion of the Roman army and the Italics in this area. Trade and contacts with distant regions were made possible by roads and rivers. In the beginning, trade was related only to military camps and other military facilities, as well as the newly settled towns, and only after a while did it include the local population (LENGYEL, RADAN, 1980, 330-332). This might have happened under the rule of the Emperor Augustus during the transition from the Old to the New Age or after the Pannonian-Dalmatian rebellion in the first half of the first century. Such pottery has already been found at several sites in Pannonia (DAUTOVA-RUŠEVLJAN, 1986, 72), so that it is possible that it exists in the territory of Ilok. In the earliest stage, all goods needed by the soldiers and the civilians came to Pannonia from Aquileia or from other parts of northern Italy across Aquileia. There are not many finds from this earliest period, and some of the existing rare finds are fragments of pottery with thin walls, a jug with one handle and a pot in the La Tène tradition that might have served as an urn (Pl. 2, 8, 16, 17). In the second century products of western workshops are present in Pannonia as well, and they are predominant until the crisis in the mid-third century. The representatives of this period are examples of sigillatae from the Rheinzabern workshop (Pl. 1, 1-3), and as local production became increasingly intense, there are also local imitations of sigillatae (Pl. 1, 4, 5). Products from other neighbouring provinces were not imported in significant quantities. Most of the finds can be dated to the third and the fourth centuries. There are many fragments of glazed pottery in dark green and brown, jugs (Pl. 2, 9), bowls (Pl. 1, 6, 7), and a mortaria (Pl. 2, 12-15), which is frequent in this period in Pannonia, when glazed pottery was massively produced even in Pannonia itself; apart from that, there is also pots (Pl. 3, 24-31) and lids (Pl. 3, 18-23). After the death of Emperor Valentinian in 375 there was stagnation in development, reconstruction, trade and production. By the time of the invasions by barbarian tribes, i.e. the Goths and the Alans, the developed Roman civilization in this area in the first half of the fifth century went through changes in the composition of its population as well as in lifestyle. According to the treaty of 405, a part of Pannonia came under Alaric's rule, which brought Roman life in this part of Pannonia to an end (PINTEROVIĆ, 1970, 82). Without specific research it is not possible to determine when and where exactly the fortress was erected, how life surrounding it developed, and how it stopped functioning. From the time immediately after this there are only a few finds, the most significant being that of a pair of silver Ostrogoth fibulae from the fifth century. Pottery was found in this excavation, and it can be approximately dated from the middle of the first to the end of the fourth century. It should be noted that the earliest pottery is the smallest in number, and the pottery from the third and fourth centuries the largest. We encounter pottery of a different origin, from local workshops, as well as Roman pottery under the strong influence of local manufacturers, i.e. pottery in visible Celtic tradition, imitations of Roman pottery and imported Roman pottery produced in different workshops. Such material is present also in the remaining part of Lower Pannonia; therefore it was to be expected that it would be found in Ilok as well. The material is unfortunately rather modest and fragmented, so one cannot gain a clear picture of everyday life or of the entire extent of trade connections and the relationship between the citizens of Cuccium with the rest of the Roman Empire. It is clear that in the beginning there were connections with Italy, the influence of the La Tčne heritage is felt. Later they were connected with the Rhineland (the areas of Pannonia and Noricum were the main export destinations of the Rheinzabern workshop (VIKIĆ-BELANČIĆ, 1962/63, 95; FREMERSDORF, 1937, 167-172)) and products of local provincial workshops were used. In order to reach better and more complete conclusions, further research is necessary, because due to modest materials at present this is impossible, and the fragments can only build a framework which can help in further analysis. Cuccium was probably not as big and as developed as Cornacum or Cibalae, but owing to its position it was of extraordinary significance and it represents one of the vitally important points on the Danube limes. This is what necessitates additional research.

Analizirajući povijesnu građu i arheološka istraživanja, autorica prati gradnju gotičkog kaštela Kamerlengo u Trogiru, uz nove elemente o popravcima i dogradnji južne strane gradskih zidina. Prvi put donosi nacrte kaštela iz 1829. godine koji su pohranjeni u Državnom arhivu u Beču. ; The citadel in Trogir was built according to a plan by the new Venetian government at the beginning of the 15th century as a detached fort on the periphery of the fortified town. In the earliest documents relation to the planning of the Trogir castle and the preparations for the building there is mention of a fortilicio or arx. It was only several centuries later that the name of Kamerlengo, taken from the title of respected officials [chamberlain] of the Venetian Republic, became common. In documents of the late 18th century it is stated that the castellan and camerlengo had a dwelling in the northern set of houses within the citadel, today no longer in existence, which suggests that the name of the office became, over the course of time, a synonym for the Trogir town castle. Trogir 17th century historians Ivan Lucić and Pavao Andreis collected invaluable historical sources and evidence concerning the past of the city, particularly concerning the siege by the Venetian fleet. Documents provide precise instructions for the construction of the citadel founded on strategic analyses of the ground, access from land and sea and of directions from which attacks would be naturally frustrated. The Trogir naval siege, accompanied by bombardment of the city, was executed according to the decision of Doge Tommaso Mocenigo (1414-1423). As early as the 14th century there had been an attempt by Venice to master Trogir, that small but important Dalmatian commune. The conflict between the Genovese and the Venetians broke out in a sea battle off Trogir in 1378, for Genovese galleys commanded by Luciano Doria had taken cover there. Under the command of Admiral Vettore Pisani, the Venetian fleet bombarded the city from the sea and from positions on Čiovo island, with an attempt to make a seaborne descent on he mainland. However, the plan did not bear fruit, and neither did a renewed attempt by Venice to take Trogir in the following year. After the victory over the Turkish fleet at Gallipoli, on the bridgehead between Europe and Asia Minor in 1416, the Venetians soon gained control of cities on the entrance into the Adriatic. A second strategic point, in the northwest, consisted of Aquileia and the whole of the province of Friuli, which fell in 1419-1420. When Venetian government in Zadar had been consolidated, interventions in the commune centres in central Dalmatia were the next part of the Mocenigo programme to conquer the whole of the Adriatic basin. At Gallipoli, Pietro Loredan had made his name as commander of the fleet, and led it during the attack on Trogir during May and June 1420. The 14th century city walls with the towers at the rim, the monastery of St Nicholas, the cathedral and bell tower, the council chamber, city loggia and numerous palaces were seriously damaged. One of the first tasks in the organisation of the life in the city was the repair of the damaged walls and towers and the construction of the citadel, which was able to function as a separate fort. Immediately after Verona acknowledged Venetian rule in 1408, an office called provisores ad fortilicia was set up, part of the programme of which was to check out the condition of the defensive system in other conquered provinces as well. The Republic sent Picino its tried and tested fortification expert, who had achieved prominence in the construction of the Lido fort, which was in fact the bulwark of Venice, and from 1413 to 1428 was posted to Verona, where he ran the renovation of the citadel. In the edicts of 1422 and 1424, mention is made, in connection with the fortification of Verona, of magistri Picini ingenarii nostri and prothoingenarius ducalis dominii Venetorum. Working with him were masters Stefano and Giovanni of Cremona. On the orders of the doge, he occasionally arrived in Dalmatia as well; the sources refer to him in 1414 in Zadar and Šibenik as magistrum Pizinum, but his personal name is not given. In 1409, the Venetian government in Zadar built a fort at the south east of the city called Citadella. Not long after that the trecento city castle on the north east of the peninsula was reinforced after a detailed plan by Engineer Picino of 1414. It had a square ground plan with a polygonal corner tower facing onto the city, a barbican with a fortified belt of walls around the castle, which was accompanied by a wide defensive fosse. At the very beginning of August 1425 the doge constituted a commission the task of which was to make a decision about the best place for the construction of a citadel in Trogir. Magister Picino made use of the defensive mode adopted in the Zadar castle, where the site chosen was peripheral with respect to the existing structure of the town and adapted it to the position of Trogir port, the navigation channels and the shallows of the marine channel. Detailed instructions about the handling of the walls and towers in situ were given by Captain General of Adriatic Pietro Loredan, specifying which parts were to be demolished, which strengthened. At the beginning of September Trogir rector Detrico signed a contract with the stone carver Marin Radojev for the working of stone for the foundations of the citadel. With three stonecutters, Marin guaranteed to collect stone in the quarry and work the face of the ashlars, and bring them by ship to Trogir, to the site of the construction of the future citadel. The contract made it clear that what had to be built was a tower with 15-foot wide towers, making use in the fill and the outer face of the walls high quality mortar, as befitted the reputation of a good craftsman. A small chapel dedicated to St Mark, patron saint of the Most Serene Republic, was put up in the courtyard of Kamerlengo. Below the monumental relief of a lion was the coat of arms of the Tron family in a quatrefoil. Luca Tron had distinguished himself as the captain of a Venetian galley in the surrender of Korčula and the siege of Trogir, and was rewarded with the confidential office of city rector (1421-1424), the second in chronological order from the establishment of the new Venetian government. A Gothic relief of a lion with the initials DC and the coat of arms of the Contarini family was done after the capture of Trogir in the 15th century and placed in the chapel in memory of Doge Domenico Contarini I (1043-1071), who is mentioned in Venetian annals in the context of the taking of Zadar in the middle of the 12th century. The works on the construction of the castle went on slowly for the commune was not able to summon up funds enough from its own revenues and constantly repeated requests for aid. During a second visit to Trogir in 1424 Admiral Loredan toured the city with the commanders of the galleys and informed Doge Francesco Foscari of all he had observed. At the time of rector Jacopo Zorzi (1424-1426) work was continued on the construction of the citadel and the barbican was reinforced. The coats of arms of rector Jacopo Barbarigo (1426-1429) were incorporated into both towers on the eastern side of the citadel; as trophy heraldry, they must be considered indications of the time of the completion of the work on this part of the fort. An inscription mentioning some big works of 1425 during the time of Rector Jacopo Zorzi is built in over the eastern part of the portico of the cloister of the Dominican monastery. It needs connecting with the long stay of Pietro Loredan in Dalmatia; together with rector Zorzi and the galley commanders, he issued detailed instructions for the renovation of the Trogir walls and towers that had been damaged in the bombardment. A slab that records the rapidly completed works was probably incorporated into the curtain of the new wall in front of the monastery, and Loredan's coat of arms was built into the corner of the wall close to the gate of St Roch. In 1432 the city received aid from the Republic for continuation of works on the city walls, and in an edict of July 26, 1436, a decision to complete the citadel and renovate the city walls at places threatened with collapse was taken. Rector of Trogir Marco Zen (1435-1436) entered into contracts with the Zadar craftsmen Matej Radovanov and Šimun Bilšić about the construction of a vault over the cistern in the castello and of a new wall on the north and the east in the fosse. Detailed drawings of the city castello in watercolour are kept in Vienna (Kartensammlung des Kriegsarchives) and were done during the time of the Austrian government of 1829, when the moat was already filled up with building material from the demolished walls. A large tower in all floor plan levels and with cross sections and indications of dimensions is shown separately. At that time, throughout Europe, the defensive character of city walls lost their importance; the opening up of wide roads and promenades was encouraged; on the platforms of the bastions and along the onetime fortifications stretched parks and gardens. The ruinous state of the walls was an additional encouragement to the authorities to remove them, and Kamerlengo Castle, which had been registered in the exchequer, was in 1848 added to the demolition list. But unlike the citadel in Split and Zadar, which were partially demolished or integrated into later construction, the Trogir castle kept the original planimetry and volume. Although of modest dimensions, this fort acquired a symbolic level in the image of the city, dominating the city port like a lighthouse for all the navigational routes.