Suchergebnisse

Cours given at the summer session of the Institute of French Studies in NYU, branch of Paris.graduated level. From the successive cases of headscarf to Manif for all, religious issues occupy a central place in contemporary French political debates and contradict France's representations as a secular country where religion is completely relegated to the private sphere. This course will propose to revisit the specific features of political regulation of religion in France, as well as the idea of a 'return of religion' in France. It will address issues such as the visibility of religion in public spaces; the articulation between religious practice and political participation; the diversity of movements claiming secularism today; relations between state and religious leaders Catholic, Muslim and Jewish. ; Master ; Cours given at the summer session of the Institute of French Studies in NYU, branch of Paris.graduated level. From the successive cases of headscarf to Manif for all, religious issues occupy a central place in contemporary French political debates and contradict France's representations as a secular country where religion is completely relegated to the private sphere. This course will propose to revisit the specific features of political regulation of religion in France, as well as the idea of a 'return of religion' in France. It will address issues such as the visibility of religion in public spaces; the articulation between religious practice and political participation; the diversity of movements claiming secularism today; relations between state and religious leaders Catholic, Muslim and Jewish. ; Cours dispensé lors de la session d'été de l'Institute of French Studies à NYU, antenne de Paris.Niveau graduate. Depuis les successives affaires du foulard jusqu'à la Manif pour tous, les questions religieuses occupent une place centrale dans les débats politiques français contemporains et contredisent les représentations de la France comme un pays laïque où la religion serait totalement reléguée dans la ...

International audience ; Documentary poetry aims to question the poetic aesthetics and the politics speeches in the aim of making visible the invisibilities, of listening non-legitimized speeches, by working on the textual device and its contextualization. We will try to theorize certain poetic and political articulations, as well as the relationship with the environment, notably from texts by Manuel Joseph, J.M. Gleize, Nathalie Quintane, and J.H. Michot. ; La poésie documentaire ou documentale vise bien souvent à questionner l'esthétique poétique et la politique des discours dans la mesure où il s'agit de rendre visible des invisibilités, de rendre audibles des paroles non légitimées, en travaillant sur le dispositif textuel et sa contextualisation. Nous tenterons de théoriser certaines articulations poésie/politique, ainsi que le rapport à l'environnement, notamment à partir de textes de Manuel Joseph, J.M. Gleize, Nathalie Quintane, et J.H. Michot.

International audience ; Documentary poetry aims to question the poetic aesthetics and the politics speeches in the aim of making visible the invisibilities, of listening non-legitimized speeches, by working on the textual device and its contextualization. We will try to theorize certain poetic and political articulations, as well as the relationship with the environment, notably from texts by Manuel Joseph, J.M. Gleize, Nathalie Quintane, and J.H. Michot. ; La poésie documentaire ou documentale vise bien souvent à questionner l'esthétique poétique et la politique des discours dans la mesure où il s'agit de rendre visible des invisibilités, de rendre audibles des paroles non légitimées, en travaillant sur le dispositif textuel et sa contextualisation. Nous tenterons de théoriser certaines articulations poésie/politique, ainsi que le rapport à l'environnement, notamment à partir de textes de Manuel Joseph, J.M. Gleize, Nathalie Quintane, et J.H. Michot.

Party defections have increasingly become a major trend of Ugandan multiparty politics, not only for individual elites at the national level and in the parties' leadership but at the grassroots level by local party members too. These shifts of allegiance are now systematically part of the staging and imagery of President Museveni's electoral campaigns. A common explanation of this phenomenon points at the inconsistency of partisan loyalties and ideologies. It is often taken for granted that defections are expressions of clientelism, political opportunism and above all democratic immaturity and a misunderstanding of multipartyism. This paper argues on the contrary that mass defections reflect the social technology of the National Resistance Movement hegemonic rule at the local level, and the constraints for opposition parties whose structures it co-opts. They are part of the monopolisation of organisational initiatives at the grassroots level by the regime. Defections are not simply a symbol of electoral opportunism but part of a routine economic posture in a context of straddling lines between the economic and political spheres. Following up the trajectories of two specific groups of defectors from Teso over several years, this paper seeks to give precise insights on the local presence and rooting of political parties, their modes of mobilisation, recruitment, their repertoires of action, and more generally on the transformation of identities, partisan practices and political activism but also on the hegemonic ruling party's mode of governance at the local level. This micro-sociologic approach opens windows on how hegemony is built in a dialogic way with local political entrepreneurs and vote brokers. Hegemonic rule therefore also contains its own limits as it requires a permanent renegotiation with individual actors embedded in a set of local power relationships.

Party defections have increasingly become a major trend of Ugandan multiparty politics, not only for individual elites at the national level and in the parties' leadership but at the grassroots level by local party members too. These shifts of allegiance are now systematically part of the staging and imagery of President Museveni's electoral campaigns. A common explanation of this phenomenon points at the inconsistency of partisan loyalties and ideologies. It is often taken for granted that defections are expressions of clientelism, political opportunism and above all democratic immaturity and a misunderstanding of multipartyism. This paper argues on the contrary that mass defections reflect the social technology of the National Resistance Movement hegemonic rule at the local level, and the constraints for opposition parties whose structures it co-opts. They are part of the monopolisation of organisational initiatives at the grassroots level by the regime. Defections are not simply a symbol of electoral opportunism but part of a routine economic posture in a context of straddling lines between the economic and political spheres. Following up the trajectories of two specific groups of defectors from Teso over several years, this paper seeks to give precise insights on the local presence and rooting of political parties, their modes of mobilisation, recruitment, their repertoires of action, and more generally on the transformation of identities, partisan practices and political activism but also on the hegemonic ruling party's mode of governance at the local level. This micro-sociologic approach opens windows on how hegemony is built in a dialogic way with local political entrepreneurs and vote brokers. Hegemonic rule therefore also contains its own limits as it requires a permanent renegotiation with individual actors embedded in a set of local power relationships.

UID/HIS/04666/2013 ; The category of Action, being thelast of the material categories predicted by Eric Weil in his Logique de la Philosophie, constitutes the discursive center of our time, subjecting allother discourses to the idea of a history reoriented by the formal category of Meaning, in which violence proves to be insensate and the individual revoltloses its reason for being. It becomes clear, then, that such a perspectivesupposes the progressive decline of the warlike politics, to allow the historyof an effective freedom. However, notwithstanding the many improvements, thisequation is not only slow to materialize, as our age is increasingly marked byuncontrolled and uncontrollable violence. How should we understand this stateof affairs? The hypothesis we intend to stress is that Action presupposes a setof conditions that makes it particularly vulnerable either to the generalizedincomprehension of its ends or to the intervention of other categoricaldiscourses with their alternative worldviews. To this end, we analyzeextensively the logic of the category and of the attitude that it involves,stressing the constitutive fragility of its rationality, which requires, as asine qua non condition, what we suggest being a democracy of meaning. ; publishersversion ; published

This volume examines a variety of philosophical approaches that seek to formulate practical guidelines or norms for human actions and behavior in different areas of society, including politics, cultural traditions, the environment, business management, architecture, and medicine. Written by a team of international authors, this volume features thirteen surveys. It begins with an exploration of ethics in politics and cultural traditions. From genocide to the unequal distribution of wealth, it examines many of the harms that currently affect societies throughout the world and considers a way that those in politics can follow to provide better care for all their populations. Next, the book looks at the relation between ethics and cultural traditions. It features a paper that examines the tension that often exists between the past and the present, with a special focus on the history of India. This volume also considers the idea of a universal system of ethics, presents a practical approach to value-based management in private and public organizations, and examines ethics in medicine. In addition, this volume includes coverage of a new type of ethics called Eco-ethica, proposed by the Japanese philosopher Tomonobu Imamichi, which seeks to answer the question of how men and women can live better or live together with each other in a systematized, technological age.--

The paper examines the relation of esotericism and oblique politics in the Byzantine philosopher Michael Psellos (11th century) on the basis of Eva De Vries' study of the letters that Psellos addressed to the states­man Leo Paraspondylos. Traditionally, the name of Psellos signifies a revival of Neoplatonism in medieval Constantinople according to researchers like Chr. Zervos in the beginning of 20th century. Contemporary researchers such as Anthony Kaldellis and Stratis Papaioannou point to a more organic than speculative theorization in Psellos' work while another contemporary scholar, Frederick Lauritzen, undertakes a synthesis of the two approaches. In any case, as this paper supports, it would be inadequate to consider the relation of esotericism to politics without referring to the evolution of the moral standards considered in a contextualized manner. ; The paper examines the relation of esotericism and oblique politics in the Byzantine philosopher Michael Psellos (11th century) on the basis of Eva De Vries' study of the letters that Psellos addressed to the statesman Leo Paraspondylos. Traditionally, the name of Psellos signifies a revival of Neoplatonism in medieval Constantinople according to researchers like Chr. Zervos in the beginning of 20th century. Contemporary researchers such as Anthony Kaldellis and Stratis Papaioannou point to a more organic than speculative theorization in Psellos' work while another contemporary scholar, Frederick Lauritzen, undertakes a synthesis of the two approaches. In any case, as this paper supports, it would be inadequate to consider the relation of esotericism to politics without referring to the evolution of the moral standards considered in a contextualized manner.

The general aim of this thesis is to develop a project of transversal research in the domain of social sciences that we designate as political philosophy of language by appealing to the concepts of the contemporary French philosophers Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari. The accomplishment of this task demands a theoretical and historical contextualization of language policy in France and Soviet Union in the revolutionary period with special attention to the importance attached to this field by the main politic-makers of bath countries. According to the central hypothesis of this project, the essential part of a revolution is the discovery of "molecular tissue" around the new canters of power that makes possible the mobilization of forces that will produce a political, axiological as well as epistemological rupture with an Old Regime. Comparative research of the language policies in France and the Soviet Union permits to reveal their impact on the republican "nation-building" which opens the so-called "political modernity" period and on the construction of the cultures "proletarian in content, national in form" in the Soviet republics. The latter is often used as the base for the contemporary politics of identity, especially concerning the minorities. Such research also opens a debate on the possibility of a "revolution in language", decidedly repudiated, by Saussure, and an analysis that makes possible an elaboration of a new typology of the vehicular functions of language. ; L'objectif général de cette thèse était de développer le projet d'une recherche transversale dans le domaine des sciences sociales, instruite comme une philosophie politique du langage en mobilisant les concepts deleuziens, notamment celui de la micropolitique. Sa réalisation a demandé une contextualisation théorique et historique de la politique de la langue en France et en Russie - et en Union Soviétique -, compte tenu de l'importance exceptionnelle que les acteurs des deux grandes révolutions ont attribué à cette discipline. Selon ...

This article reverted to an important idea: war would be the matrix of contemporary societies. This is a study on how war violence affects political and socio-cultural practices in European and American societies. ; International audience ; This article reverted to an important idea: war would be the matrix of contemporary societies. This is a study on how war violence affects political and socio-cultural practices in European and American societies. ; Cet article revient sur une idée importante : la guerre constituerait la matrice des sociétés contemporaines. Il s'agit d'une étude sur la façon dont la violence de guerre conditionne les pratiques politiques et socioculturelles dans les sociétés européennes et américaines.

An analysis of politics and elections in Haiti, particularly during the 2010-2011 period. Ginette Cherubin, an architect with a specialization in urban studies, was member of the Haitian electoral board from 2007 to 2011. Offers a picture, from a woman's perspective, on Haitian contemporary politics, a world primarily dominated by men

The general aim of this thesis is to develop a project of transversal research in the domain of social sciences that we designate as political philosophy of language by appealing to the concepts of the contemporary French philosophers Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari. The accomplishment of this task demands a theoretical and historical contextualization of language policy in France and Soviet Union in the revolutionary period with special attention to the importance attached to this field by the main politic-makers of bath countries. According to the central hypothesis of this project, the essential part of a revolution is the discovery of "molecular tissue" around the new canters of power that makes possible the mobilization of forces that will produce a political, axiological as well as epistemological rupture with an Old Regime. Comparative research of the language policies in France and the Soviet Union permits to reveal their impact on the republican "nation-building" which opens the so-called "political modernity" period and on the construction of the cultures "proletarian in content, national in form" in the Soviet republics. The latter is often used as the base for the contemporary politics of identity, especially concerning the minorities. Such research also opens a debate on the possibility of a "revolution in language", decidedly repudiated, by Saussure, and an analysis that makes possible an elaboration of a new typology of the vehicular functions of language. ; L'objectif général de cette thèse était de développer le projet d'une recherche transversale dans le domaine des sciences sociales, instruite comme une philosophie politique du langage en mobilisant les concepts deleuziens, notamment celui de la micropolitique. Sa réalisation a demandé une contextualisation théorique et historique de la politique de la langue en France et en Russie - et en Union Soviétique -, compte tenu de l'importance exceptionnelle que les acteurs des deux grandes révolutions ont attribué à cette discipline. Selon l'hypothèse centrale de ce projet, la découverte de la micropolitique est le trait distinctif de chaque révolution, et c'est l'examen du "tissu moléculaire" autour de nouveaux centres de pouvoir qui rend possible le discernement des forces opérant la rupture politique, axiologique et épistémologique avec l'ancien régime. La recherche comparée des approches politiques de la langue en France et en Union Soviétique devait permettre d'éclairer leur rôle dans le contexte du nation-building républicain qui ouvre l'époque moderne, et dans la construction culturelle soviétique "nationale en forme, prolétaire en contenu" qui sert de modèle à la politique contemporaine de l'identité, particulièrement vis-à-vis des minorités. Le but de cette recherche fut enfin de présenter une nouvelle typologie des fonctions véhiculaires du langage qui se trouve au cœur du projet politique moderne