One of the major questions in the development of present-day politics has been what effect does the media have on contemporary politics. The media has become a single most used tool of influence in many democratic processes to inspire the public and dictate the behavior of candidates and voters. Analysts have perceived the effect of media as the comportment and demean us in which the media influences political choices and actions. Studies indicate that over the years, the media has not only been key in shaping political events, but has also been vital in providing reliable source of information to citizens of a nation which they require in order to be self-governing and free. This paper focuses on the media effects on contemporary politics. This paper aims to contribute to the analysis of the effects of the media in the campaign, using data from many online databases.
The symbol of apocalypse contains strong political connotations linked to eschatological expectations: the faith in a divine intervention on the course of history has often generated social instability, outbreaks of violence, and ideological claims.This article aims to demonstrate as the overlap between apocalyptic symbolism and political phenomena is still ongoing, even assuming new critical implications in connection with recent geopolitical dynamics on a global scale.The detection of the apocalyptic trends is supported by a historical premise, a brief summary of theoretical perspectives, and three study cases: the presence of messianic aspects in US imperialism, the influence of the doctrine of the Hidden Imam in the Iranian politics during the Ahmadinejad presidency, and the use of apocalyptic prophecies in the Islamic State's propaganda ; The symbol of apocalypse contains strong political connotations linked to eschatological expectations: the faith in a divine intervention on the course of history has often generated social instability, outbreaks of violence, and ideological claims.This article aims to demonstrate as the overlap between apocalyptic symbolism and political phenomena is still ongoing, even assuming new critical implications in connection with recent geopolitical dynamics on a global scale.The detection of the apocalyptic trends is supported by a historical premise, a brief summary of theoretical perspectives, and three study cases: the presence of messianic aspects in US imperialism, the influence of the doctrine of the Hidden Imam in the Iranian politics during the Ahmadinejad presidency, and the use of apocalyptic prophecies in the Islamic State's propaganda
Rituals have had a long historical application and have been used as a powerful tool to demonstrate and communicate strength and dominance to allies and foes alike. In order to truly understand how modern political leaders create and utilize their charisma to elevate themselves in the eyes of the general public, historical ideas that connect kings with gods have to be properly analyzed and understood. The most important link between kings and politicians lies in the fact that both have used and continue to use ritual as a way of legitimising their respective roles. Political ritual under its various guises has the power to strongly engage the emotions of the spectators, and therefore create the powerful illusion that they are somehow connected with the charismatic political figure and are an integral part of the power structure itself.
As the Obamas settle into Washington and the excitement of the election finale fades, many pundits, voters, and academics are attempting to make sense of the political debacle that was Election 2008. It was very timely that at this past February's Thinking Gender conference at UCLA, one set of panelists discussed contemporary American politics, with special attention to the linguistic and visual elements that both the candidates and media manipulated to influence voters. Presenters from the panel entitled, "From Our Doorstep: Contemporary Politics," moderated by UCLA Professor Juliet Williams, spoke about current issues ranging from the media's portrayal of the election, to the emergence of neoconservative feminism resulting from Sarah Palin's nomination, to the confrontation of America's occupation in Iraq.
The youth in contemporary Nigerian politics has played the role of acting the political thug for older politicians in the country. In this study, the researchers set out to examine the role and benefits of the youth in modern day politics with specific reference to the recent Nigerias ''Not Too Young to Run'' Bill. It is in this light that this paper adopted Role theory in explaining the role of the youth in contemporary Nigerian politics. It is obvious that with the Not Too Young to Run Bill, the youth in Nigeria can now participate effectively in the nation's political processes, and not continue to play the dirty role of hooligan on the payroll of the sit tight political leader who wants to perpetuate himself in power. The paper contends that the Federal government and the electoral umpire body, the Independent National Electoral Commission INEC , should make it a priority to fully implement the Not Too Young to Run Bill, to give many more youths the opportunity to vie for electoral offices in the country. In addition, youths should be included in the nation's political processes by enlightening them on their role and benefits in such processes not just to function as political thugs but to aspire to run for electoral offices themselves. Patrick Oromareghake, PhD | Oluka, Nduka Lucas "Youth in Contemporary Politics: Roles and Benefits in Nigeria" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-3 | Issue-2 , February 2019, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd21518.pdf
Vazha Keshelava's articles, published between 1993 and 2004, focus on actual issues in post-Soviet Georgia: separation of powers, presidential mandates, Rose Revolution, Russian-Georgian relations. etc.
This thesis critically assesses the impact of neoliberal ideology on liberal thought and contemporary politics specifically examining the question, To what extent has neoliberalism, as elucidated originally by Hayek affected change in contemporary politics? This question is crucial to understanding the nature, role, influence and impact of neoliberal ideas. This investigation required a broad engagement with the literature, identifying and discussing the relationships within neoliberalism allowing a clearer understanding of the role of ideas in neoliberalism's continuing hegemony. The methodological approach adopted a social constructivist character that encompassed an individual centric emphasis, acknowledging the breadth and complexity of Neoliberalization through the use of interpretive repertoires. The initial chapters examine the ideational process and the role of particular understanding in motivating political conduct. In this context of the transfer of ideas through their everyday resonance eventually becoming 'stubborn social facts' (Habermas 2006:413) is highlighted. Later chapters discuss the historical and economic context of Neoliberalization focussing on the role of the hegemon and its influence, outlining and evaluating the contribution of Hayek to liberal thought. The penultimate chapter deals with the contemporary situation and the irony associated with Hayek's original ideas. Concluding, several findings emerged contributing by combining available knowledge in a uniquely fresh way and generating originality by linking old ideas, new ideas and new facts. The results are grouped as, - Pragmatic, recognising that political pragmatism trumps ideological aspiration where liberal democratic processes require politicians are held to account. - Realistic, recognising the contrast and irony between political action and ideological insight reflected in the operationalization of neoliberalism. - General, recognising Hayek's on-going but increasingly indirect influence. The thesis finishes with a short aside on ideational change within the context of the current crisis and advocates an introspective approach that includes entrepreneurial spirit, good conscience and duty as part of future deliberations.
ABSTRACT This article analyses the contemporary political processes in Brazil, especially the process of reframing the expression "to play politics". Authors examine the subjects involved in this process of political changes, the relationship between politics, democracy, and the concept of a democratic State of law. As the president, Bolsonaro is a considerable actor in politics in all Latin America, not only in Brazil, a special attention is made to his activity and public political discourse.RESUMEN Este artículo analiza los procesos políticos contemporáneos en Brasil, especialmente el proceso de reformular la expresión "jugar a la política". Los autores examinan los temas involucrados en este proceso de cambios políticos, la relación entre política, democracia y el concepto de un Estado de derecho democrático. Como el presidente Bolsonaro es un actor considerable de política en toda América Latina, no solo Brasil, se presta especial atención a su actividad y discurso político público.
Critical scholarship on colonisation tells us that official statistics have reflected the perspectives of the colonisers. However, the colonised, in asserting 'Indigenous rights,' have begun to use official statistics to advocate policies that will relieve the continuing structural injustice that is colonisation's legacy. This paper examines Aboriginal and Maori intellectuals' efforts to quantify, using official statistics, the 'unfinished business' of settler colonial liberalism. Examining Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioners' annual Reports, the paper argues that their quantitative comparisons of Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations highlighted the contested implications of 'equality.' Turning to New Zealand, the paper reviews two issues: the appropriate boundary of the 'Māori population,' and whether it is possible to measure Māori well-being according to Māori norms. The paper draws on the work of Andrew Sharp to make sense of the difficulties and opportunities that face Indigenous intellectuals in Australia and New Zealand when they operationalise 'social justice' in the terms of a comparative statistical archive. The paper argues that there are now two distinct idioms in which to represent the collective Indigenous presence within settler colonial nation-state-one signified by the concept 'population,' the other by the concept 'people.' The tensions between 'population' and 'people,' resonating with undecided issues about the claims of Indigenous citizenship upon a liberal policy, are a feature of contemporary Indigenous political discourse.
Critical scholarship on colonisation tells us that official statistics have reflected the perspectives of the colonisers. However, the colonised, in asserting 'Indigenous rights,' have begun to use official statistics to advocate policies that will relieve the continuing structural injustice that is colonisation's legacy. This paper examines Aboriginal and Maori intellectuals' efforts to quantify, using official statistics, the 'unfinished business' of settler colonial liberalism. Examining Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioners' annual Reports, the paper argues that their quantitative comparisons of Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations highlighted the contested implications of 'equality.' Turning to New Zealand, the paper reviews two issues: the appropriate boundary of the 'Māori population,' and whether it is possible to measure Māori well-being according to Māori norms. The paper draws on the work of Andrew Sharp to make sense of the difficulties and opportunities that face Indigenous intellectuals in Australia and New Zealand when they operationalise 'social justice' in the terms of a comparative statistical archive. The paper argues that there are now two distinct idioms in which to represent the collective Indigenous presence within settler colonial nation-state-one signified by the concept 'population,' the other by the concept 'people.' The tensions between 'population' and 'people,' resonating with undecided issues about the claims of Indigenous citizenship upon a liberal policy, are a feature of contemporary Indigenous political discourse.
Abstract This paper is about the place of family values, kinship relations and feelings of compassion for victims in national public space. Setting out from a description of various public affairs concerning the relatives of disappeared in Argentina, I show the key role played by blood ties and family values in forming a legitimate political representation. While the claim of blood ties with victims had been instituted as a legitimate form of political representation ever since the return to democracy, over the last decade or so sentiments towards victims have become incorporated into the State, enabling the latter to be imagined as a victim too. Here I explore diverse assessments of these affective dispositions, the critical place attributed to suffering in forging forms of governmentality, and the significant role played by the State in the unequal distribution of feelings of compassion.
Lecture held at the South Asia Institute in Heidelberg on 1st July, 2008. In order to understand two major political trends in Bangladesh, the modern politics of democratization and presence of religion in the political discourse, an attempt is made in this presentation to understand people as human agents of transformation in the context of culture without being culturally prejudiced. This draws our attention to the history that the Bengalis have uprisings in almost every generation against oppressive ruler but being unable to handle the subsequent disorder they return to authoritarian rule again. Geertz's concept of "poetics of power" is useful in understanding the Bengali mode of thought which exemplifies a political system characterized by a combination of "outwardly authoritarian" and "inwardly democratic" principles but not vice versa. Instead of the aesthetics of traditional social relations for the sake of harmony and reciprocity, Bangladesh has established hegemony of power at the state level. The hegemony in Bangladesh has been established through capitalist penetration and recently through neo-economic liberalism and globalization. The new economic and political forces bring different concepts into a confrontational relation in the present context of Bangladesh. The country is experiencing a constant invocation of religion in the arena of politics. Religious fundamentalism was previously considered as a polemical term representing an essentialized anti-modernism. Islamization discourse has developed through an interaction with modernity. One significant aspect of Islamization is the quest for origin, but it does not call to go back to Bengali origin or localized religious practices but to scriptural norms. Another focus in this paper is on the gender perspective of globalization and islamization.
Part of topic : Ambiance, atmosphere, climate: theory, politics and criticism ; International audience ; How can we rethink social transformation in the conditions of post-political neoliberal governmentality? James C. Scott has traced political breakthroughs back to the 'hidden transcripts' which are nourished in partly autonomous zones of everyday conflict and struggle. Richard Day captures a mode of social reconstruction which is detached from revolutionary events and is attached to the creation of alternatives in present tense. Today, such 'ambiances of the new' are crafted by social movements which pursue a 'horizontalist' activism seeking to foster plurality and openness. They cultivate thus particular ethics, affects, habits, mentalities, modes of organisation and spaces, which enable more democratic forms of collective action and help to put together large collective fronts in the interests of the many.
This article is about debt and power within the contemporary political economy of austerity. It investigates how the power relations of debt manifest through scale: the body, the household, the community, the nation state, and the global financial system. This is accomplished by integrating the concepts of Debt Space (Harker, 2017) and social reproduction (Steans and Tepe, 2010) to analyse the empirical material collected from two parallel projects into the practices of debt auditing at the national and household level. In doing so we explore key sites of intersubjective meaning making, where moral norms of indebtedness connect to action and agency. From the analysis of the evidence this article makes two interrelated interventions. Firstly, we contend that debt is a transformative force. We observe the effects of debt's presence as it changes and reconfigures the social space around it. Secondly, bringing together the national and household analysis makes visible how debt audits are a progenitor of resistance. Debt audits invite people to 'care' about their debt (Montgomerie and Tepe-Belfrage, 2016) and consider debt to be a force causing harm in their households, communities and/or the nation state. With this recognition comes a call to seek freedom from debt and the harm that it is causing. A desire for freedom breeds action against the claims that debt makes. These actions include paying it down, diverting expenditures, defaulting, repudiating, cancelling, or paying it off altogether. Each of these are strategies of resistance to the moral authority of debt simultaneously delegitimizing public and private logics of austerity.
In the theorization of Political Science, imagination has always been a segue to grasping different political constructs and yet rarely in the history of the field, is imagination developed or defined as an actual methodology. The state-of-art of imagination in Political Science provides an explanation to the development of modern historiographical knowledge, nationalism, and the modern social order respectively, and yet, nowhere in these texts do the authors provide a succinct definition of what imagination is. Through a multidisciplinary analysis of how politics is formed, I expand on the application of imagination as an epistemological method first by explaining how the term has been ephemerally mentioned in the political development of the social imaginary, proposing a definition of imagination that can be applied to a post-modern understanding of politics, and finally by analyzing two objects of study, the musical group Cuervo Mitotero y Los Traficantes de Folk and the dance company México de Colores which use imagination to visualize counter-current identities and narratives within the contemporary socio-political imaginary. Resumo Na teorização da Ciência Política, a imaginação sempre foi uma continuação para apreender diferentes construtos políticos e, ainda assim, raramente na história do campo, a imaginação é desenvolvida ou definida como uma metodologia real. O estado da arte da imaginação na Ciência Política fornece uma explicação para o desenvolvimento do conhecimento historiográfico moderno, do nacionalismo e da ordem social moderna, respectivamente, e ainda, em nenhum desses textos os autores fornecem uma definição sucinta do que é imaginação. Por meio de uma análise multidisciplinar de como a política é formada, amplio a aplicação da imaginação como método epistemológico, primeiro explicando como o termo tem sido mencionado de maneira efêmera no desenvolvimento político do imaginário social, propondo uma definição de imaginação que pode ser aplicada a uma compreensão pós-moderna da política e, finalmente, pela análise de dois objetos de estudo, o grupo musical Cuervo Mitotero e Los Traficantes de Folk e a companhia de dança México de Colores que usam a imaginação para visualizar identidades e narrativas contracorrentes no contexto sócio-contemporâneo do imaginário sócio-político contemporâneo.
