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This article has been compiled with chapter III and number VI, of a broader document entitled: Scope and Limits of the Legislative Regulation of the Exercise of Constitutional Rights in the Fundamental Law of 1960. Prepared by Álvaro Magaña, President of El Salvador during the period from 1982 to 1984, Dr. in Jurisprudence and Social Sciences from the University of El Salvador, Master in Economics from the University of Chicago, Illinois.All the time we lost and those who read the above, when it is more than clear in the constitution, only has the purpose of not losing time activists, because once and for all, if they want to be independent, only, we reiterate, we must do only one thing: reform the Constitution and not only Art. 111.We said that about two years ago when we wrote about this issue and it was a study that was never questioned and that I was forced to write when they approved a constitutional reform to prohibit the Central Reserve Bank financing to the State, which had to be perfected with the ratification (that was not made) of the last Legislative Assembly that concluded its period of May 31st.Our work was based on constitutional rules such as Article 111 and the very meaning of the autonomy of the auxiliary bodies of the State that cannot be confused with independence, unless we do not know the difference between administrative function and governmental power. ; Este artículo se ha conformado con el capítulo III y el numeral VI, de un documento más amplio titulado: Alcances y Límites de la Regulación Legislativa del Ejercicio de los Derechos Constitucionales en la Ley Fundamental de 1960. Elaborado por Álvaro Magaña, presidente de El Salvador durante el periodo de 1982 a 1984, Dr. en Jurisprudencia y Ciencias Sociales por la Universidad de El Salvador, Master en Economía por la Universidad de Chicago, Illinois.Todo el tiempo que perdimos nosotros y los que lean lo anterior, cuando está bastante más que claro en la constitución, únicamente tiene el propósito de que no continúen perdiendo el tiempo los activistas, pues de una vez por todas, si quieren ser independientes, únicamente, reiteramos, hay que hacer una sola cosa: reformar la Constitución y no sólo el Art. 111.Dijimos eso hace unos dos años cuando escribimos sobre esta cuestión y fue un estudio que nunca se cuestionó y que me vi obligado a escribir cuando aprobaron una reforma constitucional para prohibir el financiamiento del Banco Central de Reserva al Estado, que debía perfeccionarse con la ratificación (que no se hizo) de la última Asamblea Legislativa que concluyó su período de 31 de mayo anterior.Nuestro trabajo se sustentaba en normas constitucionales como el Art. 111 y el propio significado de la autonomía de los organismos auxiliares del Estado que no puede confundirse con la independencia, a menos que no conozcamos la diferencia entre función administrativa y poder gubernativo.

Though Urdu language has no religious background, it is inspired by Arabic a mother-tongue of Islam. However, after its development, Urdu was exclusively attributed to be the language of Muslims of the Sub-continent. They faced many challenges for the survival of Urdu during the Movement of Independence. For the same reason, after independence, Urdu was declared to be the National Language of Pakistan. Afterward, certain bodies were established for its proper implementation as official language of the country. This aspect is recognized as constitutional obligation in term of Article 251 of Constitution, 1973. Though, the government was given sufficient time for the compliance of the same, this task could not have been accomplished despite of lapse of almost fifty years. Even, the judicial verdicts could not make the concerned institutions mindful. Instead, English is the official language of Pakistan since independence. Of course, there is difference of opinion on the matter of Official Language. Among others, the medium of education and legislation including policy papers are the major issues which are on English pattern. However, if these issues are addressed, the constitutional obligation of implementing Urdu as official language may be ensured.

The catalytic role played by the Indian judiciary in providing visibility to the 'covert social prejudices' against females has succeeded in alleviating the condition of women in our patriarchal society. This paper strives to highlight the proactive role played by the judiciary in recent years, addressing women concerns in a different light, which were hitherto unconditionally accepted with complacence. Purposive approach adopted by the judiciary in interpreting existing laws, manifests adherence to the constitutional mandate of gender equality. Further, an attempt has been made to identify the areas where judicial action has fallen short in bringing about real justice to women. The research is primarily based on the normative method presenting qualitative analysis of the constitutional and legislative provisions and their judicial exposition. The paper concludes that judicial creativity needs the backing of social acceptability to bring about real social transformation towards the constitutional mandate of gender justice.

The Senate Committee on Ethics, Code of Conduct and Public Petitions (ECCPP) is one of the committees of the Senate of Nigeria's National Assembly. The Committee was one of the earliest Special committees established under Order XIII of the Senate Standing Orders 2015, as amended (SSO 2015). It is one of the committees through which the Senate conducts legislative investigations in fulfilment of its constitutional and statutory role under section 88 of the 1999 Constitution, as altered. The major challenge of the ECCPP Committee in the exercise of its investigation power is the refusal by some chief executives of government agencies and corporate organisations to honour its invitation. This study finds that among the reasons for this are the absence of ethical prescriptions in the SSO 2015 to guide the conduct of honourable members against unethical conduct that undermine their integrity, and absence of prescribed fine for failure to honour the Committee's summons. To strengthen the enforcement capacity of the Committee, the study recommends, among others, that members of the Committee eschew unethical tendencies that undermine their integrity and conduct the business of the Committee in a manner that avoids conflicts of interest or its appearances.