Suchergebnisse

The article focuses on the interconnectedness of foreign policy environments to explain Slovenia's opportunities and constraints for foreign policy action. During the period of pre-independence para-diplomacy, the building of an internal and external domestic environment successfully turned constraints (no international recognition) into opportunities (applying for membership of European and global intergovernmental organizations). In the second period — post-recognition — considering the absence of a strategic foreign policy document, the Slovenian internal foreign policy environment became a major constraint to seize foreign environment opportunities. This affected Slovenia's accomplishments, notably after NATO and EU memberships were achieved in 2004. Although the Slovenian internal environment matured during the following period to adopt, in 2015, a comprehensive foreign policy strategy the recent turn in world politics (especially the European financial and economic crisis and the migration crisis) created for the first time a foreign environment for Slovenia that offered many fewer opportunities and far more constraints. ; The article focuses on the interconnectedness of foreign policy environments to explain Slovenia's opportunities and constraints for foreign policy action. During the period of pre-independence para-diplomacy, the building of an internal and external domestic environment successfully turned constraints (no international recognition) into opportunities (applying for membership of European and global intergovernmental organizations). In the second period — post-recognition — considering the absence of a strategic foreign policy document, the Slovenian internal foreign policy environment became a major constraint to seize foreign environment opportunities. This affected Slovenia's accomplishments, notably after NATO and EU memberships were achieved in 2004. Although the Slovenian internal environment matured during the following period to adopt, in 2015, a comprehensive foreign policy strategy the recent turn in world politics (especially the European financial and economic crisis and the migration crisis) created for the first time a foreign environment for Slovenia that offered many fewer opportunities and far more constraints.

Nasuprot shvaćanjima o energetskoj politici kao funkcionalno-tehničkom problemu, ili na drugoj strani, kao borbe između materijalističkih i postmaterijalističkih vrijednosnih obrazaca u industrijskom, odnosno postindustrijskom društvu, ovaj rad dokazuje sljedeće hipoteze: a) u korijenu današnjih energetskih problema leže konflikti oko raspodjele, b) vrijednosti o kojima se radi, čak i na području zaštite okoline, materijalističke su naravi, c) razlike u energetskoj politici Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Zapadne Njemačke mogu se objasniti različitim obrascima raspodjele, a težište im je u različitim vrednotama proizašlim iz razlika između industrijskih i demografskih struktura, te geološkog bogatstva, d) energetska politika, a posebno izbor pravca fleksibilne »soft energy«, može se uspješno provoditi nastajanjem »pobjedničke koalicije« poklanjanjem dovoljno pažnje pitanjima raspodjele koja su u to uključena. Zaokrete k fleksibilnoj energetskoj politici autor veže uz pokrete za zaštitu okoline i programe novih energetskih projekata na lokalnoj razini i razini globalnog društva. Na taj način, zaključuje se, »energetski sindrom« i redistributivni konflikti ne moraju biti uzroci dublje političke i društvene dezorganizacije. ; As opposed to the notion of energy policy as a functional-technical issue, and — on the other hand — as a struggle between materialistic and post-materialistic value patterns in the industrial and post-industrial society, the article is arguing the following hypotheses: (1) distributional conflicts represent the roots of the contemporary energy problems, (2) the values involved, even in the field of environmental protection, are of a materialistic nature, (3) the differences in energy policies of the United States and Western Germany can be explained by different distributional patterns, having as their core divergent values stemming from differences between industrial and demographic structures and geological resources, (4) the energy policy, especially the choice of the path of flexible »soft-energy «, can be successfully implemented by the emergence of a »winning coalition« which takes sufficient account of the distributional issues involved. Switches toward flexible energy policies are, according to the author, tied to activities of movements for environmental protection and to programs of new energy projects on the local level and on the global societal level. In such a manner, it is concluded, the »energy syndrome« and redistributional conflicts are not necessarily causes of a profound political and societal disorganization.

The analyses of the process of transition in Serbia, made by some international institutions & organizations, have shown that the fundamental problems in our economy are ineffective institutions & necessity of overall infrastructure changes. The author considers that any significant economic growth in Serbia in the future is unrealistic in the unfavorable macro- & micro economic business environment. She emphasizes the necessity to implement institutional & infrastructure reforms, which should be the first postulate for growth of productivity & competitiveness of enterprises & national economy. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

In Polish organizations one can recognize a lot of barriers in the mentoring implementation. According to the author, at the root of these barriers are hierarchies of values: social, national, organizational, and hierarchies of values represented by individual employees. The purpose of this article is to trace the sources of constraints in the mentoring implementation process. The analysis is carried out on several levels: from the broadest social perspective, through the national to the perspective of the organization. In the article, there are also presented actions that should be taken by Polish organizations to overcome barriers and constraints in the mentoring implementation process. ; W polskich organizacjach dostrzega się wiele barier we wdrażaniu mentoringu. Zdaniem autorki u podstaw tych barier leżą hierarchie wartości: społecznych, narodowych, organizacyjnych, a także indywidualne hierarchie wartości pracowników. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest prześledzenie źródeł ograniczeń we wdrażaniu mentoringu. Analiza prowadzona jest na kilku poziomach: od najszerszej perspektywy społecznej, przez narodową do perspektywy organizacyjnej. W artykule omówione są również działania, jakie powinny podjąć polskie organizacje na rzecz przełamywania barier i ograniczeń dla wprowadzania mentoringu.

The author distinguishes between the antiquity's & Middle Ages' teachings on natural law & justice as a virtue & the modern-age Hobbes' theory of the prerequisites of the legal system. Hobbes' theory identifies the prerequisites of the legal system & describes the institution of legal constraint which guarantees the rule of law. The author points to the central historical difference between these paradigms. Finally, the author traces the evolution of Hobbes' paradigm in Kant's philosophy of right. Adapted from the source document.

The article is devoted to the analysis of factors that prevent or limit the development of broadly understood science. The following types of limitations have been distinguished: psychosocial, biological, political, resource barriers and the final nature of science. Biological barriers lie in human sensory endowment. Psychosocial barriers are determined by the conditions of the functioning of human societies. Resource barriers are constraints on economic and energy reserves. The problem of the scope of science is understood as the finite scope of the mysteries of science itself – the fact of a limited number of possible discoveries.

Scientific connections between Polish People's Republic and The Second Yugoslavia were a very important element of the bilateral relations between both countries. The mechanisms and rules of the scientific cooperation were similar to the rules and mechanisms of the cultural cooperation and faced the same constraints and possibilities. Types of institutions existing in the field of culture had their correspondences in the field of science and education. Developing of the scientific cooperation was not a strategic aim for both countries in the interwar period as well as during the Communism due to the situation on the international political scene. In the era of globalization, in the context of international scientific cooperation, interslavic relations has become the weakest in the last two centuries. Nowadays, even more than before, the scientific cooperation between all Slavic countries depends on individuals and their involvement. ; Scientific connections between Polish People's Republic and The Second Yugoslavia were a very important element of the bilateral relations between both countries. The mechanisms and rules of the scientific cooperation were similar to the rules and mechanisms of the cultural cooperation and faced the same constraints and possibilities. Types of institutions existing in the field of culture had their correspondences in the field of science and education. Developing of the scientific cooperation was not a strategic aim for both countries in the interwar period as well as during the Communism due to the situation on the international political scene. In the era of globalization, in the context of international scientific cooperation, interslavic relations has become the weakest in the last two centuries. Nowadays, even more than before, the scientific cooperation between all Slavic countries depends on individuals and their involvement.

The author analyzes the tension which exists in constitutional states between the popular sovereignty & the constraints of the people by constitutional order. After explaining & historically interpreting the significance of popular sovereignty as well as the danger hidden in the unequivocal adherence to this principle, he describes the functioning of popular sovereignty in several European constitutions. Most of them express certain misgivings about the people & its direct participation, so that its activities are limited to constitutionally predictable decisions. The author also highlights certain ethical dilemmas & perimeters of popular sovereignty. Constitutional state is based on the compromise between the liberal & the democratic principle; recently, this compromise has been endangered in some newly-created constitutional regimes by non-liberal democracy or the disequilibrium between these two principles. Adapted from the source document.

Internet plays an increasingly important role in the political communication between citizens and institutions of the European Union. There are the potentials and constraints of the Internet in terms of mediating or facilitating the communication processes for citizens. The World Wide Web may contribute to the democratization of the Union. Nonetheless it appears that the right communication policy of the EU institutions is essential in this context. The results of content analysis of the European Commission's websites allowed to indicate main trends in the EU communications. Application of such techniques as simplifi cation, visualization, personalization, dramatization and polarization redounds to the changes in political communication in the EU. Prevalence of techniques that aim to increase communication attractiveness – being in thrall to the rules of marketing – may have a negative impact on civic participation in the political processes in the EU and also on the institution of European citizenship

The victory of the National Front Party led by Ms. Marine le Pen within the European Parliamentary Election in France by May 2014 raised the question whether or not it signals the end of the French left-right bipolarized party system. This option remains uncertain. The far-right party of the 45-year-old daughter of National Front founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen, gained new voters, deepening the national audience of the extremist party geographically and in the different categories of the population. But the still remaining French "presidentialist" constitutional political regime continues to operate under a strong constraint in favor of bipolarization. Meanwhile, the possible presence of Ms. Le Pen as the two-qualified opponent for the second round of the presidential election is currently determining, and will continue to determine for the next two years, the political strategies of the 2017 future running candidates and parties.

The victory of the National Front Party led by Ms. Marine le Pen within the European Parliamentary Election in France by May 2014 raised the question whether or not it signals the end of the French left-right bipolarized party system. This option remains uncertain. The far-right party of the 45-year-old daughter of National Front founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen, gained new voters, deepening the national audience of the extremist party geographically and in the different categories of the population. But the still remaining French "presidentialist" constitutional political regime continues to operate under a strong constraint in favor of bipolarization. Meanwhile, the possible presence of Ms. Le Pen as the two-qualified opponent for the second round of the presidential election is currently determining, and will continue to determine for the next two years, the political strategies of the 2017 future running candidates and parties.

The author applies a variant of the common pool resources theory to the problem of public spending under the coalition governments elected by proportional representation. The claim is that proportional representation produces cabinets with a large number of parties, and that a large number of parties brings about higher public spending (measured by budget deficit and public debt). The author constructs and deploys the concept of budgetary dilemma to the effect that, absent institutional constraints, public spending results in expansionary fiscal policy. In the second part, the author empirically tests the budgetary dilemma in two postcommunist democracies - Serbia and Croatia, which in 2000-2013 had cabinets with a large number of actors and increasing public spending. The analysis shows a statistically unreliable predictive capacity of the main independent variable - the number of parties in the cabinet. Statistical analysis is followed by several illustrations of the budgetary dilemma. Adapted from the source document.

The author applies a variant of the common pool resources theory to the problem of public spending under the coalition governments elected by proportional representation. The claim is that proportional representation produces cabinets with a large number of parties, and that a large number of parties brings about higher public spending (measured by budget deficit and public debt). The author constructs and deploys the concept of budgetary dilemma to the effect that, absent institutional constraints, public spending results in expansionary fiscal policy. In the second part, the author empirically tests the budgetary dilemma in two postcommunist democracies - Serbia and Croatia, which in 2000-2013 had cabinets with a large number of actors and increasing public spending. The analysis shows a statistically unreliable predictive capacity of the main independent variable - the number of parties in the cabinet. Statistical analysis is followed by several illustrations of the budgetary dilemma. Adapted from the source document.

There is a significant regulation concerning spa-towns and/or health resorts in Austria, the Czech Republic, Germany and Slovakia. In federal states (i.e. in Austria and Germany), this regulation is adopted at the federal and länder (i.e. regional) level, yet the latter one is definitely more intensive. The spa-related regulation in each state considered is meant to provide public warranty as to the quality of natural features of spa-towns or health resorts. In the same time, this regulation sets significant constraints with regard to the choice of development patterns available to spas. The resulting opportunity cost can, however, be covered by price premia chargeable in spas and by special taxes levied only in spas. The tax income arising from them, however, is earmarked as it can be designated for improvements of spa-related features and functions of a given town or site. In the countries considered, there is no specifically designed subvention scheme which could be used only by spa-towns or health resorts.