Suchergebnisse

ASEAN as a regional organization is currently in an effort to develop cooperation in the form of the ASEAN Community. The formation of the ASEAN Community is based on three pillars, where one of the pillars is the political-security pillar (ASEAN Political-Security Community / APSC) who faces the most dynamic challenges related to security issues in the Southeast Asia. This security issue certainly has an influence on interactions both among intra-regional states and with extra-regional states. This paper aims to analysis the challenges and opportunities faced by the ASEAN political-security community to strengthen cooperation in dealing with security issues in the Southeast Asian. This paper is based on a constructivism analysis of the formation of a security community. This paper will get an overview of the challenges and opportunities faced in the realization of cooperation to tackle security issues in the Southeast Asia region within the framework of the APSC. The description of these challenges and opportunities can be the basis for analyzing what strategies must be done to encourage the realization of the APSC in accordance with what is expected by the members states.

After the Soviet break-up and the Marxist regime collapsed, many of alternative notions emerged in the academic community in Russia, including alternative ideas in the field of International Relations (IR). A number of Russian IR scholars attempted to reconstruct the theories of IR, not just the IR theories that developed in Russia during the era of Marxism, but also against Western IR theories. Although the post-Cold War aspirations to create a distinct national school of International Relations in Russia, but these efforts are not free from the ideology and political goal that directing and guiding Russian foreign policy. Even, IR scholars in Russia have come to shared with the Russian government in terms of building the IR theories with the Russian characteristics, especially in challenging Western hegemony in the social sciences and international relations. This article tries to elaborate three intellectual traditions of international relations that developed in Russia, namely Westernism, Statism, and Civilizationism. Westernizer IR heavily influenced by Western liberalism, Statism more inspired by the realism, while Civilizationism is more of a hybrid between the constructivism and Russian essentialism.

Development of Indonesian national law should not leave attention to development of legal plurality as its source. Focus of this study is to see the influence of Indonesian social factors on the development of Islamic law and how Islamic law can be integratively transformed into the National Law. By qualitative method and socio-legal approach and constructivism paradigm, this study bases on theories of social change influeces on Islamic law law without leaving methodology of usul fiqh and the sources of Islamic law. Islamic law has broad opportunity and experiences to be integratively transformed into national law within Indonesia's own character. Transformation can be done in the whole structure of Islamic law including its values of philosophy, principles and norms, and can be performed in all areas, both private and public Law, written law by political power and unwritten law with cultural approach. However, Islamic law as one of the Indonesia living laws and the sources of National law, still today is viewed in dichotomy to the National law and only transformed in limited norms. There are many obstacles to be transformed into national law integratively and widely, though Islamic law has wide space of interpretation and intellectualism that can adapt to different contexts and National law.

Siden Gulfkrigen i 1991 har skandinaviske land deltatt i nesten 30 år med sammenhengende krig, på blant annet Balkan, i Afghanistan, i Irak, Libya, Mali og Syria. Hvordan kan vi forstå denne formen for militæraktivisme? Tradisjonelle teorier fra realismen, institusjonalismen og konstruktivismen gir ingen gode svar. Innenfor organisasjonsteorien derimot, finnes det forklaringer knyttet til begrepet «strategisk kultur». Ved å utforske den strategiske kulturen i USAs militære styrker under krigene i Afghanistan, Irak og Libya trer det frem et tydelig mønster: det bombes for mye på militær side, og det snakkes for lite på diplomatisk side. I USAs doktriner levnes det lite til overs for dialog, forhandling og kompromiss. Dermed blir den strategiske kulturen innad i de militære styrkene et outrert uttrykk for en krigføringsform der operasjonene ses på som et null-sum spill. Resultatet blir oftest systemkollaps i statene som angripes. Denne kulturen har store konsekvenser for små skandinaviske allianseavhengige land: knappe forsvarsressurser trekkes inn i hengemyrerer det er vanskelig å komme ut av, ikke minst fordi koalisjonslederen selv, USA, forårsaker dem.
Abstract in English:How Should Scandinavian Military Activism Be Understand?Since the 1991 Gulf War, Scandinavian states have continuously been engaged in various international operations, i.e. on the Balkans, in Afghanistan, in Iraq, Libya, Mali and Syria. How can we comprehend this peculiar form of Scandinavian military activism? Traditional theories derived from realism, institutionalism and constructivism provides few convincing explanations. Within organisational theory however, plausible explanations may be found though the concept of 'strategic culture'. By exploring the military culture prevailing inside US forces operating in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya, a consistent pattern arises: too much bombing from the military side, coupled with insufficient diplomatic talks. Little effort is paid to dialogue, negotiations and compromises. US warfighting thereby becomes a one-dimensional expression of a zero-sum game where the winner takes it all. The result is a collapse inside the states that are attacked. This culture has grave consequences for small Scandinavian allies: scarce military resources are trapped into a quagmire made by the coalition leader itself, the United States.