Suchergebnisse

Lietuvos viesojoje erdveje gajus isitikinimas, kad Lietuvos rinkejo santykis su politiniais atstovais yra suasmenintas, neretai besiremiantis subjektyviomis ir iracionaliomis simpatijomis ar antipatijomis konkretiems politiniams lyderiams. Kiek pagristas toks pesimizmas? Straipsnio tikslas - issiaiskinti, kokio rysio esama tarp politiniu lyderiu asmenybes portretu suvokimo salies visuomeneje ir rinkeju vertybiniu orientaciju, kurios traktuojamos kaip vienas personalizacijos sklaida Lietuvos politikoje ribojanciu veiksniu. Pasitelkus 2012 m. rudens Lietuvos gyventoju viesosios nuomones apklausu duomenis, nagrinejama, kaip politiniu lyderiu paveikslai varijuoja priklausomai nuo rinkejo ideologinio identifikavimosi, (anti)sovietiskumo, tautinio konservatizmo ir postmaterializmo nuostatu. Nors daugelis asmenybes bruozu yra objektyvus ir ilgalaikiai asmens psichologines sandaros elementai, Lietuvos visuomeneje rimtai nesutariama, koks 'is tiesu' yra gerai zinomas salies politikas, ir nuomoniu issiskyrimui reiksminga itaka daro politiniu paziuru bei vertybiniu nuostatu skirtumai. Rinkejo identifikavimasis kaires-desines skaleje ir (anti)sovietiskumo nuostatos svarbios vertinant tris is penkiu tirtu Lietuvos politiniu lyderiu asmenybes dimensiju - sutaikomuma, samoninguma ir atviruma patirciai. Tautinio konservatizmo nuostatos padeda paaiskinti pirmu dvieju dimensiju suvokima visuomeneje. Gauti rezultatai taip pat skatina tolesniuose tyrimuose aiskintis rinkejo vertybiniu nuostatu poveikio politiniu lyderiu 'moraliniu bruozu' ir temperamento suvokimui skirtumus Lithuanian public debates share a strong conviction that the relationship between a Lithuanian voter and his/her political representatives rests on personalisation, often nurtured by voter's subjective and irrational feelings of love or hate in regard to particular political leaders. Is such kind of pessimism well-grounded? The article aims to explore the relationship between perceptions of well-known political leaders' personality portraits among Lithuanian population and voter's normative orientations on the individual level, holding voter's normative orientations an important factor, limiting the proliferation of personalisation of politics. Based on the empirical data of public surveys, conducted in autumn 2012, the study explores how perceptions of political leaders' personalities vary according to voter's ideological self-identification, the level of adherence to soviet values, national conservatism and post-materialism. Even though personality traits are objective and stable elements of individual's psychological constitution, a serious disagreement regarding the personality portraits of analysed political leaders is revealed in the Lithuanian society, and the perceptions diverge according to individual's political views and normative attitudes. Voter's left-right self-identification and (anti)soviet attitudes predict the perception of three personality dimensions of Big Five - Agreeableness, Conscientiousness and Openness to experience - for analysed leaders, and national conservatism - perceptions of the abovementioned first two dimensions. The results of the study ask for further analysis of a different level of impact that voter's normative attitudes may bear on popular perception of political leaders' 'moral traits' and temperamental features. Adapted from the source document.

This work analyse a period between two world wars in Lithuania when on a first republic political system conflict two sides – catholic society elder and younger generations leading by public-spirited persons and politicians. This conflict was the main reflection of Lithuanian society political ripening evolution. A new catholic character wave has reached Lithuania on a 4th decade. Most of them have just finished West Europe universities. Last-mentioned wave consider a new state system improvement projects in their country going entirely to West countries tradition. Primarily they started Lithuanian modernization plans by propagating culture and public life Lithuanization considering to possibilities for active work in A.Smetona Authoritarianism opposition. The younger generation mature already on 1918. They did not feel any regards to liberal democracy tradition in Lithuania after First World War. That was one of the main conflict reasons with elder generation public-spirited persons and politicians. Elder and younger generations conflict highly expressed on a political relation stress of action field by democracy – party interest, conservatism – radicalism and position – opposition antithesis relation. Younger generation critically valued conservatism of elder generation according to West Europe modernization processes. Also they criticised archaic democracy conception perceive and political opposition slight how one of the main constructive state management factor. Younger generation valued those days' European countries state systems and at the same time they tried to create original Lithuanian state system. They idealised a political importance of the dictator which is leading with a great authority in his country and at the same time is dynamic, volitional and strong personality. A new catholic character wave perceived liberalism as a lighter antipode form to Catholicism. They totally denied some liberalism form aiming possibilities in the politic state government. The conflict between elder and younger catholic generations was one of the main expressions of Lithuanian modernization on a period between two world wars.

This work analyse a period between two world wars in Lithuania when on a first republic political system conflict two sides – catholic society elder and younger generations leading by public-spirited persons and politicians. This conflict was the main reflection of Lithuanian society political ripening evolution. A new catholic character wave has reached Lithuania on a 4th decade. Most of them have just finished West Europe universities. Last-mentioned wave consider a new state system improvement projects in their country going entirely to West countries tradition. Primarily they started Lithuanian modernization plans by propagating culture and public life Lithuanization considering to possibilities for active work in A.Smetona Authoritarianism opposition. The younger generation mature already on 1918. They did not feel any regards to liberal democracy tradition in Lithuania after First World War. That was one of the main conflict reasons with elder generation public-spirited persons and politicians. Elder and younger generations conflict highly expressed on a political relation stress of action field by democracy – party interest, conservatism – radicalism and position – opposition antithesis relation. Younger generation critically valued conservatism of elder generation according to West Europe modernization processes. Also they criticised archaic democracy conception perceive and political opposition slight how one of the main constructive state management factor. Younger generation valued those days' European countries state systems and at the same time they tried to create original Lithuanian state system. They idealised a political importance of the dictator which is leading with a great authority in his country and at the same time is dynamic, volitional and strong personality. A new catholic character wave perceived liberalism as a lighter antipode form to Catholicism. They totally denied some liberalism form aiming possibilities in the politic state government. The conflict between elder and younger catholic generations was one of the main expressions of Lithuanian modernization on a period between two world wars.

The article theoretically and practically analyses principles of Good Governance and their implementation at the level of local self-government. The multiplicity of good governance conception, the specificity of principles of Good Governance in the local self-government are revealed by the insights of foreign and Lithuanian scientists, official international documents. Practically we tried to investigate the implementation of principles of Good Governance in Siauliai city municipality preparing a hypothetical model of implementation of principles of Good Governance in local self-government. Invoking the experts of Siauliai city municipality in the context of self-evaluation, the implementation of Good Governance principles in the municipality was analysed emphasising the problems and foreseeing possible trends of governance improvement. The research has showed that the equivalents of principles of Good Governance are established in legal acts of the Republic of Lithuania that the representatives of self-government institutions must follow in their activities, but often their implementation faces lack of a clear strategic vision, prevailing manifestations of governance conservatism that do not stimulate initiatives and changes in local self-government.

The traditional political ideologies, values reveals the diversity of values in western societies are described in the theoretical part. Values of pluralism of opinion and led to the emergence of political ideologies and the democratic institutions allowed for movements to the public and policy development in the light of values of ideology. Social movements, public order, was to legitimize the organization, which is known as the Democratic Party politics. Political parties were built upon ideological values, and thus often reflect the name of the party and party ideology. Liberalism, conservatism and socialism, the identity of the names are often absorbed a number of parties in democratic countries. However, the name of assimilation does not always mean that a certain party is represented by the title referred to an ideology. It happens to lots of new parties and new democracies, where the new democratic institutions lack the experience and knowledge. After restoration of independence, Lithuania has taken over the party resulting from the classical Western political ideologies in the name. Lithuania's two largest political parties represent opposing forces. Conservative Party of Lithuania (now Homeland Union) represents the right-minded citizens, and declares the conservatism inherent values (tradition, family manners). The Social Democrats party is a left-wing that declares the traditional socialist ideas (work, equality, small business support). Liberals themselves as parties in Lithuania is quite significant. And it is not entirely clear which party represents the true liberal ideas. The party institute itself supports the link between society and government in the democratic regimes. It also means lots of competition in the fight for power positions. Therefore, parties are important institute in the state management. In theory, this should be the role of parties. This system is representative of the Western democracies. The role of the public are also important because it provides a representation of the role of political parties to address public concerns. This way the party role is legitimized. And the Democratic Party undertakes to represent the will of the people. Thus, parties are important because of their powers. But as ever, the party is as changing as the role of communication with members of the public. Among the parties and the modern society is an emerging gap. Political representation is decreasing, while influencing and public confidence in government institutions. Especially parties. Public is apolitical and that pose additional problems for the consolidation of democracy or stability. Public indifference allows easy establishment of new parties, which are based not on ideological grounds, but the present social, economic and political issues. New party making their way into power by populist. Populism is a growing threat to the stability of democratic regimes. Thus, party positions to the public not to forget the public. The source of their legitimacy. And intense communication, which ensures the stability of the political state.

The traditional political ideologies, values reveals the diversity of values in western societies are described in the theoretical part. Values of pluralism of opinion and led to the emergence of political ideologies and the democratic institutions allowed for movements to the public and policy development in the light of values of ideology. Social movements, public order, was to legitimize the organization, which is known as the Democratic Party politics. Political parties were built upon ideological values, and thus often reflect the name of the party and party ideology. Liberalism, conservatism and socialism, the identity of the names are often absorbed a number of parties in democratic countries. However, the name of assimilation does not always mean that a certain party is represented by the title referred to an ideology. It happens to lots of new parties and new democracies, where the new democratic institutions lack the experience and knowledge. After restoration of independence, Lithuania has taken over the party resulting from the classical Western political ideologies in the name. Lithuania's two largest political parties represent opposing forces. Conservative Party of Lithuania (now Homeland Union) represents the right-minded citizens, and declares the conservatism inherent values (tradition, family manners). The Social Democrats party is a left-wing that declares the traditional socialist ideas (work, equality, small business support). Liberals themselves as parties in Lithuania is quite significant. And it is not entirely clear which party represents the true liberal ideas. The party institute itself supports the link between society and government in the democratic regimes. It also means lots of competition in the fight for power positions. Therefore, parties are important institute in the state management. In theory, this should be the role of parties. This system is representative of the Western democracies. The role of the public are also important because it provides a representation of the role of political parties to address public concerns. This way the party role is legitimized. And the Democratic Party undertakes to represent the will of the people. Thus, parties are important because of their powers. But as ever, the party is as changing as the role of communication with members of the public. Among the parties and the modern society is an emerging gap. Political representation is decreasing, while influencing and public confidence in government institutions. Especially parties. Public is apolitical and that pose additional problems for the consolidation of democracy or stability. Public indifference allows easy establishment of new parties, which are based not on ideological grounds, but the present social, economic and political issues. New party making their way into power by populist. Populism is a growing threat to the stability of democratic regimes. Thus, party positions to the public not to forget the public. The source of their legitimacy. And intense communication, which ensures the stability of the political state.

The article analyzes the reasons of success of the Freedom Party in the 2020 Seimas elections. The case of Freedom Party is particularly interesting as it did not appeal to the median voter like previous new parties, but took a clearly liberal stance on such vulnerable issues (in rather conservative Lithuanian society) as LGBT rights. The article examines several probable accounts of the success story of the party: the newness of the party, the value shift in the society and the realignment of the voters. The article employs the data of the 2020 post-election survey and other relevant data sets. The analysis revealed that the effect of novelty contributed somewhat to the success of the Freedom Party, but the main reason for its good performance was the ability to mobilize liberal-minded voters, the number of which increased significantly compared to the 2016 Seimas elections. The party was able not only to take advantage of the changing values of the new generation, but also to consolidate liberal-minded voters who were previously dispersed. The results of the analysis suggest that attitudes on the conservatism–liberalism dimension have become an important factor determining party preferences in Lithuania, while so far, the only significant cleavage in Lithuania was based on different attitudes towards Russia and the Soviet past.

The article analyzes the reasons of success of the Freedom Party in the 2020 Seimas elections. The case of Freedom Party is particularly interesting as it did not appeal to the median voter like previous new parties, but took a clearly liberal stance on such vulnerable issues (in rather conservative Lithuanian society) as LGBT rights. The article examines several probable accounts of the success story of the party: the newness of the party, the value shift in the society and the realignment of the voters. The article employs the data of the 2020 post-election survey and other relevant data sets. The analysis revealed that the effect of novelty contributed somewhat to the success of the Freedom Party, but the main reason for its good performance was the ability to mobilize liberal-minded voters, the number of which increased significantly compared to the 2016 Seimas elections. The party was able not only to take advantage of the changing values of the new generation, but also to consolidate liberal-minded voters who were previously dispersed. The results of the analysis suggest that attitudes on the conservatism–liberalism dimension have become an important factor determining party preferences in Lithuania, while so far, the only significant cleavage in Lithuania was based on different attitudes towards Russia and the Soviet past.

The article analyzes the reasons of success of the Freedom Party in the 2020 Seimas elections. The case of Freedom Party is particularly interesting as it did not appeal to the median voter like previous new parties, but took a clearly liberal stance on such vulnerable issues (in rather conservative Lithuanian society) as LGBT rights. The article examines several probable accounts of the success story of the party: the newness of the party, the value shift in the society and the realignment of the voters. The article employs the data of the 2020 post-election survey and other relevant data sets. The analysis revealed that the effect of novelty contributed somewhat to the success of the Freedom Party, but the main reason for its good performance was the ability to mobilize liberal-minded voters, the number of which increased significantly compared to the 2016 Seimas elections. The party was able not only to take advantage of the changing values of the new generation, but also to consolidate liberal-minded voters who were previously dispersed. The results of the analysis suggest that attitudes on the conservatism–liberalism dimension have become an important factor determining party preferences in Lithuania, while so far, the only significant cleavage in Lithuania was based on different attitudes towards Russia and the Soviet past.

The article analyzes the reasons of success of the Freedom Party in the 2020 Seimas elections. The case of Freedom Party is particularly interesting as it did not appeal to the median voter like previous new parties, but took a clearly liberal stance on such vulnerable issues (in rather conservative Lithuanian society) as LGBT rights. The article examines several probable accounts of the success story of the party: the newness of the party, the value shift in the society and the realignment of the voters. The article employs the data of the 2020 post-election survey and other relevant data sets. The analysis revealed that the effect of novelty contributed somewhat to the success of the Freedom Party, but the main reason for its good performance was the ability to mobilize liberal-minded voters, the number of which increased significantly compared to the 2016 Seimas elections. The party was able not only to take advantage of the changing values of the new generation, but also to consolidate liberal-minded voters who were previously dispersed. The results of the analysis suggest that attitudes on the conservatism–liberalism dimension have become an important factor determining party preferences in Lithuania, while so far, the only significant cleavage in Lithuania was based on different attitudes towards Russia and the Soviet past.

As today's political market change leads to the personification of politics, research conducted in various countries supports the idea that ideological differences have less influence on the electoral decisions than in the past (Caprara & Zimbardo, 2004; King, 2002; McGraw, 2008; Wattenberg, 1991). On the other hand, the significance of personal characteristics is increasing, since perceived political leaders' personality traits are transmitted by voters to the parties through the process of personification (Hayes, 2005). Scientists in today's source literature haven't developed a uniform instrument for political party image assessment that considers the specificity of the subject, whereas a new proposition of such an instrument has been evolved on the base of lexical research (Gorbaniuk, Kusak, Kogut, & Kustos, 2015). The aim of the current study was to adapt the Political Party Image Assessment Questionnaire into the Lithuanian language and to evaluate its psychometric properties. Moreover, this study was conducted to answer the question if political preferences have explanatory power. Quantitative research was conducted on the sample of 300 Lithuanian students (50.5% female), who had to describe 6 well-known political parties using 25 adjectives. A confirmatory factor analysis was arranged with the complete data set. Because only the five-factor model was acceptable, the entire sample was randomly split into approximate 50% halves. The exploratory factor analysis was arranged with the training group data set, and the confirmatory factor analysis was used in the validation set. Both analyses showed that the six-factor solution ((1) strength, (2) integrity, (3) disagreeableness, (4) religious conservatism, (5) left-wing vs. right-wing, (6) backwardness vs. modernity) was regarded as an optimal model to explain the specificity of Lithuanian political party perception. Also, the measurement invariance of this instrument was tested across 6 parties. Configural, metric and factor covariance invariance were established for all parties. Explanatory power of political party image dimensions was confirmed by a multiple regression analysis. Moreover, the test-retest with 14–20 days interval between the first and the second measurements showed a satisfying stability of scores. The current study was conducted to present the Lithuanian version of the Political Party Image Assessment Questionnaire, whose psychometric properties resulted in satisfying values.

As today's political market change leads to the personification of politics, research conducted in various countries supports the idea that ideological differences have less influence on the electoral decisions than in the past (Caprara & Zimbardo, 2004; King, 2002; McGraw, 2008; Wattenberg, 1991). On the other hand, the significance of personal characteristics is increasing, since perceived political leaders' personality traits are transmitted by voters to the parties through the process of personification (Hayes, 2005). Scientists in today's source literature haven't developed a uniform instrument for political party image assessment that considers the specificity of the subject, whereas a new proposition of such an instrument has been evolved on the base of lexical research (Gorbaniuk, Kusak, Kogut, & Kustos, 2015). The aim of the current study was to adapt the Political Party Image Assessment Questionnaire into the Lithuanian language and to evaluate its psychometric properties. Moreover, this study was conducted to answer the question if political preferences have explanatory power. Quantitative research was conducted on the sample of 300 Lithuanian students (50.5% female), who had to describe 6 well-known political parties using 25 adjectives. A confirmatory factor analysis was arranged with the complete data set. Because only the five-factor model was acceptable, the entire sample was randomly split into approximate 50% halves. The exploratory factor analysis was arranged with the training group data set, and the confirmatory factor analysis was used in the validation set. Both analyses showed that the six-factor solution ((1) strength, (2) integrity, (3) disagreeableness, (4) religious conservatism, (5) left-wing vs. right-wing, (6) backwardness vs. modernity) was regarded as an optimal model to explain the specificity of Lithuanian political party perception. Also, the measurement invariance of this instrument was tested across 6 parties. Configural, metric and factor covariance invariance were established for all parties. Explanatory power of political party image dimensions was confirmed by a multiple regression analysis. Moreover, the test-retest with 14–20 days interval between the first and the second measurements showed a satisfying stability of scores. The current study was conducted to present the Lithuanian version of the Political Party Image Assessment Questionnaire, whose psychometric properties resulted in satisfying values.

As today's political market change leads to the personification of politics, research conducted in various countries supports the idea that ideological differences have less influence on the electoral decisions than in the past (Caprara & Zimbardo, 2004; King, 2002; McGraw, 2008; Wattenberg, 1991). On the other hand, the significance of personal characteristics is increasing, since perceived political leaders' personality traits are transmitted by voters to the parties through the process of personification (Hayes, 2005). Scientists in today's source literature haven't developed a uniform instrument for political party image assessment that considers the specificity of the subject, whereas a new proposition of such an instrument has been evolved on the base of lexical research (Gorbaniuk, Kusak, Kogut, & Kustos, 2015). The aim of the current study was to adapt the Political Party Image Assessment Questionnaire into the Lithuanian language and to evaluate its psychometric properties. Moreover, this study was conducted to answer the question if political preferences have explanatory power. Quantitative research was conducted on the sample of 300 Lithuanian students (50.5% female), who had to describe 6 well-known political parties using 25 adjectives. A confirmatory factor analysis was arranged with the complete data set. Because only the five-factor model was acceptable, the entire sample was randomly split into approximate 50% halves. The exploratory factor analysis was arranged with the training group data set, and the confirmatory factor analysis was used in the validation set. Both analyses showed that the six-factor solution ((1) strength, (2) integrity, (3) disagreeableness, (4) religious conservatism, (5) left-wing vs. right-wing, (6) backwardness vs. modernity) was regarded as an optimal model to explain the specificity of Lithuanian political party perception. Also, the measurement invariance of this instrument was tested across 6 parties. Configural, metric and factor covariance invariance were established for all parties. Explanatory power of political party image dimensions was confirmed by a multiple regression analysis. Moreover, the test-retest with 14–20 days interval between the first and the second measurements showed a satisfying stability of scores. The current study was conducted to present the Lithuanian version of the Political Party Image Assessment Questionnaire, whose psychometric properties resulted in satisfying values.

As today's political market change leads to the personification of politics, research conducted in various countries supports the idea that ideological differences have less influence on the electoral decisions than in the past (Caprara & Zimbardo, 2004; King, 2002; McGraw, 2008; Wattenberg, 1991). On the other hand, the significance of personal characteristics is increasing, since perceived political leaders' personality traits are transmitted by voters to the parties through the process of personification (Hayes, 2005). Scientists in today's source literature haven't developed a uniform instrument for political party image assessment that considers the specificity of the subject, whereas a new proposition of such an instrument has been evolved on the base of lexical research (Gorbaniuk, Kusak, Kogut, & Kustos, 2015). The aim of the current study was to adapt the Political Party Image Assessment Questionnaire into the Lithuanian language and to evaluate its psychometric properties. Moreover, this study was conducted to answer the question if political preferences have explanatory power. Quantitative research was conducted on the sample of 300 Lithuanian students (50.5% female), who had to describe 6 well-known political parties using 25 adjectives. A confirmatory factor analysis was arranged with the complete data set. Because only the five-factor model was acceptable, the entire sample was randomly split into approximate 50% halves. The exploratory factor analysis was arranged with the training group data set, and the confirmatory factor analysis was used in the validation set. Both analyses showed that the six-factor solution ((1) strength, (2) integrity, (3) disagreeableness, (4) religious conservatism, (5) left-wing vs. right-wing, (6) backwardness vs. modernity) was regarded as an optimal model to explain the specificity of Lithuanian political party perception. Also, the measurement invariance of this instrument was tested across 6 parties. Configural, metric and factor covariance invariance were established for all parties. Explanatory power of political party image dimensions was confirmed by a multiple regression analysis. Moreover, the test-retest with 14–20 days interval between the first and the second measurements showed a satisfying stability of scores. The current study was conducted to present the Lithuanian version of the Political Party Image Assessment Questionnaire, whose psychometric properties resulted in satisfying values.

The object of this master thesis is Russia's public policy in the sphere of domestic violence in the period 2017-2020. The goal of the thesis is to identify the characteristic features of Russia's public policy in the sphere of domestic violence in the period 2017-2020. The main tasks of the thesis: to conceptualize the basic political and social definitions in the framework of international use in the applied plane of the policy of the Russian Federation (public policy, non-democratic political culture, domestic violence, feminicide, gender discrimination); to identify the main actors lobbying and opposing the adoption of the draft law "On the prevention of domestic violence" and conduct its social and legal analysis; to identify the main legal documents protecting victims of domestic violence at the international level in comparison with existing documents ratified on the territory of the Russian Federation; to analyze Russian cases of victims of domestic violence to identify the formation of social patterns that influence the perception of this problem in the state and public field (the case of the Khachaturian sisters, Valeria Volodina, Shema Timagova); by using a gender prism, to carry out a discourse analysis of online documents in conjunction with an analysis of narrative in order to identify the characteristic features of the Russian public policy in the sphere of domestic violence. Empirical research is carried out in the tradition of qualitative methodology, using such methods as narrative analysis and discourse analysis. Chapter 2 of this thesis uses the method of document analysis using the example of the Draft Law "On the Prevention of Domestic Violence in the Russian Federation", and the master's work itself, which is an interdisciplinary study, is carried out through the prism of gender analysis. The specificity of public policy in the sphere of domestic violence in the Russian Federation lies in the authoritarianism of political culture with conservative patriarchal views on the institution of the family. It was revealed that due to the influence of the Russian Orthodox Church on the government in decision-making policy, the state cannot be secular. They indicated that the opponents of the draft law are expressing the concept of radical conservatism together with the ideas of national authenticity, deep intolerance towards supporters of feminism and gender ideology, refusal to ratify basic international documents, excluding the possibility of Russian society developing towards liberal trends. The liberal movement and lobbying of interests against feminicide are led by more female democratic actors