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This article is devoted to the critique of the 'democratic peace' theory by various schools of IR theory, including Realism, Liberalism and Constructivism. ; В данной статье рассматривается критика теории «демократического мира» представителями различных школ теории международных отношений – реализма, либерализма и конструктивизма.

On the basis of positivism and constructivism theories the article examines and analyzes the Spanish government's point of view concerning the disagreement over the possession of Gibraltar, Ceuta and Melilla. The author has considered principal arguments of Spain in these territorial disputes that appear in the mass media, analytical articles and statements of different politicians concerned. The results of the research reveal the exact antithesis of the cases "Gibraltar" and "Ceuta and Melilla" in the context of positivism and constructivism theories. ; Статья посвящена выявлению и анализу современной позиции правительства Испании по проблеме принадлежности территорий Гибралтара, Сеуты и Мелильи, основываясь на методологии позитивизма и конструктивизма. Автором рассмотрены основные аргументы, приводимые испанской стороной, которые фигурируют в СМИ, аналитических статьях и выступлениях заинтересованных в этих территориальных спорах политиков. Сделан вывод об абсолютной зеркальности кейсов «Гибралтар» и «Сеута и Мелилья» в контекстах теорий позитивизма и конструктивизма.

The article contains a brief review of existing directions in social studies, emphasizing the role of social institutes, historical, cultural and communicative processes in formation of social representations about "the others", defined from the position of ethnicity or citizenship and assembled under the general name of constructivist paradigm. It is pointed out that the image of the "other" in individual and social consciousness represents a result of collective communicative activity, integrated in social reality by means of discourses, developed by elites - politicians and intellectuals and translated by educational systems and mass-media. The authors underline that the image of "other" constitutes an important component of individual world view, serving for the social identity construction and marking limits between in - and outgroups. Proximal structures of representations about "other" are built at the institutional level, while distal ones - at the group and individual level in the process on interpersonal or intergroup interaction and are changed by life experience and personal meanings and sense.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2015)3.1-36 ; В статье представлен краткий обзор существующих направлений социальных исследований, подчеркивающих роль социальных институтов, историко-культурных и коммуникационных процессов в формировании социальных представлений о «других», определяемых с позиций этничности и гражданственности и объединенных под общим названием «конструктивистская парадигма». Отмечается, что существующий в индивидуальном и общественном сознании образ «другого» является результатом коллективной коммуникативной деятельности и интегрирован в социальную реальность посредством дискурсов, производимых элитами и транслируемых через систему образования и средства массовой коммуникации. Авторами подчеркивается, что в образе «другого» отражены результаты эволюции общества, а сам он является неотъемлемым компонентом картины мира, служащим для формирования социальной идентичности и маркировки границ между своей и чужой группой. Конструирование ядерных структур представлений о «другом» осуществляется на институциональном уровне, а периферических - на социально-групповом и индивидуальном уровнях в процессе межличностного и межгруппового взаимодействия, преломляемых сквозь жизненный опыт, индивидуальные значения и личностный смысл.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2015)3.1-36

Секция 2. Методологический потенциал современной философии ; В статье исследуется проблематизация феномена идентичности в различных философских дискурсах. Анализируется процесс формирования коллективной идентичности в контексте примордиализма, историцизма и конструктивизма. Особое внимание уделяется эвристическому потенциалу конструктивистского тренда в современных исследованиях феномена идентичности. Выявляется специфика конструктивистской транскрипции идентичности, подчеркивается эксплицируемый в рамках конструктивизма динамический аспект ее рассмотрения, обозначается многофакторность подхода с учетом влияния социальных, политических и экономических изменений. ; The article explores the problematization of the phenomenon of identity in various philosophical discourses. The article analyzes the process of formation of collective identity in the context of primordialism, historicism and constructivism. Special attention is paid to the heuristic potential of the constructivist trend in contemporary studies of the phenomenon of identity. The article reveals the specifics of constructivist transcription of identity, emphasizes the dynamic aspect of its consideration, explicable within the framework of constructivism, means the multifactor approach taking into account the influence of social, political and economic changes.

U radu se, korištenjem konstruktivističkog pristupa Alexandera Wendta, analiziraju razlozi za nastanak europskih integracija s obzirom na neriješeno njemačko pitanje. Pritom se koristi model odnosa identiteta i interesa kako bi se analiziralo ponašanje Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Sovjetskoga Saveza u razdoblju od 1945. do 1990. s obzirom na nastanak hladnoga rata, europskih integracija i rješavanje njemačkoga pitanja. Također se analizira odnos identiteta i interesa dviju njemačkih država prema njihovom budućem ujedinjenju. Polazeći od Giddensove teorije strukturacije, na koju se naslanja Wendtov konstruktivizam, prati se ponašanje države kao agenta u odnosu prema anarhiji kao strukturi međunarodnog sustava. U članku se propituje pretpostavka da je neriješeno njemačko pitanje ubrzalo, ali i uvjetovalo nastanak europskih integracija. Na kraju članka analizira se utjecaj politike detanta i njezinih posljedica na njemačko ujedinjenje. ; In this article, Alexander Wendt's constructivist approach was used in order to explain the reasons for the formation of European integrations in regard to the unresolved German Question. The model of interaction between identities and interests was used in order to analyse the behaviour of two superpowers between 1945 and 1990, in relation to the following developments: the Cold War, European integrations, and German unification. The behaviour of two German states regarding their future unification was also observed. The state was used as the basic unit of analysis. As theoretical foundation, Wendt's constructivist approach, which rests on Giddens' theory of structuration, was used in order to explain duality of structure and agency in relation to reproduction or transformation of the (international) system. The assumption that the unresolved German Question not only accelerated but also conditioned the emergence of European integrations, was put under scrutiny. It was also analysed how the emergence of the policy of detente conditioned the changes in international relations during the observed period, particularly in regard to ideational factors such as the results of the Conference on European Security and Co operation, West German Ostpolitik, and the appearance of new ideas in the former Soviet Union, as well as their role in the unification of two German states in 1990.

Современные адепты эпистемологического конструктивизма, опираясь на онтологические идеи
Дж. Беркли и используя методологию софистики и диалектики, утверждают, что именно И. Кант
является основоположником этого философского направления. В статье сравниваются идеи ак-
тивности субъекта, высказанные И. Кантом, с субъективистскими воззрениями современных кон-
структивистов. Авторы приходят к заключению, что активность познающего субъекта, его позна-
вательная деятельность в гносеологии И. Канта не имеет ничего общего с исходными (субъекти-
вистскими) установками конструктивистов. Современная философия конструктивизма, вопло-
щенная в психологизме и телесном подходе, не имеет ничего существенно общего с гносеологиче-
скими идеями И. Канта. Ведь именно И. Кант вывел философию из того гносеологического тупи-
ка, в который она зашла в работах эмпириков-сенсуалистов, субъективных идеалистов и рациона-
листов – настоящих предшественников современного (постмодернового) конструктивизма.
Ключевые слова: конструктивизм в эпистемологии, Кант, Беркли, истина.

The author shows modern conservative concepts of politics as a variant of normative political theory. Conservatism shows up as a reaction to enlightened rationalism. In contrast to rationalistic revolutionary constructivism, conservatism pleads for a return to a religious basis for man's spiritual & political life. Conservatism creates policies based on tradition & the family, which sustains feelings of obligation toward the community. The state is not just an instrument for special interests, but an expression of substantial cooperation in the nation & its society. Thus, conservatism leads to a demand for reforms of existing liberal institutions. Adapted from the source document.

The article reveals the content of some theories based on the methodological and worldview basis of the concept of "non-subjectivity": postmodernism, constructivism, physicalism, cognitivism, neurophysiology, neuropsychology, neurolinguistics and other sciences. The heuristic aspects of these theories in the understanding of man and consciousness are shown, as well as significant shortcomings, which consist in the violation of the dialectic of objective and subjective reality, subject and object, are reveled. There are some examples, that illustrate the need for a comprehensive study of people not only on the basis of the study of the psychology of higher nervous activity, but also the activity and communication mechanisms of human study in culture and society.

The article discusses the various types of nationalism in Moldova through the prism of methodological constructivism. The author distinguishes such types of nationalism as a nationalism of minorities. the new nationalism of nationalizing State and the nationalism of external national homelands to which minorities belong, or may consider themselves as belonging on cultural foundations, as well as nationalism immigrants. The author demostates their interweaving and interaction, as well as a position in the political process of the country. ; В статье рассматриваются различные виды национализмов в Республике Молдова через методологическую призму конструктивизма. Выделяются такие типы национализмов как национализм национальных меньшинств (national minorities), национализм новых национализирующих государств (nationalizing states) и национализм внешних национальных родственных государства (external national homelands) к которым принадлежат меньшинства или могут считать себя принадлежащими по культурные основания, а также национализм эмигрантов. В статье автор показывает их переплетение и взаимовлияние, а также место в политическом процессе в республике.

The paper deals with the analysis of the concept "regional complex" by three mainstream approaches in the IR theory, namely, neorealism, neoliberalism, and social constructivism. In the English-speaking world the concept is mostly associated with the Regional Security Complexes Theory (RSCT) developed by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver. However, such understanding reads the concept too narrow. Russian scholars (Alexei D. Voskressenski, Ekaterina V. Koldunova) broaden this understanding by engaging developmental issues. Yet, it seems that the concept "regional complex" still needs further elaboration. The author aims to analyze the use of the concept in the available English and Russian academic literature in order to reveal its scientific value. Having found that existing interpretations do not identify unambiguously the meaning of the "regional complex", the author suggests her own definition of the regional complex as an integrated ("mature") regional subsystem, which possesses its own actorness based on the feeling of a specific regional identity that is shared by peoples of the region as well as extra-regional observers. The paper offers an analytic comparison of the notions "region", "regional subsystem", "regional complex". The main conclusion drawn by the author implies that the concept of "regional complex", virtually ignored by English-speaking academic community, deserves an entry in the Russian political science thesaurus because it helps to conceptualise a promising field of international relations, that is, regional and interregional interaction. It seems that the use of this term is meaningful and productive for further development of the RussianschoolofWorld Regional Studies. ; Настоящая статья посвящена рассмотрению понятия «региональный комплекс» (regional complex) с позиций трёх доминирующих на данный момент в теории международных отношений парадигмальных подходов ‒ неореализма, неолиберализма и конструктивизма. В англоязычной литературе понятие «региональный комплекс» ассоциируется, прежде всего, с теорией региональных комплексов безопасности, выдвинутой Б. Бузаном и О. Уэвером; однако, такая трактовка значительно обедняет его содержание. В отечественной литературе предпринята попытка отойти от узкого понимания данного термина, расширив его содержание за счёт добавления проблематики развития (см. работы А.Д. Воскресенского, Е.В. Колдуновой и др.). Вместе с тем, представляется, что с концептуальной точки зрения данное понятие всё ещё недостаточно проработано. Автор статьи ставит своей целью проанализировать применение термина «региональный комплекс» в доступной ему англоязычной и русскоязычной литературе с тем, чтобы выявить его научную ценность. Признавая, что существующие трактовки не позволяют однозначно зафиксировать значение рассматриваемого термина, автор предлагает своё определение регионального комплекса как интегрированной («зрелой») региональной подсистемы, обладающей собственной субъектностью, основанной на чувстве региональной (само)идентичности, разделяемой населением конкретного региона и внерегиональными наблюдателями. В статье приводится аналитическое сравнение понятий «регион», «региональная подсистема», «региональный комплекс», характеризуются их смысловые отличия. Основной вывод автора заключается в том, что понятие регионального комплекса, несмотря на его практическую невостребованность англоязычными исследователями, заслуживает своего места в русскоязычном политологическом словаре, поскольку позволяет концептуализировать многообещающую сферу международных отношений – региональные и межрегиональные взаимодействия. Представляется, что использование данного термина является значимым и продуктивным для дальнейшего развития отечественной школы мирового комплексного регионоведения.

The article is devoted to the development of the modern politics of identity construction in Japan, which actively refers to the practice of designing self-image in international relations. This trend dates back to the 19th century, when there was the end of Sakoku (Japan's policy of isolation). It is now possible to talk about the institutionalization of the identity construction policy to organized structures and regulations. Enhanced efforts in the field of Japanese traditional and popular culture, education and creative content has led to a number of institutions appearance (like Japan Foundation Fund, Japan Creative Agency, Japan Culture Fund, Agency for Cultural Affairs, Cool Japan Fund, Japan brand Fund) and changing idea about the role of culture in foreign policy realization (it is fixed the documents of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry), as well as a number of projects (Cool Japan, Visit Japan, Japan Culture Power, Japan Manga Awards, Kawaii Ambassadors, Cosplay International Fest and etc.). These efforts are aimed at forming Japan identity abroad to solve a number of foreign policy challenges of the future and the development of economic cooperation. The Japanese government nearest plans is to increase funding in order to create a positive image of Japan in the region of East Asia. All of these allows us to speak about the policy of the Japanese construction of identity as an institutionalized process in which there was clearance of organizations and regulatory activities.

This paper has two objectives. Firstly, I would like to introduce the conceptual framework for foreign policy analysis: the so-called role theory. In order for us to explain & understand the foreign policies of nation-states, the role theory focuses on the reasoning of national political elites, their understanding of the international system & the perceived role of their own states within this larger system. I will introduce the concepts of the role theory, its epistemological underpinning & the most important analytical applications of it. Secondly, I intend to make a contribution to the discussions about the application of social constructivism (as an IR theory) to foreign policy analysis. Thanks to its metatheoretical assumptions & conceptual outfit, the role theory is an appropriate candidate for bridging the gap between constructivist IR theory & FPA. Adapted from the source document.

U suvremenom zapadnom društvu terorizam je postao kulturalni simbol straha te je samim time postao referentni okvir za evaluaciju bilo kakvih drugih oblika ugroze ljudskoj sigurnosti. Pokušaji donošenja univerzalne definicije terorizma nikada nisu rezultirali uspjehom, a razlog tomu je njegova situacijska i pejorativna priroda te preklapanje s drugim formama političkog nasilja (gerilsko ratovanje, pobune i slično). Na tom tragu, prikazivanje određenih fenomena i događaja kao terorističkih može biti stvar subjektivne konstrukcije značenja tog pojma. Stoga je u ovom radu, uz metodu kritičke analize diskursa protuterorističkih strategija Europske unije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, prikazano kako se konstruira strah od terorizma u kolektivnoj svijesti zapadnog društva, te su komparativnom analizom utvrđene sličnosti i razlike u provođenju politike straha od strane zapadnih političkih elita. Rezultati analiza ukazuju kako se prikaz prijetnje koju terorizam predstavlja zapadnom svijetu ne temelji na činjenicama, nego na zamišljanju najgorih mogućih ishodišnih scenarija terorističkih napada. ; Terrorism has become a cultural symbol of fear in contemporary Western society and therefore a frame of reference for evaluation of any other type of threat to human security. Attempts to universally define terrorism have never been succesful because of its situational and pejorative nature and overlap with other forms of political violence (guerilla warfare, insurgency etc.). Consequently, representation of certain phenomena and events as terrorist can be a matter of subjective construction. Therefore, by applying method of critical discourse analysis to counterterrorism strategies of the European Union and the United States of America, it is shown how the fear of terrorism in collective consciousness of Western society is constructed. In addition, comparative analysis method shows similarities and differences in conduction of politics of fear by western political elites. Results of analysis indicate that the representation of terrorist threat to Western society is based not on facts but on imagining worst-case scenarios of terrorist attack.

The author outlines the chief features of the constructivist moral conception in its Kantian variant & argues that such a moral conception had been unjustifiably looked over in relation to the traditional moral conceptions such as utilitariarism, intuitionism & perfectionism. The central idea of Kantian constructivism is linking certain notions of the person & principles of justice that should regulate basic social institutions by means of the constructivist procedure. The author's starting point is the conception of moral persons as free & equal. He claims that an appropriate connection among thus perceived persons & the first principles of justice is established in such a way that the first principles are chosen under reasonable conditions in which individuals possess solely such qualities. The reasonable conditions consist of the symmetrical situatedness of the "choosers," the veil of ignorance (which obscures the morally irrelevant features of persons' attributes) & the publicity condition. The author's goal is to reach a proper viewpoint on the basis of which citizens are to judge their fundamental social institutions & in that way achieve consensus on the need for & the direction of their reform. Adapted from the source document.