Suchergebnisse

The classical models of teaching in education represent one of the main pillars of face-to-face learning. Digital learning allows access to different instances of distance learning, which constitutes a key role in setting up a distance learning system. Every model is adapted to a type of training. Digital learning has become more and more a necessity for the whole civil society, universities have had a tendency to be followed and to development in the pedagogical field, more precise training and new learning modes. With this effect, the choice of the appropriate model to this type of training is very important to take into consideration to better exploit the resources. In the following article, the authors will try to analyze the different classical models of teaching and to analyze distance learning in order to identify the most appropriate model, the main goal of the subject is to show the relevance of the adoption of the teaching model in distance learning.

L'objectif de cet article est le repérage de la composante constructiviste du « discours dominant » qui, de Bruno Latour à la géo-ingénierie, conduit à la justification de l'Anthropocène et des délices du développement technologique débridé. J'appelle géo-constructivisme la politique globale qui a généré les changements climatiques et les solutions technologiques qui sont proposées pour les réguler.

Constructivisme et pratiques réflexives d'élaboration de la constitution L'approche par la dépendance aux pratiques fait une tentative bienvenue de frayer un chemin entre, d'une part, le cosmopolitisme libéral, et, d'autre part, l'étatisme et le nationalisme. Ce faisant, elle cherche à réconcilier l'universalité de la justice avec le rôle particulier que jouent les principes de justice dans le contexte des différentes pratiques sociales. Dans cet article, j'affirme cependant que le « tournant pratique » dans la théorisation de la justice n'est pas allé assez loin, que ce soit méthodologiquement ou substantiellement. D'un point de vue méthodologique, il est nécessaire de dépasser le positivisme résiduel de l'approche par la dépendance aux pratiques en faveur d'une approche interprétative qui rende compte de la nature réflexive et évolutive des pratiques sociales. D'un point de vue substantiel, porter l'attention sur la réflexivité des pratiques sociales, en particulier sur les pratiques d'élaboration réflexive de la constitution, fournit le cadre d'une approche républicaine de la justice internationale ayant le souci de réconcilier l'idée kantienne d'universalité de la justice avec l'idée de souveraineté populaire de Rousseau et Hegel.

The practice-dependent approach to global justice makes a welcome attempt to steer a course between egalitarian liberal cosmopolitanism, on the one hand, and statism and nationalism, on the other. In so doing, it seeks to reconcile the universality of justice with the particular role principles of justice play within the context of different social practices. In this paper, I argue, however, that the 'practice turn' in theorising about justice has not gone far enough, either methodologically or substantively. Methodologically, it is necessary to move beyond the residual positivism of the practice-dependent approach to an interpretive approach that takes account of the reflexive, developmental nature of social practices. Substantively, focusing on the reflexivity of social practices, and particularly practices of reflexive constitution-making, provides a framework for a republican approach to international justice concerned with reconciling Kant's idea of the universality of justice with the emphasis on popular sovereignty of Rousseau and Hegel. Adapted from the source document.

The article deals with the evolution of constructivist paradigm of international relations. The issue is of utmost importance in terms of the search for theoretical alternatives in the IR thinking. First, we are giving basic introduction of constructivism on the basis of historical and hermeneutical approaches. There is no doubt that the paradigm has faced different theoretical challenges and a lot of critics which has to be addressed. The authors reconsider some constructivist theories and notions in Alexander Wendt's works and the way Wendt tried to reinforce and reassure the constructivist paradigm. This allows us to claim that quantum turn in recent Wendt's work was almost inevitable. Second, the article attempts to answer a question whether the fundamentals of quantum physics are relevant when speaking about social and political processes. At first glance, quantum physics approach has nothing in common with the theory of politics and the theory of international relations. However, there are some grounds to believe that certain problem issues of the political science and IR theory are not deadlocks. In the second part of the article we use the unleashed and underestimated potential of analytical philosophy. To conclude, we believe that today there are more questions than answers but the quantum paradigm is expected to be the important part of the political studies and IR theory as well.

ObjectiveWe argue that the "everyday nationalism" approach is both useful and necessary for improving existing constructivist approaches in the comparative study of nationalism and ethnic politics.MethodsA meta‐analysis of existing studies reveals pervasive conceptual and methodological problems of contemporary constructivist approaches. We consider the implications of replacing individuals or groups with ethnic or nationalist practices as units of analysis.ResultsEveryday nationalism promises to address the gap between constructivist theory and the methodological individualism of existing studies. This approach proceeds from ethnographic observation and utilizes methods reliant on observing societal interaction or relational meaning making for verification. We illustrate such a research strategy using examples of nationalist legitimation in authoritarian regimes and the ethnicization of economic development.ConclusionThe everyday nationalism approach promises to overcome the shortcomings in much contemporary constructivist work. The potential for developing qualitative data sets of nationalist or ethnic practices further promises to complement constructivist insights.

There are at least two politically salient senses of "representation"—acting-for-othersandportraying-something-as-something. The difference is not just semantic but also logical: relations of representative agency are dyadic (xrepresentsy), while portrayals are triadic (xrepresentsyasz). I exploit this insight to disambiguate constructivism and to improve our theoretical vocabulary for analyzing political representation. I amend Saward's claims-based approach on three points, introducing the "characterization" to correctly identify the elements of representational claims; explaining the "referent" in pragmatic, not metaphysical terms; and differentiating multiple forms of representational activity. This enables me to clarify how the represented can bebothprior to representationandconstituted by it, and to recover Pitkin's idea that representatives ought to be "responsive" to the represented. These points are pertinent to debates about the role of representatives, the nature of representative democracy, and the dynamics of revolutionary movements.

Abstract:Kant is regarded as one of the most influential cosmopolitan thinkers. Indeed his legacy still influences the contemporary legal and philosophical debate on this issue. But what is the Kantian conception of cosmopolitan law? In which terms does it arise out of his notion of a 'right to visit'? How does it contribute to the construction of a 'cosmopolitan constitution'? In this article the view is advanced that Kant was a legal constructivist. The argument assumes also that within Kant's view of an 'original community of interaction', the justification of a cosmopolitan notion of authority allows exercises of freedom under a general scheme of right. Kant's 'cosmopolitan constitution' depends therefore upon such rationale, as well as on the jurisdictional link that the right to visit determines in allowing individuals with the possibility to have a 'place on earth'.