Suchergebnisse

Since achieving its independence in 1960, Nigeria has struggled almost incomparably to achieve a measure of economic stability and realize its projected economic potential. Through successive regime changes from 1966, the Country alternatively swung from Civilian to Military rule until democracy and relative political stability was eventually restored in 1999. Nonetheless, the challenge of underdevelopment has endured throughout this period. Despite posting impressive figures via economic indicators and boasting what is now regarded as Africa"s biggest economy, Nigerians still rank among the World"s poorest people as the wealth of the nation miserably fails to reflect on the vast majority of its people. Several reasons have been nominated for this apparently inexplicable disparity between the Macro-economic and Micro-economic fortunes of the State, ranging from the tartuffery of the Colonial powers to sheer widespread incompetence that permeates society today. However, corruption and insecurity remain the most salient reasons underlying Nigeria"s lack of development. Together, these twin-evils have become deeply entrenched at the base of the Nigerian social culture and have come to straddle the normative ethical distinction between right and wrong. This paper is aimed at investigating the Nigerian underdevelopment problem with the goal of identifying the causal factors that stunt political and economic efforts at development. The paper is divided into five chapters. The first chapter introduces the topic and key terms; the second chapter reviews the literature and notes some of the most notable scholarly contributions to the subject matter. The third chapter gives a robust historical analysis of the State with respect to the topic. This chapter enlightens the reader on the historical background on which this research is carried out. The fourth chapter conveys the Constructivist insights into the underdevelopment problem in Nigeria, in this chapter a thorough data analysis is carried out in order to validate the insistence on corruption and insecurity as primary causal factors. The fifth chapter contains the summaries, conclusions and predictions. Keywords: Underdevelopment, Corruption, Insecurity, Constructivism ; ÖZ: 1960 yılında bağımsızlığını elde yana, Nijerya, ekonomik istikrar bir ölçü elde etmek ve onun öngörülen ekonomik potansiyelini neredeyse kıyas mücadele etti. Demokrasi ve göreli siyasi istikrar sonunda 1999 yılında restore edildi dek 1966 ardışık rejim değişiklikleri sayesinde, ülke alternatif Askeri kuralın Sivil dan salladı. Bununla birlikte, azgelişmişlik meydan bu dönem boyunca dayandı. Ulusun zenginliği sefil halkının büyük çoğunluğu yansıtmak için başarısız olarak ekonomik göstergeler aracılığıyla etkileyici rakamlar gönderme ve şimdi Afrika'nın en büyük ekonomisi olarak kabul ne övünme rağmen, Nijeryalılar hala Dünyanın en yoksul insanları arasında yer almaktadır. Bunun birkaç nedeni bugün toplumu nüfuz sırf yaygın yetersizliği sömürge güçlerinin tartuffery arasında değişen Devletin makro -ekonomik ve mikro -ekonomik fala arasındaki bu görünüşte anlaşılmaz eşitsizlik aday oylandı. Ancak, yolsuzluk ve güvensizlik geliştirme Nijerya'nın eksikliği altında yatan en çarpıcı nedenleri kalır. Hep birlikte, bu ikiz kötülükler Nijeryalı toplumsal kültürün dibinde derinden kök salmış olmuştur ve doğru ile yanlış arasında normatif etik ayrımı apışıp kalmak için geldim. Bu kağıt gelişimine siyasi ve ekonomik çabaları dublör nedensel faktörlerin belirlenmesi amacıyla Nijeryalı azgelişmişlik sorunu araştırıyor hedefleniyor. Kağıt beş bölüme ayrılmıştır. Birinci bölümde konu ve anahtar terimleri tanıtır; İkinci bölümde literatür gözden ve konuya en önemli bilimsel katkıları bazı notlar. Üçüncü bölümde konu ile ilgili Devlet sağlam tarihsel analizini verir. Bu bölümde bu araştırma gerçekleştirildiği tarihsel arka plan üzerinde okuyucuya aydınlatır. Dördüncü bölümdeNijerya'da geri kalmışlık sorunu haline Yapılandırmacı anlayışlar aktarıyor, bu bölümde ayrıntılı bir veri analizi birincil nedensel faktörler olarak yolsuzluk ve güvensizlik üzerine ısrarı doğrulamak amacıyla yapılır. Beşinci bölüm özetleri, sonuçları ve tahminler içermektedir . Anahtar Kelimeler: Azgelişmişlik, Yolsuzluk, Güvensizlik, Yapılandırmacılık ; Master of Arts in International Relations. Thesis (M.A.)--Eastern Mediterranean University, Faculty of Business and Economics, Dept. of Political Science and International Relations, 2016. Supervisor: Assist. Prof. Dr. Aylin Gürzel.

This text uses the body to peel back the layers of time and taken-for-granted-ness upon the two defining political forms of modernity, the state and the subject of rights. It traces, under the lens of the body, how the state and the subject mutually constituted each other all the way down, by going all the way back, to their original crafting in the seventeenth century. It considers multiple sites of theory and practice and two revolutions.

En esta investigación se realiza un estudio sociolingüístico de los tres presidentes de la democracia extremeña: Rodríguez Ibarra, Monago y Fernández Vara. A partir de la recopilación de un corpus lingüístico sonoro de distintas intervenciones de los presidentes en el ámbito político (discursos, mítines) y en el ámbito público (entrevistas en radio y televisión nacional y regional), realizaremos una investigación sociolingüística para comprobar qué semejanzas y qué diferencias hay entre ellos. Además, observaremos si utilizan estrategias discursivas en sus intervenciones. Por una parte, usaremos variantes fonéticas propias del extremeño para conocer quiénes son más o menos conservadores; por otra, desde una perspectiva constructivista, comprobaremos si variables extralingüísticas como la generación, y estilísticas como el tipo de discurso, el contexto en el que se encuentran, o la audiencia a la que se dirigen, modifican sus rasgos lingüísticos. En nuestros resultados se ha comprobado que, efectivamente, hay cambios lingüísticos en algunos presidentes, y el empleo de variantes regionales parece beneficiar la percepción que los propios extremeños, sus votantes, tienen de ellos. ; This research presents a sociolinguistic study of the three presidents of democracy in Extremadura: Rodríguez Ibarra, Monago and Fernández Vara. Based on the compilation of an oral linguistic corpus of different interventions of the presidents in the political sphere (speeches, rallies) and in the public sphere (interviews they have given on national and regional radio and television), we will carry out a sociolinguistic investigation to check if there are similarities and differences between them. In addition, we will observe whether they use discursive strategies in their speeches. On the one hand, we will use phonetic variants of Extremaduran to find out which presidents are more or less conservative; on the other hand, from a constructivist perspective, we will check whether extralinguistic variables such as generation, and stylistic variables such as the type of discourse, the context in which they find themselves, or the audience they are addressing, modify their linguistic features. Our results show that there are indeed linguistic changes in some presidents, and the use of regional variants is beneficial in changing the perception that Extremadura's voters have of them.

In this research we present a sociolinguistic study of the three presidents of Extremadura's democracy: Rodríguez Ibarra, Monago and Fernández Vara. From the compilation of a linguistic corpus of different interventions of the presidents, we will carry out a sociolinguistic investigation to verify the similarities and the differences that exist between them. On the one hand, we will use phonetic variants typical of Extremadura to know who uses more conservative and innovative phenomena and, on the other hand, from a constructivist perspective, we will check whether some extralinguistic variables such as age, and stylistics such as the type of discourse, the context in which they are located, or the audience to which they are directed, modify their linguistic features ; En esta investigación se realiza un estudio sociolingüístico de los tres presidentes de la democracia extremeña: Rodríguez Ibarra, Monago y Fernández Vara. A partir de la recopilación de un corpus lingüístico de distintas intervenciones de los presidentes, realizaremos una investigación sociolingüística para comprobar qué semejanzas y diferencias hay entre ellos. Por una parte, usaremos variantes fonéticas propias del extremeño para conocer cuáles son más o menos conservadores; por otra, desde una perspectiva constructivista, comprobaremos si variables extralingüísticas biológicas como la generación, y estilísticas como el tipo de discurso, el contexto en el que se encuentran, o la audiencia a la que se dirigen, modifican sus rasgos lingüísticos.

"The Institutions of International Society" published on by Oxford University Press.

John Stuart Mill and José de Alencar lived at the same time and wrote about the same issues, and yet the connections between their political theories remain unexplored. Seeking to offer a comparison of both theories, this article argues that reading Mill's "Considerations on Representative Government" (1977b) vis-à-vis Alencar's "Systema representativo" (1868) brings to the fore two aspects of Mill's political theory that Mill scholars usually overlook: 01. political representation is endowed with constructivist power; 02. epistemic democracy and agonistic democracy can be mutually reinforcing. A comparative reading between Mill and Alencar reveals that representation does not simply reproduce or mirror pre-given ideas and identities, but also constructs them. In addition, it reveals that epistemic democracy is not at odds with agonistic democracy. To be sure, both Alencar and Mill were agonistic democrats precisely because they were epistemic democrats. They recognized conflict as a fundamental aspect of democracy because they believed political disagreement weeds out inaccurate information, expands the knowledge of politicians, and leads to the construction of more reasonable, wiser decisions. Thus, Alencar and Mill thought political parties were crucial to democracy insofar as they injected conflict into political debate.

Within the realm of comparative politics, ethnicity has been conceptualized as both a fixed category in which individuals are born, as well as one of multiple identities that can be made politically salient by different actors. The latter perspective corresponds to instrumental and constructivist conceptualizations of ethnicity that seeks first and foremost to answer the question: 'Under which circumstances will ethnicity activate and affect citizens' political behavior?' Since the 1990s, Latin American social movements began to 'play the ethnic card', which culminated with the first indigenous candidate ever, to win a presidential election in the region in 2005. Applying research designs based on instrumental and constructivist conceptualizations of ethnicity could significantly advance the study of Latin American social movements. ; Dentro del área de estudios de Política Comparada, se ha conceptualizado a la etnicidad como una categoría fija en la cual nacen las personas, pero también como solo una de las múltiples identidades que pueden ser políticamente activadas por diversos actores. Esta última perspectiva corresponde al paradigma instrumental o constructivista, que busca responder la siguiente pregunta: ¿Bajo qué circunstancias se activará la identidad étnica de ciudadanos, de modo tal que afecte su comportamiento político? Desde los '90s que los movimientos sociales en Latinoamérica comenzaron a presentarse como movimientos de origen étnico, lo cual culminó con la elección del primer presidente indígena de la region, en 2005. Diseñar investigaciones, utilizando nociones instrumentales y constructivistas de etnicidad, puede permitir el avance del estudio de los movimientos sociales en la región.